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Translated from the original Turk! Text 

Zahiru'd-din Muhammad Babur Padshah 



f ji 

Vols. I and II 



ntal Books Reprint Corporation, 
lanijhansi Road, New Delhi- 11 0055 

Reprinted 1979 
First published in 1922 by the author 



PREFACE : Introductory. Cap. I. Babur's exemplars in the 
Arts of peace, p." xxvii. Cap. II. Problems of the mutilated 
Babur-nama, p. xxxi. Cap. III. The Turki MSS. and 
work connecting with them, p. xxxviii. Cap. IV. 
The Leyden and Erskine " Memoirs of Baber ", p. Ivii. 
Postscript of Thanks, p. Ix. 


599 AH. Oct. 12th 1493 to Oct. 2nd 1494 AD. Babur's age at 
the date of his accession Description of Farghana 

(pp. 1 to 12) Death and biography of f Umar Shaikh 
(13 to 19 and 24 to 28) Biography of Yunas Chaghatdl 
(18 to 24) Babur's uncles jA.hmad Mirdn-shdhi and 
Mahmud Chaghatat (The Khan) invade Farghana Death 
and biography of Ahmad Misdoings of his successor, his 
brother Mahmud 1-42 

100 AH. Oct. 2nd 1494 to Sep. 21st 1495 AD. Invasion of 
Farghana continued Babur's adoption of orthodox 
observance Death and biography of Mahmud Mirdn-shahi 
Samarkand affairs revolt of Ibrahim Sdru defeated 
Babur visits The Khan in Tashkmt tribute collected from 
the Jigrak tribe expedition into Auratlpa . . 43-56 

'01 AH. Sep. 21st 1495 to Sep. 9th 1496 AD. Husain Bdi* 
qarffs campaign against Khusrau Shah Babur receives 
Auzbeg sultans Revolt of the Tarkhans in Samarkand 
Babur's first move for Samarkand . . . 57-64 

'02 AH. Sep. 9th 1496 to Aug. 30th 1497 AD. Babur's second 
move for Samarkand Dissensions of Husain Bdt-qard and 
his sons Dissensions between Khusrau Shah and Mas'ud 
Mtrdn-shdht ....... 65-71 

'03 AH. Aug. 30th 1497 'to Aug. 19th 1498 AD. Babur's 
second attempt on Samarkand is successful Description 
of Samarkand (pp. 74 to 86) his action there Mughuls 
demand and besiege Andijan for Babur's half- brother 
Jahanglr his mother and friends entreat his help he 
leaves Samarkand in his cousin 'All's hands has a relapse 
of illness on the road and is believed dying on the news 
Andijan is surrendered by a Mughul to the Mughul faction 
Having lost Samarkand and Andijan, Babur is hospitably 
entertained by the Khujandls he is forced to dismiss 
Khalifa The Khan (his uncle) moves to help him but is 


persuaded to retire many followers go to Andijan where 
v/ere their families he is left with 200-300 men his 
mother and grandmother and the families of his men sent 
to him in Khujand he is distressed to tears The Khan 
gives help against Samarkand but his troops turn back on 
news of Shaiban! Babur returns to Khujand speaks of 
his ambition to rule goes in person to ask The Khan's 
help to regain Andijan his force being insufficient, he 
goes back to Khujand Affairs of Khusrau Shah and the 
Timurid Mlrzas Affairs of Husain Bal-qara and his sons 
Khusrau Shah blinds Babur's cousin Mas'ud Babur 
curses the criminal ...... 72-96 

904 AH. Aug. 19th 1498 to Aug. 8th 1499 AD. Babur borrows 
Pashaghar for the winter and leaves Khujand rides 70-80 
miles with fever ^a winter's tug-of-war with Samarkand 
his force insufficient, he goes back to Khujand unwilling 
to burthen it longer, goes into the summer-pastures of 
Auratlpa invited to Marghman by his mother's uncle 
'All-dost a joyful rush over some 145 miles near 
Marghman prudent anxieties arise and are stilled he is 
admitted to Marghman on terms is attacked vainly by 
the Mughul faction accretions to his force helped by 
The Khan the Mughuls defeated near Akhsl Andijan 
recovered Mughuls renew revolt Babur's troops beaten 
by Mughuls Tambal attempts Andijan . , 97-107 

905 AH. Aug. 8th 1499 to July 28th 1500 AD. Babur's cam- 
paign against Ahmad Tambal and the Mughul faction he 
takes Mazu Khusrau Shah murders Bai-sunghar Miran- 
shdhi Biography of the Mlrza Babur wins his first ranged 
battle, from Tambal supporting Jahangir, at Khuban 
winter-quarters -"minor successes the winter-camp broken 
U P by Qambar-i- 'all's taking leave Babur returns to 
Andijan The Khan persuaded by Tambal's kinsmen in 
his service to support Jahangir his troops retire before 
Babur Babur and Tambal again opposed Qambar-i-'all 
again gives trouble minor action and an accommodation 
made without Babur's wish terms of the- accommodation 
The self-aggrandizement of 'All-dost Mughul Babur's first 
marriage a personal episode Samarkand affairs 'All 
quarrels with the Tarkhans The Khan sends troops against 
Samarkand Mlrza Khan invited there by a Tarkhan 'All 
defeats The Khan's Mughuls Babur invited to Samarkand 
prepares to start and gives Jahangir rendezvous for the 


attempt Tambal's brother takes Aush Babur leaves this 
lesser matter aside and marches for Samarkand Qarnbar- 
i-'ali punishes himself Shaibani reported to be moving on 
Bukhara Samarkand begs wait on Babur the end of 
'All-dost Babur has news of Shaibanl's approach to 
Samarkand and goes to Kesh hears there that ( AlI's 
Auzbeg mother had given Samarkand to Shaibani on 
condition of his marriage with herself . . 108-126 

906 AH. July 28th 1500 to July 17th 1501 AD. Shaibani 
murders 'All a son and two grandsons of Ahrarl's 
murdered Babur leaves Kesh with a number of the 
Samarkand begs is landless and isolated takes a perilous 
mountain journey back into Auratlpa comments on the 
stinginess shewn to himself by Khusrau Shah and another 
consultation and resolve to attempt Samarkand Babur's 
dream-vision- of success he takes the town by a surprise 
attack compares this capture with Husain Bai-qara's of 
Herl his affairs in good position birth of his first child 
his summons for help to keep the Auzbeg down literary 
matters his force of 240 grows to allow him to face 
Shaibani at Sar-i-pul the battle and his defeat Mughuls 
help his losses he is besieged in Samarkand a long 
blockade great privation no help from any quarter 
Futile proceedings of Tambal and The Khan . 127-145 

907 AH. July 1 7th 1501 to July 7th 1 502 AD. Babur surrenders 

Samarkand his sister Khan-zada is married by Shaibani 
incidents of his escape to Dlzak his 4 or 5 escapes from 
peril to safety and ease- goes to Dikh-kat in Auratlpa 
incidents of his stay there his wanderings bare-head, bare- 
foot sends gifts to Jahangir, and to Tambal a sword which 
later wounds himself arrival from Samarkand of the 
families and a few hungry followers Shaibani Khan raids 
in The Khan's country Babur rides after him fruitlessly 
Death of Nuyan Kiikuldash Babur's grief for his "friend 
he retires to the Zar-afshan valley before Shaibani reflects 
on the futility of his wanderings and goes to The Khan in 
Tashklnt Mughul conspiracy against Tambal Mughiil 
Babur submits verses to The Khan and comments on his 
uncle's scant study of poetic idiom The Khan rides out 
against Tambal his standards acclaimed and his army 
numbered of the Chmgiz-tura quarrel of Chlras an.d 
Begchik chiefs for the post of danger Hunting Khujand- 
river reached ....... 146-156 


908 AH. July 7th 1502 to June 26th 1503 AD. Babur com- 
ments on The Khan's unprofitable move his poverty and 
despair in Tashklnt his resolve to go to Khital and ruse 
for getting away his thought for his mother his plan not 
accepted by The Khan and Shah Beglm The Younger 
Khan (Ahmad) arrives from Kashghar is met by Babur 
a half-night's family talk gifts to Babur the meeting of 
the two Khans Ahmad's characteristics and his opinion 
of various weapons The Khans march into Farghana 
against Jahanglr's supporter Tambal they number their 
force Babur detached against Aush, takes it and has great 
accretions of following An attempt to take .Andijan 
frustrated by mistake in a pass-word Author's Note on 
pass-words a second attempt foiled by the over-caution 
of experienced begs is surprised in his bivouac by Tambal 
face to face with Tambal his new gosha-gir his 
dwindling company wounded left alone, is struck by his 
gift-sword escapes to Aush The Khan moves from 
Kasan against Andijan his disposition of Babur's lands 
Qambar-i-'ali's counsel to Babur rejected Babur is treated 
by the Younger Khan's surgeon tales of Mughul surgery 
Qarnbar - i - 'all flees to Tambal in fear through his 
unacceptable counsel Babur moves for Akhsi a lost 
chance minor actions an episode of Pap The Khan's 
do not take Andijan Babur invited into Akhsi Tambal's 
brother Bayazld joins him with Nasir Mirdn-shdhi Tambal 
asks help from Shaibani On news of Shaibanl's consent 
the Khans retire from Andijan Babur's affairs in Akhsi 
he attempts to defend it incidents of the defence Babur 
wounded unequal strength of the opponents he flees with 
20-30 men incidents of the flight Babur left alone is 
overtaken by two foes his perilous position a messenger 
arrives from Tambal's brother Bayazld Babur expecting 
death, quotes Nizaml (the narrative breaks off in the 
middle of the verse) 157-182 

Translator's Note. 908to9Q9AH. 1503 to 1504 AD. 
Babur will have been rescued is with The Khans in 
the battle and defeat by Shaibani at Archlan takes refuge 
in the Asfara hills there spends a year in misery and 
poverty events in Farghana and Tashklnt Shaibani 
sends the Mughul horde back to Kashgar his disposition 
of the women of The Khan's family Babur plans to go to 
Husain Bdi-qard in Khurasan changes his aim for Kabul 

[End of Trantlator's Note.] 



10 AH. June 14th 1504 to June 4th 1505 AD. Babur halts 
on an alp of Hisar enters his 22nd (lunar) year delays 
his march in hope of adherents writes a second time of 
the stinginess of Khusrau Shah to himself recalls Sherlm 
Taghal Mughul's earlier waverings in support is joined by 
Khusrau Shah's brother Baqi Beg they start for Kabul 
Accretions of force their families left in Fort Ajar 
(Kahmard) Jahanglr marries a cousin Baqi advises his 
dismissal to Khurasan Babur is loyal to his half-brother 
Jahanglr is seduced, later, by disloyal Begchlk chiefs 
Husain Bat-qara summons help against Shaibani .Despair 
in Babur's party at Husain's plan of " defence, not attack " 
Qambar-i-'ali dismissed to please Baqi Khusrau makes 
abject submission to Babur Mlrza Khan demands venge- 
ance on him Khusrau's submission having been on terms, 
he is let go free Babur resumes his march first sees 
Canopus is joined by tribesmen Khusrau's brother Wall 
flees to the Auzbegs and is executed Risks run by the 
families now fetched from Kahmard t-Kabul surrendered 
to Babur by Muqlm Arghun Muqlm's family protected 
Description of Kabul (pp. 199 to 277) Muqlm leaves 
for Qandahar Allotment of fiefs Excess levy in grain 
Foray on the Sultan Mas'udI Hazara Babur's first move 
for Hindustan Khaibar traversed Bigram visited Baqi 
Beg prevents crossing the Sind and persuades for Kohat 
A plan for Bangash, Bannu and thence return to Kabul 
Yar-i-husain Darya-khani asks for permission to raise a 
force for Babur, east of the Sind Move to Thai, Bannu, 
and the Dasht return route varied- without consulting 
Babur Plr Kanu's tomb visited through the Pawat-pass 
into Dukl horse-food fails baggage left behind men 
of all conditions walk to Ghaznl spectacle of the 
Ab-istada mirage and birds Jahanglr is Babur's host in 
Ghazni heavy floods Kabul reached after a disastrous 
expedition of four months Nasir's misconduct abetted by 
two Begchlk chiefs he and they flee into Badakhshan 
Khusrau Shah's schemes fail in Herat imbroglio between 
him and Nasir ShaibanI attempts Hisar but abandons the 
siege on his brother's death Khusrau attempts Hisar and 
is there killed -his followers revolt against Babur his 
death quenches the fire of sedition . . . 188-245 


911 AH. June 4th 1505 to May 24th 1506 AD. Death of 
Babur's mother Babur's illness stops a move for Qandahar 
an earth-quake campaign against and capture of Qalat- 
i-ghilzal BaqI Beg dismissed towards Hindustan 
murdered in the Khaibar Turkman Hazara raided 
Nijr-au tribute collected Jahanglr misbehaves and runs 
away Babur summoned by Husain. Bal-qara against 
ShaibanI ShaibanI takes Khwarizm and Chin Sufi is 
killed Death and biography of Husain Bdi-qard (256 to 
292) his burial and joint-successors . . . 246-293 

912 AH. May 24th 1506 to May 13th 1507 AD. Babur, without 

news of Husain Bdi-qard's death, obeys his summons and 
leaves Kabul Jahanglr flees from Babur's route Nasir 
defeats Shaibanl's men in Badakhshan Babur, while in 
Kahmard, hears of Husain's death continues his march 
with anxious thought for the Timurid dynasty Jahanglr 
waits on him and accompanies- him to Herat Co-alition 
of Khurasan Mirzas against ShaibanI their meeting with 
Babur etiquette of Babur's reception an entertainment 
to him of the Chlngiz-tilrd Babur claims the ceremonial 
observance due to his military achievements entertain- 
ments and Babur's obedience to Muhammadan Law against 
wine his reflections on the Mirzas difficulties of winter- 
plans (300, 307) he sees the sights of Her! visits the 
Beglms the ceremonies observed tells of his hitherto 
abstention from wine and of his present inclination to drink 
it Qaslm Beg's interference with those pressing Babur to 
break the Law Babur's poor carving engages Ma'suma 
in marriage leaves for Kabul certain retainers stay 
behind a perilous journey through snow to a wrong pass 
out of the Herirud valley arrival of the party in Yaka- 
aulang joy in their safety and comfort Shibr-tu traversed 
into Ghur-bund Turkman Hazara raided News reaches 
Babur of conspiracy in Kabul to put Mlrza Khan in his 
place Babur concerts plans with the loyal Kabul garrison 
moves on through snow and in terrible cold attacks and 
defeats the rebels narrowly escaped death attributes his 
safety to prayer deals mercifully, from family considera- 
tions, with the rebel chiefs reflects on their behaviour to 
him who has protected them asserts that his only aim is 
to write the truth letters-of- victory sent out Muh. 
Husain Diighldt and Mlrza Khan banished Spring excur- 
sion to Koh-daman Nasir, driven from Badakhshan, takes 
refuge with Babur 294-322 


913 AH, May 13th 1507 to May 2nd 1508 AD. Raid on the 
Ghiljl Afghans separation of the Fifth (Khams) wild-ass 
hunting ShaibanI moves against Khurasan Irresolution 
of the Timurid Mlrzas Infatuation of Zu'n-nun Arghun 
ShaibanI takes Hen his. doings there Defeat and death 
of two Bdl-qards The Arghuns in Qandahar make over- 
tures to Babur he starts to join them against ShaibanI 
meets Ma'suma in Ghazni on her way to Kabul spares 
Hindustan traders meets Jahanglr's widow and infant-son 
coming from Herat The Arghun chiefs provoke attack on 
Qandahar Babur's army organization and terminology 
wins the battle of Qandahar and enters the fort its 
spoils Nasir put in command Babur returns to Kabul 
rich in goods and fame marries Ma'suma ShaibanI lays 
siege to Qandahar Alarm in Kabul at his approach 
Mlrza Khan and Shah Begim betake themselves to Badakh- 
shan Babur sets out for Hindustan leaving 'Abdu'r-razzaq 
in Kabul Afghan highwaymen A raid for food Mah- 
chuchak's marriage Hindustan plan abandoned Nur-gal 
and Kunar visited News of Shaibanl's withdrawal from 
Qandahar Babur returns to Kabul gives Ghazni to Nasir 
assumes the title of Padshah Birth of Humayun, feast 
and chronogram ...... 323-344 

914 AH. May 2nd 1508 to April 21st 1509 AD. Raid on the 
Mahmand Afghans Seditious offenders reprieved 
Khusrau Shah's former retainers march off from Kabul 
'Abdu'r-razzaq comes from his district to near Kabul not 
known to have joined the rebels earlier hints to Babur of 
this "incredible "rebellion later warnings of an immediate 
rising 345-346 

Translator's 2STote.-~914to925 AH. 1508 to 1519AD. 
Date of composition of preceding narrative Loss of 
matter here seems partly or wholly due to Babur's death 
Sources helping to fill the Gap Events of the remainder 
of 914 AH. The mutiny swiftly quelled Babur's five-fold 
victory over hostile champions Sa'Id Chaghatdi takes 
refuge with him in a quiet Kabul Shaibanl's murders of 
Chaghatai and Dughlat chiefs .... 347-366 
AH. April 21st 1509 to April llth 1510 AD. Beginning 
of hostilities between Isma'il Safawt&nd ShaibanI Haidar 
Dughlat takes refuge with Babur. 

AH. April llth 1510 to March 31st 1511 AD. Isma'il 
defeats the Auzbegs near Merv ShaibanI is killed 20,000 


Mughuls he had migrated to Khurasan, return to near 
Qunduz Mlrza Khan invites Babur to join him against 
the Auzbegs Babur goes to Qunduz The 20,000 Mughuls 
proffer allegiance to their hereditary Khan Sa'Id they 
propose to set Babur aside Sa'ld's worthy rejection of the 
proposal Babur makes Sa'Id The Khan of the Mughuls 
and sends him and his Mughuls into Farghana significance 
of Babur's words, "I made him Khan" Babur's first attempt 
on Hisar where were Hamza and M.3hdl Auz&eg beginning 
of his disastrous intercourse with Ismail Safawt Isma'll 
sends Khan-zada Beglm back to him with thanks for the 
courtesy, Babur asks help against the Auzbeg it is promised 
under dangerous conditions. 

917 AH. March 31st 1511 to March 19th 1512 AD. Babur's 
second attempt on Hisar wins the Rattle of Pul-i-sangm 
puts Hamza and Mahdl to death his Persian reinforcement 
and its perilous cost The Auzbegs are swept across the 
Zar-afshan The Persians are dismissed from Bukhara 
Babur occupies Samarkand after a nine-year's absence he 
gives Kabul to Nasir his difficult position in relation to 
the Shl'a Isma'll Isma'll sends Najm Sam to bring him 
to order. 

9 1 8 AH. March 1 9th 1 5 1 2 to March 9th 1 5 1 3 AD. The Auzbegs 

return to the attack 'Ubaid's vow his defeat of Babur at 
Kul-i-malik Babur flees from Samarkand to Hisar his 
pursuers retire Najm Sari! from Balkh gives him rendez- 
vous at TlrmTz the two move for Bukhara Najm perpe- 
trates the massacre of QarshI Babur is helpless to prevent 
it Najm crosses the Zar-afshan to a disadvantageous 
position is defeated and slain Babur, his reserve, does 
not fight his abstention made a reproach at the Persian 
Court against his son Humayun (1544 AD. ?) his arrow- 
sped message to the Auzbeg camp in Hisar, he is attacked 
suddenly by Mughuls he escapes to Qunduz the retri- 
butive misfortunes of Hisar Haidar on Mughuls Ayub 
Begchlk's death-bed repentance for his treachery to Babur 
1 Haidar returns to his kinsfolk in Kashghar. 

919 AH. March 9th 1513 to Feb. 26th 1514 AD. Babur may 
have spent the year in Khishm Isma'll takes Balkh from 
the Auzbegs surmised bearing of the capture on his later 

920 AH Feb. 26th 1514 to Feb. 15th 1515 AD. Haidar's 
account of Babur's misery, patience and courtesy this year 


in Qunduz Babur returns to Kabul his daughter Gul- 
rang is born in Khwast he is welcomed by Nasir who 
goes back to Ghazni. 

921 AH. Feb. 15th 1515 to Feb. 5th 1516 AD. Death of 
Nasir Riot in Ghazni led by Sherlm Taghai Mughul 
quiet restored many rebels flee to Kashghar Sherlm 
refused harbourage by Sa'Id Khan and seeks Babur's pro- 
tection Haidar's comment on Babur's benevolence. 

922 AH. -Feb. 5th 1516 to Jan. 24th 1517 AD. A quiet year 
in Kabul apparently Birth of 'AskarL 

923 AH. Jan. 24th 1517 to Jan. 13th 1518 AD. Babur visits 
Balkh Khwand-amlr's account of the affairs of Muhammad 
-i-zaman Mirza Bdi-qard Babur pursues the Mlrza has 
him brought to Kabul gives him his daughter Ma'suma in 
marriage An expedition to Qandahar returns fruitless, on 
account of his illness Shah Beg's views on Babur's per- 
sistent attempts on Qandahar Shah Beg's imprisonment 
and release by his slave Sambal's means. 

924 AH. Jan. 13th 1518 to Jan. 3rd 1519 AD. Shah Beg's son 
Hasan flees to Babur stays two years date of his return 
to his father Babur begins a campaign in Bajaur against 
Haidar-i-'ali Bajaurl takes two forts. 

[End of Translator's Note.] 

925 AH. Jan. 3rd to Dec. 23rd 1519 AD. Babur takes the Fort 

of Bajaur massacres its people as false to Islam Khwaja 
Kalan made its Commandant an excessive impost in 
grain a raid for corn Mahlm's adoption of Dil-dar's 
unborn child Babur marries Blbl Mubarika Repopula- 
tion of the Fort of Bajaur Expedition against Afghan 
tribesmen Destruction of the tomb of a heretic qalandar 
Babur first crosses the Sind his long-cherished' desire 
for Hindustan the ford of the Sind the Koh-i-jud (Salt- 
range) his regard for Bhlra, Khush-ab, Chln-ab and 
Chlniut as earlier possessions of the Turk, now therefore 
his own the Kalda-kahar lake and subsequent location on 
it of the Bagh-i-safa Assurance of safety sent to Bhlra as 
a Turk possession History of Bhlra etc. as Turk posses- 
sions Author's Note on Tatar Khan Yiisuf-khail envoys 
sent to Baluchls in Bhlra heavy floods in camp Offenders 
against Bhlra people punished Agreed tribute collected 
Envoy sent to ask from Ibrahim Lildl the lands once 
dependent on the Turk Daulat Khan arrests and keeps 


the envoy who goes back later to Babur re infectd news 
of Hind-aTs birth and cause of his name description of 
a drinking-party Tatar Khan Kakar compels Minuchihr 
Khan Turk, going to wait on Babur, to become his son-in- 
law Account of the Kakars excursions and clrinking- 
parties Bhlra appointments action taken against HatI 
Khan Kakar Description and capture of Parhaia Babur 
sees the sambal plant a tiger killed Gur-khattii visited 
Loss of a clever hawk Khaibar traversed mid-day 
halt in the Bagh-i-wafa Qara-tu garden visited News of 
Shah Beg's capture of Kahan Babur's boys carried out in 
haste to meet him wine-parties Death and biography 
of Dost Beg Arrival of Sultanlm Bdt-qard and ceremonies 
observed on meeting her A long-- imprisoned traitor 
released Excursion to Koh-daman Hindu Beg abandons 
Bhlra Babur has (intermittent) fever Visitors from 
Khwast Yusuf-zal chiefs wait on Babur Khalifa's son 
sends a wedding-gift Babur's amusement when illness 
keeps him from an entertainment treatment of his illness 
A Thursday reading of theology (see Add. Note p. 401) 
Swimming Envoy fro mM'irza Khan Tribesmen allowed 
to leave Kabul for wider grazing-grounds Bibur sends his 
first Dtwdn to Pulad Aiizbeg in Samarkand Arrivals and 
departures Punitive expedition against the'Abdu'r-rahman 
Afghans-^punishrnent threatened and inflicted (p. 405) on 
defaulters in help to an out-matched man Description of 
the Rustam-maidan return to Kabul Excursion to Koh- 
daman snake incident Tramontane begs warned for 
service fish-drugging Babur's non-pressure to drink, on 
an abstainer wine-party misadventure on a raft tooth- 
picks gathered A new retainer Babur shaves his head 
Hind-aTs guardian appointed Aiizbeg raiders defeated in 
Badakhshan Various arrivals Yusuf-zal campaign 
Babur dislocates his wrist Varia Dilah-zak -chiefs wait 
on him Plan to store corn in Hash-nagar Incidents of 
the road Khaibar traversed Bara urged on Babur as a 
place for corn Kabul river forded at Bara little corn found 
and the Hash-nagar plan foiled Plan to store Pashawar 
Fort return to 'All-masjid News of an invasion of" 
Badakhshan hurries Babur back through the Khaibar The 
Khizr-khail Afghans punished Babur first writes since 
dislocating his wrist The beauty and fruits of the Bagh-i- 
wafa incidents of the return march to Kabul Excursion 
to the Koh-daman beauty of its harvest crops and autumnal 


trees a line offensive to Khalifa (see Add. Note p. 416) 
Humayun makes a good shot Beauty of the harvest near 
Istallf and in the Bagh-i-padshahi Return to Kabul 
Babur receives a white falcon in gift pays a visit of 
consolation to an ashamed drinker Arrivals various he 
finishes copying 'All-sher's four Diwans An order to 
exclude from future parties those who become drunk 
Babur starts for Lamghan ..... 367-419 

926 AH. Dec. 23rd 1519 to Dec. 12th 1520 AD. Excursion to 
Koh-daman and Kohistan incidents of the road Babur 
shoots with an easy bow, for the first time after the disloca- 
tion of his wrist Nijr-au tribute fixed Excursions in 
Lamghan Kafir head-men bring goat-skins of wine 
Halt in the Bagh-i-wafa its oranges, beauty and charm 
Babur records his wish and intention to return to obedience 
in his 40th year and his consequent excess in wine as the 
end approached composes an air visits Nur- valley 
relieves Kwaja Kalan in Bajaur teaches a talisman to stop 
rain his opinion of the ill-taste and disgusting intoxication 
of beer his reason for summoning Khwaja Kalan, and 
trenchant words to Shah Hasan relieving him an old 
beggar loaded with gifts the raft strikes a rock Descrip- 
tion of the Kmdlr spring Fish taken from fish-ponds 
Hunting Accident to a tooth Fishing with a net A 
murderer made over to the avengers of blood A Qoran 
chapter read and start made for Kabul (here the diary 
breaks off) 420-425 

Translator's Note. 926to932AH.1520tol525AD. 
Babur's activities in the Gap missing matter less 
interesting than that lost in the previous one its distinctive 
mark is biographical Dramatis personce Sources of 
information 426-444 

926 AH. Dec. 23rd 1519 to Dec. -12th 1520 AD. Babur's five 
expeditions into Hindustan this year's cut short by menace 
from Qandahar Shah Beg's position particulars of his 
menace not ascertained Description of Qandahar -fort 
Babur's various sieges this year's raised because of pesti- 
lence within the walls Shah Beg pushes out into Sind. 

927 AH. Dec. 12th 1520 to Dec. 1st 1521 AD. Two accounts 
of this year's siege of Qandahar (i) that of the Habibus- 
siyar (ii) that of the. Tarikh-i-sind concerning the dates 
involved Mirza Khan's death. 


928 AH. Dec. 1st 1521 to Nov. 20th 1522 AD Babur and 
Mahim visit Humayun in Badakhshan Expedition to 
Qandahar of the duel between Babur and Shah Beg 
the Chihil-zma monument of victory Death of Shah Beg 
and its date Babur's literary work down to this year. 

929 AH. Nov. 20th 1522 to Nov. 10th 1523 AD. Hindustan 
affairs Daulat Khan Ludt, Ibrahim Ludt and Babur 
Dilawar (son of Daulat Khan) goes to Kabul and asks 
help against Ibrahim Babur prays for a sign of victory 
prepares for the expedition 'Alam Khan Ludi (apparently 
in this year) goes to Kabul and asks Babur's help against 
his nephew Ibrahim Birth of Gul-badan. 

930 AH. Nov. 10th 1523 to Oct. 27th 1524 AD. Babur's fourth 
expedition into Hindustan differs from earlier ones by its 
concert with malcontents in the country Babur defeats 
Bihar Khan Ludi near Lahor Labor occupied Dlbalpur 
stormed, plundered and its people massacred Babur moves 
onward from Sihrind but returns on news of Daulat Khan's 
doings there may have been also news of Auzbeg threat 
to Balkh The Panj-ab garrison Death of Isma'Il Safawi 
and of Shah Beg Babur turns for Kabul plants bananas 
in the Bagh-i-wafa. 

931 AH Oct. 29th 1524 to Oct. 18th 1525 AD Daulat Khan's 
large resources he defeats 'Alam Khan at Dlbalpur 
'Alam Khan flees to Kabul and_again asks help Babur's 
conditions of reinforcement 'Alam Khan's subsequent 
proceedings detailed s.a. 932 AH. Babur promises to follow 
him speedily is summoned to Balkh by its Auzbeg menace 
his arrival raises the siege he returns to Kabul in time 
for his start to Hindustan in 932 . . . 426-444 

[End of Translator's Note.] 


932 AH. Oct. 18th 1525 to Oct. 8th 1526 AD. Babur starts on 
his fifth expedition into Hindustan is attacked by illness 
at Gandamak Humayun is late in coming in from Badakh- 
shan Verse-making on the Kabul-river Babur makes a 
satirical verse such as he had forsworn when writing the 
Mubin attributes a relapse of illness to his breach of vow 
renews his oath Fine spectacle of the lighted camp at 

All-masjid Hunting near Blgram Preparations for ferry- 
ing the Sind Order to make a list of all with the army 


and to count them up continuation of illness Orders sent 
to the Lahor begs to delay engagement till Babur arrived 
The Sind ferried (for the first time) and the array tale 
declared as 12,000 good and bad The eastward march 
unexpected ice Rendezvous made with the Lahor begs 
Jat and Gujur thieves a courier sent again to the begs 
News that 'Alam Khan had Jet Ibrahim Liidi defeat him 
near Dihll particulars of the engagement he takes refuge 
with Babur The Lahor begs announce their arrival close 
at hand Ibrahim's troops retire before Babur's march 
Daulat Khan Lftdt surrenders Mihvat (Malot) waits on 
Babur and is reproached GhazI Khan's abandonment of 
his family censured Jaswan-valley Ghazi Khan pursued 
Babur advances against Ibrahim Liidi his estimate of 
his adversary's strength 'Alam Khan's return destitute to 
Babur -Babur's march 'leads towards Pampat Humayun's 
first affair succeeds reiterated news of Ibrahim's approach 
Babur's success in a minor encounter he arrays . and 
counts his effective force finds it under the estimate 
orders that every man in the army shall collect carts 
towards Ruml defence 700 carts brought in account of 
the defences of the camp close to the village of Panlpat 
Babur on the futility of fear ; his excuses for the fearful in 
his army his estimate of Ibrahim's army and of its higher 
possible numbers Author's Note on the Auzbeg chiefs in 
Hisar (918 AH. 1512 AD.) Preliminary encounters Battle 
and victory of Panlpat Ibrahim's body found Dihll and 
Agra occupied by Babur he makes the circuit of a 
Farghana-born ruler in DihlT visits other tombs and sees 
sights halts opposite Tughluqabad the khutba read for 
him in Dihll he goes to Agra Author's Note on rulers in 
Guallar The (Koh-i-nur) diamond given by the Gualiar 
family to Humayun Babur's dealings with Ibrahim's 
mother and her entourage Description of Hindustan 
(pp. 478 to 521) Revenues of Hind (p.-521) Agra treasure 
distributed local disaffection to Babur discontent in his 
army at remaining in Hindustan he sets the position forth 
to his Council Khwaja Kalan decides to leave his and 
Babur's verses on his desertion Babur's force grows locally 
action begun against rebels to Ibrahim in the East 
Gifts made to officers, and postings various Blban Jalwdm 
revolts and is beaten The Mir of Blana warned Mention 
of Rana Sanga's failure in his promise to act with Babur- 
Sanga's present action Decision in Council to leave Sanga 


aside and to march to the East Humayun leads o_ut the ' 
army Babur makes garden, well and mosque near Agra 
Progress of Humayun's campaign News of the Auzbegs 
in Balkh and KhurasanAffairs of Gujrat . . 445-535 

933 AH, Oct. 8th 1526 to Sep. 27th 1527 AD. Birth announced 
of Babur's son Faruq incomplete success in casting a large 
mortar Varia Humayun summoned from the East to act 
against Sanga Plundering expedition towards Biana 
Tahangar, Guallar and Dulpur obtained Hamld Khan 
Samng-khani defeated Arrival of a Persian embassy 
Ibrahim's mother tries to poison Babur Copy of Babur's 
letter detailing 1 the affair his dealings with the 
poisoner and her agents Humayun's return to Agra 
Khw. Dost-i-khawand's arrival from Kabul Reiterated 
news of the approach of Rana Sanga Babur sends an 
advance force to Biana Hasan Khan Miwdtl Tramontane 
matters disloyal to Babur Trial-test of the large mortar 
(p. 536) Babur leaves Agra to oppose Sanga adverse 
encounter with Sanga by Biana garrison Alarming reports 
of Rajput prowess Spadesmen sent ahead to dig wells in 
Madhakur pargana Babur halts there arrays and moves 
to Slkrl various joinings and scoutings discomfiture of 
a party reconnoitring from Slkrl the reinforcement also 
overcome The enemy retires at sight of a larger troop 
from Babur defence of the Slkrl camp Rumi fashion, with 
ditch besides Continued praise of Rajput prowess Further 
defence of the camp made to hearten Babur's men 20-25 
days spent in the above preparations arrival of 500 men 
from Kabul also of Muh. Sharif an astrologer who augurs 
ill for Babur's success Archers collected and Mlwat over- 
run Babur reflects that he had always wished to cease 
from the sin of wine' verses about his then position 
resolves to renounce wine details of the destruction of 
wine and precious vessels, and of the building of a com- 
memorative well and alms-house his oath to remit a tax 
if victorious is recalled to him he remits the tamghd 
Shaikh Zain writes the far man announcing the two acts 
Copy of the farman Great fear in Babur's army he 
adjures the GhazI spirit in his men who vow to stand fast' 
his perilous position he moves forward in considerable 
array his camp is laid out and protected by ditch and 
carts An omen is taken and gives hope Khalifa advising, 
the camp is moved While tents were being set up, the 


enemy appears The battle and victory of Kan wa described 
in a co py of the Letter-of- victory Babur inserts this because 
of its full particulars (pp. 559 to 574) assumes the title of 
Ghazi Chronograms of the victory and also of that in 
Dibalpur (930 AH.) pursuit of the fugitive foe escape of 
Sanga the falsely-auguring astrologer banished with a gift 
a small revolt crushed a pillar of heads set up Babur 
visits Blana Little water and much heat set aside plan to 
invade Sanga's territory- Babur visits Mlwat give some 
historical account of it Commanders rewarded Alwar 
visited Humayun and others allowed to leave Hindustan 
Despatch of the Letter-of-victory Various excursions 
Humayun bidden farewell Chandwar and Rapri recovered 
Apportionment of fiefs Blban flees before Babur's men 
Dispersion of troops for the Rains Misconduct of Humayun 
and Babur's grief Embassy to 'Iraq Tardi Beg khdksar 
allowed to return to the darwesh-life Babur's lines to 
departing friends The Ramzan-feast Playing-cards 
Babur ill (seemingly with fever) visits Dulpur and orders 
a house excavated visits Ban and sees the ebony-tree 
has doubt of Bayazld Farmiil?s loyalty his remedial and 
metrical exercises his Treatise on Prosody composed 
a relapse of illness starts on an excursion to Kul and 
Sambal 536-586 

14 AH. Sep. 27th 1527 to Sep. 15th 1528 AD. Babur visits 
Kill and Sambal and returns to Agra has fever and ague 
intermittently for 20-25 days goes out to welcome kins- 
women a large mortar bursts with fatal result he visits 
Slkrl starts for Holy War against Chandlri sends troops 
against Bayazld Farmull incidents of the march to 
Chandlrl account of Kachwa account of Chandlri its 
siege Meantime bad news arrives from the East Babur 
keeping this quiet, accomplishes the work in hand Chandlri 
taken change of plans enforced by defeat in the East 
return northwards Further losses in the East Rebels take 
post to dispute Babur's passage of the Ganges he orders 
a pontoon-bridge his artillery is used with effect, the bridge 
finished and crossed and the Afghans worsted Tukhta- 
bugha Chaghatai arrives from Kashgar Babur visits 
Lakhnau suffers from ear-ache reinforces Chm-tlmur 
against the rebels Chln-tlmur gets the better of Bayazld 
Farmulz-Bz\mr settles the. affairs of Aud (Oude) and plans 
to hunt near 587-602 


Translator's Note (part of 934 AH.) On the V. 
half-year's missing matter known events of the Gap : 
Continued campaign against Blban and Bayazld Babur at 
Junpur, Chausa and Baksara swims the Ganges bestows 
Sarun on a Farmull orders a Char-bagh made is ill for 
40 days is inferred to have visited Dulpur, recalled 'Askarl 
from Multan, sent Klrw. Dost-i-khawand to Kabul on family 
affairs which were causing him much concern Remarks on 
the Gap and, incidentally, on the Rampur Dlwan and verses 
in it suiting Babur's illnesses of 934 AH. 

[End of Translator's Note.] 

935 AH. Sep. 15th 1528 to Sep. 5th 1529 AD 'Askari reaches 
Agra from Multan Khwand-amlr and others arrive from 
Khurasan Babur prepares to visit Guallar bids farewell 
to kinswomen who are returning to Kabul marches out 
is given an unsavoury medicament inspects construction- 
work in Dulpur reaches Gualiar Description of G-ualiar 
(p, 607 to p. 614) returns to Dulpur suffers from ear-ache 
inspects work in SikrI and reaches Agra visit and 
welcomes to kinswomen sends an envoy to take charge of 
Rantanbhur makes a levy on stipendiaries sends letters 
to kinsfolk in Khurasan News arrives of Kamran and 
Dost-i-khawand in Kabul of Tahmasp Safatvfs defeat at 
Jam of 'Ubaidu'1-lah Aiizbeg of the birth of a son to 
Humayun, and of a marriage by Kamran he rewards an 
artificer is strongly attacked by fever for his healing 
translates Ahrari's Walidiyyah-risala account of the task 
Troops warned for service A long-detained messenger 
returns from Humayun Accredited messengers-of-good- 
tidings bring the news of Humay tin's son's birth an instance 
of rapid travel Further particulars of the Battle of Jam 
Letters written and summarized Copy of one to 
Humayun inserted here Plans for an eastern cam- 
paign under 'Askarl royal insignia given to him Orders 
for the measurement, stations and up-keep of the Agra- 
Kabul road the Mubin quoted A feast describes 1 'Askarl 
bids his Father farewell Babur visits Dulpur and inspects 
his constructions Persian account of the Battle of Jam " 
Babur decides contingently to go to the East Baluchi 
incursions News reaches Dulpur of the loss of Bihar, (town) 
and decides Babur to go East News of Humayun's action 
in Badakhshan Babur starts from Agra honoured arrivals 
in the assembly-camp incidents of the march congratula- 


tions and gifts sent to Kamran, Humayun and others also 
specimens of the Baburi-script, and copies of the translation 
of the Walidiyyah-risala and the Hindustan Poems 
commends his building-work to his workmen makes a new 
ruler for the better copying of the Walidiyyah-risdla transla- 
tion letters written Copy of one to Khwaja Kalan 
inserted here Complaints from Kitm-qara Auzbeg of 
Babur's begs on the Balkh frontier Babur shaves his head 
Mahim using his style, orders her own escort from Kabul 
to Agra Babur watches wrestling leaves the Jumna, 
disembarks his guns, and goes across country to Dugdugl 
on the Ganges travels by litter 'Askarl and other Com- 
manders meet him News of Blban, Bayazld and other 
Afghans Letters despatched to meet Mahim on her road 
Babur sends a copy of his writings to Samarkand 
watches wrestling hears news of the Afghans (here a 
surmised survival of record displaced from 934 AH.) fall 
of a river-bank under his horse swim's the Ganges crosses 
the Jumna at Allahabad (Piag) and re-embarks his guns 
wrestling watched the evil Tons he is attacked by boils 
a Rumi remedy applied a futile attempt to hunt he 
sends money-drafts to the travellers from Kabul visits 
places on the Ganges he had seen last year receives various 
letters below Ghazlpur has news that the Ladies are 
actually on their way from Kabul last year's eclipse 
recalled Hindu dread of the Karma-nasa river wrestling 
watched Rumi remedy for boils used again with much 
discomfort fall of last year's landing-steps at Baksara 
wrestling Negociations with an envoy of Nasrat Shah of 
Bengal Examination into Muhammad-i-zaman's objections 
to a Bihar appointment despatch of troops to Bihar (town) 
Muhammad-i-zaman submits requests which are granted 
a small success against Afghans Royal insignia given to 
Muhammad-i-zaman, with leave to start for Bihar Babur's 
boats News of the Bengal army Muhammad-i-zaman 
recalled because fighting was probable Dudu Bibl and her 
son Jalal escape from Bengal to come to Babur Further 
discussions with the Bengal envoy Favourable news from 
Bihar Babur in Arrah Position of the Bengal army near 
the confluence of Gang and Saru (Ganges and Gogra) 
Babur making further effort for peace, sends an envoy to 
Nasrat Shah' gives Nasrat's envoy leave to go conveying 
an ultimatum Arrival of a servant from Mahim west of 
the Bagh-i-safa Babur visits lotus-beds near Arrah also 


Munlr and the Son Distance measured by counting a 
horse's paces care for tired horses Babur angered by 
Junaid B arias' belated arrival Consultation and plans 
made for the coming battle the Ganges crossed (by the 
Burh-ganga channel) and move made to near the confluence 
Babur watches 'All-qull's stone-discharge his boat 
entered by night Battle and victory of the Gogra Babur 
praises and thanks his Chaghatai cousins for their great 
services crosses into the Nirhun pargana his favours to 
a Farmuli News of Blban and Bayazld and of the strange 
deaths in Sambal Chln-timur sends news from the west of 
inconveniences caused by the Ladies' delay to leave Kabul 
and of success against the Baluchi he is ordered to 
Agra Settlement made with the Nuhani Afghans Peace 
made with Nasrat Shah Submissions and various guerdon 
Blban and Bayazld pursued Babur's papers damaged in 
a storm News of the rebel pair as taking Luknur(?) 
Disposition of Babur's bqats move along the Saru (a 
surmised survival of the record of 934 AH.) Account of 
the capture of Luknur (?) Dispositions against the rebel 
pair fish caught by help of a lamp incidents of the march 
to Adampur on the Jumna Blban and Bayazld flee to 
Mahuba Eastern Campaign wound up Babur's rapid ride 
to Agra (p. 686) visits kinswomen is pleased with Indian- 
grown fruits Mahlm arrives her gifts and Humayuri's set 
before Babur porters sent off for Kabul to fetch fruits 
Account of the deaths in Sambal brought in sedition in 
Lahor wrestling watched sedition of Rahlm-dad in 
Guallar Mahdi Khwaja comes to Agra . : . 605-689 

936 AH. Sep. 5th 1529 to Aug. 25th 1530 AD Shaikh Ghaus 
comes from Guallar to intercede for Rahlm-dad Guallar 
taken over ........ 690 

Translator's Note. 936 and 937 AH. 1529 and 
1530 AD. Sources from which to fill the Gap down to 
Babur's death (December 26th 1530) Humayun's pro- 
ceedings in Badakhshan Haidar Dughldfs narrative of 
them Humayun deserts his post, goes to Kabul, and, 
arranging with Kamran, sends Hind-al to Badakhshan 
goes on to Agra and there arrives unexpected by his 
Father as he is unwilling to return, Sulaiman Mirdn- 
shdkiis appointed under Babur's suzerainty Sa'ld Khan 
is warned to leave Sulaiman in possession Babur moves 
westward to support him and visits Lahor waited on in 


Sihrind by the Raja of Kahlur received in Labor by 
Kamran and there visited from Kabul by Hind-al 
leaves Lahor (March 4th 1530 AD.) from Sihrind sends 
a punitive force against Mundahir Rajputs hunts near 
Dihll appears to have started off an expedition to 
Kashmir family matters fill the rest of the y_ear 
Humayun falls ill in Sambal and is brought to Agra 
his disease not yielding to treatment, Babur resolves to 
practise the rite of intercession and self-surrender to save 
his life is urged rather to devote the great diamond 
(Koh-i-nur) to pious uses refuses the substitution of the 
jewel for his own life performs the rite Humayun recovers 
Babur falls ill and is bedridden till death his faith in 
the rite unquestionable, belief in its efficacy general in the 
East Plan to set Babur's sons aside from the succession 
The Tabaqat-i-akbari story discussed (p. 702 to 708) 
suggested basis of the story (p. 705) Babur's death 
(Jumada I. _5th 937 AH. Dec. 26th 1530 AD.) and burial 
first, near Agra, later near Kabul Shah-jahan's epitaph 
inscribed on a tablet near the grave Babur's wives and 
children Mr. Erskine's estimate of his character 691-716. 

[End of Translator's Note.] 


A. Site and disappearance of old Akhsi. 

B. The birds Qil-quylrugh and Baghrl-qara. 

C. On the gosha-gir. 

D. The Rescue-passage. 

E. Nagarahar and Nlng-nahar. 

F. The name Dara-i-nur. 

G. On the names of two Dara-i-nur wines. 
H. On the counter-mark Bih-bud of coins. 

I. The weeping-willows off. 190. 

J. Babur's excavated chamber at Qandahar. 

K, An Afghan Legend. 

~L. Mahlm's adoption of Hind-al. 

M. On the term Bahri-qutas. 

N. Notes on a few birds. 

O. Notes by Humayun on some' Hindustan fruits. 

P. Remarks on Babur's Revenue List. 

Q. On the Rampur Dlwan. 

R. Plans of Chandlrl and Guallar. 

S. The Babur-nama dating of 935 AH. 


T. On L : knu (Lakhnau) and L : knur (Lakhnur i.e. Shahabad 

in Rampur). 

U. The Inscriptions in Babur's Mosque at Ajodhya (Oude). 
V. Babur's Gardens in and near Kabul. 

Indices: I. Personal", II. Geographical, III. General, p. 717 

et seq. 
Omissions, Corrigenda, Additional Notes. 


Plane-tree Avenue in Babur's (later) Burial- 
garden I . ' . . . . facing p. xxvii 

View from above his grave and Shah-jahan's 

Mosque z ...... facing p. 367 

His Grave 2 . . . . . . facing p. 445 

Babur in Prayer 3 . . . . . . facing p. 702 

His Signature ...... App. Q, Ixi 

Plans of Chandiri and Gualiar . . App. R, Ixvii 

1 From Atkinson's Sketches hi Afghanistan (I.O. Lib. & B.M,). 

4 See p, 710 (where for "Daniels " read Atkinson) . 

3 See Gul-badan Begim's ffumaynn-nama Index III, in loco. 

. ''<>' ! .V :.'.J,Hi ;:-;- : -*i,. ' 

' ^/V : ' 

'". . , j,','. :'vV;';t ,:$ .^f : l^p3fV' j| 

^%j?^' '''''' '-^ i $t :1 * ; '' ; >:! ' ;: >'. I '^ '"-'jrfr. -,-*', 

fc^W,^' Af J:i:#lt^ x ' " : """ J . * U- 'I 












O Spring of work ! O Source of power to Be ! 
Each line, each thought I dedicate to Thee ; 
Each time I fail, the failure is my own, 
But each success, a jewel in Thy Throne. 



IIS book is a translation of Babur Padshah's. Autobiography, made 
>m the original Turki text. It was undertaken after a purely- 
irki manuscript had become accessible in England, the Haidarabad 
idex (1915) which, being in Babur's ipsissima verba, left to him 
; control of his translator's diction a control that had been 
practicable from the>time when, under Akbar (1589), his book was 
.nslated into Persian. What has come down to us of pure text is, 
its shrunken amount, what was translated in 1589, It is difficult, 
re and there, to interpret owing to its numerous and in some places 
tensive lacunae^ and presents more problems than one the solution 
which has real importance because they have favoured suggestions 
malfeasance by Babur. 

My translation has been produced under considerable drawback, 
/ing been issued in four fasciculi, at long intervals, respectively in 
le 1912, May 1914, October 1917, and September 1921. I have put 
:h it of supplementary matter what may be of service to those 
ders whom Babur's personality attracts and to those who study 
rki as a linguistic entertainment, but owing to delays in production 
unable to include the desiderata of maps. 


Babur's civilian aptitudes, whether of the author and penman, the 
ker of gardens, the artist, craftsman or sportsman, were nourished 
a. fertile soil of family tradition and example. Little about his 
:hing and training is now with his mutilated book, little indeed of 

xxviii PREFACE 

any kind about his pros-accession years, not the date of his birth 
even, having escaped destruction. 1 Happily Haidar Mirza (q.v.) 
possessed a more complete Codex than has come down to us through 
the Timurid libraries, and from it he translated many episodes of 
Baburiana that help to bridge gaps and are of special service here 
where the personalities of Babur's early environment are being 

Babur's home-milieu favoured excellence in the quiet Arts and 
set before its children high standard and example of proficiency. 
Moreover, by schooling him in obedience to the Law, it planted 
in him some of Art's essentials, self-restraint and close attention. 
Amongst primal influences on him, his mother Qut-luq-nigar's ranked 
high ; she, well-born and a scholar's daughter, would certainly be 
educated in Turki and Persian and in the home-accomplishments 
her governess possessed (atun q.v.). From her and her mother 
Aisan-daulat, the child would learn respect for the attainments of his 
wise old grandfather Yunas Khan. Aisan-daulat herself brought to 
her grandson much that goes to the making of a man ; nomad-born 
and sternly-bred, she was brave to obey her opinion of right, aud was 
practically the boy's ruling counsellor through his early struggle to 
hold Farghana. With these two in fine influence must be counted 
Khan-zada, his five-years elder sister who from his birth to his death 
proved her devotion to him. Her life-story tempts, but is too long to 
tell ; her girlish promise is seen fulfilled in Gui-badan's pages. 'Umar 
Shaikh's own mother Shah Sultan Begim brought in a type of merit 
widely differing from that of Aisan-daulat Begim ; as a town-lady of 
high Tarkhan birth, used to the amenities of life in a wealthy house 
of Samarkand, she was, doubtless, an accomplished and cultured 

'Umar Shaikh's environment was dominated for many years by 
two great men, the scholar and lover of town-life Yunas Khan and 
the saintly Ahrari (i.e. Khwaja 'Ubaidu'1-lah) who were frequently 
with him in company, came at Babur's birth and assisted at his 

1 Cf. Cap. II, PROBLEMS OK THE MUTILATED BABUR-NAMA and Tarikh-i-rashtdi, 
trs. p. 174. 


aming. Ahrari died in 895-1491 when the child was about seven 
ears old but his influence was life-long ; in 935-1529 he was invoked 
s a spiritual helper by the fever-stricken Babur and his mediation 
elieved efficacious for recovery (pp. 619, 648). For the babe or boy 
o be where the three friends held social session in high converse, 
/ould be thought to draw blessing on him ; his hushed silence in 
he presence would sow the seed of reverence for wisdom and virtue, 
uch, for example, as he felt for Jami (g.v.). It is worth while to tell 
ome part at least of Yunas' attainments in the gentler Arts, because 
he biography from which they are quoted may well have been written 
m the information of his wife, Aisan-daulat, and it indicates the 
>readth of his exemplary influence. Yunas was many things 
>enman, painter, singer, instrumentalist, and a past master in the 
:rafts. He was an expert in good companionship, having even 
emper and perfect manners, quick perception and conversational 
:harm. His intellectual distinction was attributed to his twelve 
'ears of wardship under the learned and , highly honoured Yazdi 
Sharafu'd-din 'AH), the author of the Zafar-nama [Timur's Book 
>f Victory]. That book was in hand during four years of Yunas' 
ducation ; he will 'thus have known it and its main basis Timur's 
Turki Malfuzat (annals). What he learned of either book he would 
:arry with him into 'Umar Shaikh's environment, thus magnifying 
he family stock of Timuriya influence. He lived to be some 74 years 
>ld, a length of days which fairly bridged the gap between Timur's 
leath [807-1404] and Babur's birth (888-1483). It is said that no 
Drevious Khan of his (Chaghatai) line had survived his 40th year ; 
lis exceptional age earned him great respect and would deepen his 
nfluence on his restless young son-in-law 'Umar Shaikh. It appears 

have been in 'Umar's 20th year (ctr.) that Yunas Khan began the 
riendly association with him that lasted till Yunas' death (892-1483), 

1 friendship which, as disparate ages would dictate, was rather that 
>f father and son than of equal companionship. One matter 
nentioned in the Khan's biography would come to Babur's 
emembrance in the future days when he, like Yunas, broke the Law 
igainst intoxicants and, like him, repented and returned. 


That two men of the calibre and high repute of Ahrari and Yunas 
maintained friendly guidance so long over 'Umar cannot but be held 
an accreditment and give fragrance of goodness to his name. Apart 
from the high justice and generosity his son ascribes to him, he could 
set other example, for he was a reader of great books, the Qoran and 
the Masnawi being amongst his favourites. This choice, it may be, 
led Abu'1-fazl to say he had the darwesh-mind. Babur was old 
enough before 'Umar's death to profit by the sight of his father 
enjoying the perusal of such books. As with other parents and other 
children, there would follow the happy stilling to a quiet mood, the 
piquing of curiosity as to what was in the book, the sight of refuge 
taken as in a haven from self and care, and perhaps, Babur being 
intelligent and of inquiring mind and 'Umar a skilled reciter, the 
boy would marvel at the perennial miracle that a lifeless page can 
become eloquent gentle hints all, pointers of the way to literary 

Few who are at home in Baburiana but will take Timur as Babur's 
great exemplar not only as a soldier but as a chronicler. Timur 
cannot have seemed remote from that group of people so well-informed 
about him and' his civilian doings ; his Shahrukhi grandchildren in 
Samarkand had carried on his author-tradition ; the 74 years of 
Yunas Khan's life had bridged the gap between Timur's death in 
807-1405 and Babur's birth in 888-1483. To Babur Timur will 
have been exemplary through his grandson Aulugh Beg who has 
two productions to his credit, the Char-ulns (Four Hordes) and the 
Kurkani Astronomical Tables. His sons, again, Babur (qalandar] 
and Ibrahim carried on the family torch of letters, the first in verse 
and the second by initiating and fostering Yazdi's labours on the 
Zafar-nama. Wide-radiating and potent influence for the Arts of 
Peace carne forth from Herat during the reign of that Sultan Husain 
Mirza whose Court Babur describes in one of the best supplements 
to his autobiography. Husain was a Tirnurid of the elder branch of 
Bai-qara, an author himself but far more effective as a Macsenas ; 
one man of the shining galaxy of competence that gave him fame, 
set pertinent example for Babur the author, namely, the Andijani 


noble Chaghatai family, 'Ali-sher Nawdi who, in classic Turki 
rse was the master Babur was to become in its prose. That the 
.ndard of effort was high in Herat is clear from Babur's dictum 

233) that whatever work a man took up, he aspired to bring it to 
rfection. Elphinstone varies the same theme to the tune of 
uality of excellence apart from social status, writing to Erskine 
ugust, 1826), that "it gives a high notion of the time to find" (in 
.bur's account of Husain's Court) "artists, musicians and others, 
scribed along with the learned and great of the Age ". 
My meagre summary of Babur's exemplars would be noticeably 
:omplete if it omitted mention of two of his life-long helpers in 
; gentler Arts, his love of Nature and his admiration for great 
:hitectural creations. The first makes joyous accompanimeut 
'oughout his book ; the second is specially called forth by Timur's 
noblement of Samarkand. Timur had built magnificently and laid 
t stately gardens ; Babur made many a fruitful pleasaunce and 
iddened many an arid halting-place ; he built a little, but had 
tall chance to test his capacity for building greatly ; never rich, 
was poor in Kabul and several times destitute in his home-lands, 
it his sword won what gave wealth to his Indian Dynasty, and he 
ssed on to it the builder's unused dower, so that Samarkand was 
.-passed in Hindustan and the spiritual conception Timur's creations 
ibodied took perfect form at Sikandra where Akbar lies entombed. 



Losses from the text of Babur's book are the more disastrous 
cause it truly embodies his career. For it has the rare distinction 
being contemporary with the events it describes, is boyish in his 
yhood, grows with his growth, matures as he matured. Undulled 
retrospect, it is a fresh and spontaneous recital of things just seen, 
ard or done. It has the further rare distinction of shewing a, boy 
to, setting a future task before him in his case the revival of 
murid power, began to chronicle his adventure in the book which 

xxxii PREFACE 

through some 37 years was his twinned comrade, which by its special 
distinctions has attracted readers for nearly a half-millennium, still 
attracts and still is a thing apart from autobiographies .which look 
back to recal dead years. 

Much circumstance makes for the opinion that Babur left his 
life-record complete, perhaps repaired in places and recently supple- 
mented, but continuous, orderly and lucid ; this it is not now, nor 
has been since it was translated into Persian in 1589, for it is fissured 
by lacuncB) has neither Preface nor Epilogue, 1 opens in an oddly 
abrupt and incongruous fashion, and consists of a series of fragments 
so disconnected as to demand considerable preliminary explanation. 
Needless to say, its dwindled condition notwithstanding, it has place 
amongst great autobiographies, still revealing its author playing a 
man's part in a drama of much historic and personal interest. Its 
revelation is however now like a portrait out of drawing, because it 
has not kept the record of certain years of his manhood in which he 
took momentous decisions, (1) those of 1511-12 [918] in which he 
accepted reinforcement at a great price from Isma'il the Shi'a 
Shah ,of Persia, and in which, if my reading be correct, he first 
(15 12) broke the Law against the use of wine, 2 (2) those of 1519-1525 
[926-932], in which his literary occupations with orthodox Law (see 
Mubiri) associated with cognate matters of 932 AH. indicate that hi 
return to obedience had begun, in which too was taken the decision 
that worked out for, his fifth expedition across the Indus with its 
sequel of the conquest of Hind. The loss of matter so weighty 
cannot but destroy the balance of his record and falsify the drawin^ 

* fcj 

of his portrait 

a. Problem of Titles, 

As nothing survives to decide what was Babur's chosen title for 
his autobiography, a modern assignment of names to distinguish it 

1 The suggestion, implied by my use of this word, that Babur may have definitely closed 
his autobiography (as Timur did under other circumstances) is due to the existence of 
a compelling cause viz. that he would be expectant of death as the price of Humayun's 
restored life (p. 701). 

" Cf . p. 83 and n. and Add. Note, P. 83 for further emendation of a contradiction effected 
by some malign influence in the note (p. 83) between parts of that note, and between it and 
Babur's account of his not-drinking in Herat. 

PREFACE xxxjii 

from its various descendants is desirable, particularly so since the 
revival of interest in it towards which the Facsimile of its Haidarabad 
Codex has contributed. 1 

Babur-nama (History of Babur) is a well-warranted name by which 
to distinguish the original Turki text, because long associated with 
this and rarely if ever applied to its Persian translation. 2 It is 
not comprehensive because not covering supplementary matter of 
biography and description but it has use for modern readers of 
:lassing Babur's with other Timuriya and Timurid histories such as 
:he Zafar-Humaynn-A kbar-namas, 

Waqi i at-i-baburi (Babur's Acts), being descriptive of the book and 
n common use for naming both the Turki and Persian texts, might 
.isefully be reserved as a title for the latter alone. 

Amongst European versions of the book Memoirs of Baber is 
Erskine's peculium for the Leyden and Erskine Perso-English trans- 
ation Memoires de Baber is Pavet de Courteille's title for his 
French version of the Bukhara [Persified-Turki] compilation Babur- 
icima in English links the translation these volumes contain with its 
uirely-Turki source. 

). Problems of the Constituents of the Books. 

Intact or mutilated, Babur's material falls naturally into three 
erritorial divisions, those of the lands of his successive rule, Farghana 
with Samarkand), Kabul and Hindustan. With these are distinct 
ub-sections of description of places and of obituaries of kinsmen. 

The book might be described as consisting of annals and diary, 
i/hich once met within what is now the gap of 1508-19 (914-925). 
lound this gap, amongst others, bristle problems of which this 
hange of literary style is one ; some are small and concern the 
nutilation alone, others are larger, but all are too intricate for terse 

1 Teufel held its title to be waqi 1 (this I adopted in 1908), but it has no definite support 
nd in numerous instances of its occurrence to describe the acts or doings of Babur, it could 
e read as a common noun. 

s It stands on the reverse of the frontal page of the Haidarabad Codex ; it is Timur- 
ulad's name for the Codex he purchased in Bukhara, and it is thence brought on by Kehr 
,vith Ilminski), and Klaproth (Cap. Ill) ; it is used by Khwafi Khan (d. dr. 1732), etc. 


xxxiv PREFACE 

statement and all might be resolved by the help of a second MS. 
e.g. one of the same strain as Haidar's. 

Without fantasy another constituent might be counted in with the 
three territorial divisions, namely, the grouped lacuna which by their 
engulfment of text are an untoward factor in an estimate either of 
Babur or of his book. They are actually the cardinal difficulty of 
the book as it now is ; they foreshorten purview of his career and 
character and detract from its merits ; they lose it perspective and 
distort its proportions. That this must be so is clear both from the 
value and the preponderating amount of the lost text. It is no 
exaggeration to -say that while working on what survives, what is 
lost becomes like a haunting presence warning that it must be 
remembered always as an integral and the dominant part of the book. 

The relative proportions of saved and lost text are highly 
significant: Babur's commemorable years are about 47 and 10 
months, i.e. from his birth on Feb. 14th 1483 to near his death on 
Dec. 26th 1530; but the aggregate of surviving text records some 
18 years only, and this not continuously but broken through by 
numerous gaps. fThat these gaps result from loss of pages is fre- 
quently shewn by a broken sentence, an unfinished episode. The 
fragments as they truly may be called are divided by gaps some- 
times seeming to remove a few pages only (cf. s.a. 935 AH.), sometimes 
losing the record of 6 and dr. 18 months, sometimes of 6 and 11 
years ; besides these actual clefts in the narrative there are losses of 
some 12 years from its beginning and some 16 months from its end. 
Briefly put we now have the record of dr. 18 years where that of over 
47 could have been. 1 

c. Causes of the gaps. 

Various causes have been surmised to explain the lacuna ; on the 
plea of long intimacy with Babur's and Haidar's writings, I venture 
to say that one and all appear to me the result of accident. This 
opinion rests on observed correlations between the surviving and the 

r That Babur left a complete record much indicates beyond his own persistence and 
literary bias, e.g. cross-reference with and needed complements from what is lost ; mention 
by other writers of Babur's information, notably by Haidar. 


st record, which demand complement on the testimony of Haidar's 
:tracts, and firmly on Babur's orderly and persistent bias of mind 
id on the prideful character of much of the lost record. Moreover 
:casions of risk to Babur's papers are known. 

Of these occasions the first was the destruction of his camp near 
isar in 1512 (918; p. 357) but no information about his papers 
rvives ; they may not have been in his tent but in the fort. The 
cond was a case of recorded damage to " book and sections " (p. 679) 
:curring in 1529 (935). From signs of work done to the Farghana 
ction in Hindustan, the damage may be understood made good at 
e later date. To the third exposure to damage, namely, the attrition 
hard travel and unsettled life during Humayun's 14 years of exile 
Dm rule in Hindustan (1441-1555) it is reasonable to attribute even 
e whole loss of text. For, assuming as may well be done that 
ibur left (1530) a complete autobiography, its volume would be safe 
long as Humayun was in power but after the Timurid exodus 
441) his library would be exposed to the risks detailed in the 
mirable chronicles of Gul-badan, Jauhar and Bayazid (q.v.}. He 
known to have annotated his father's book in 1555 (p. 466 n. 1) 
st before marching from Kabul to attempt the re-conquest of 
industan. His Codex would return to Dihli which he entered in 
ly 1555, and there would be safe from risk of further mutilation. 
5 condition in 1555 is likely to have remained what it was found 
icn 'Abdu'r-rahim translated it into Persian by Akbar's orders 
589) for Abu'l-fazl's use in the Akbar-nama, That Persian trans- 
:ion with its descendant the Memoirs of Baber, and the purely- 
irki Haidarabad Codex with its descendant the Babur-nama in 
vglis/i, contain identical contents and, so doing, carry the date of 
5 mutilation of Babur's Turki text back through its years of safety, 
89 to 1555, to the period of Humayun's exile and its dangers for 
mel-borne or deserted libraries. 

Two misinterpretations of lacunce. 

Not unnaturally the frequent interruptions of narrative caused 
lacuncs have been misinterpreted occasionally, and sometimes 

xxxvi PREFACE 

detractory comment has followed on Babur, ranking him below the 
accomplished and lettered, steadfast and honest man he was. I select 
two examples of this comment neither of which has a casual origin, 

The first is from the B.M. Cat. of Coins of the Shahs of Persia 
p. xxiv, where after identifying a certain gold coin as shewing 
vassalage by Babur to Isma'il Safawi y the compiler of the Catalogue 
notes, " We can now understand the omission from Babar's 'Memoirs' 
of the occurrences between 914 H. and 925 H." Can these words 
imply other than that Babur suppressed mention of minting of the 
coins shewing acknowledgment of Shi'a suzerainty ? Leaving aside 
the delicate topic of the detraction the quoted words imply, much 
negatives the surmise that the gap is a deliberate " omission " of 
text: (1) the duration of the Shi'a alliance was 19-20 months of 
917-918 AH. (p. 355), why omit the peaceful or prideful and victorious 
record of .some 9-10 years on its either verge ? (2) Babur's Transoxus 
campaign was an episode in the struggle between Shaibaq Khan 
(Shaibani) Auzfreg and Shah Isma'il between Sunni and Shi'a ; 
how could " omission " from his book, always a rare one, hide what 
multitudes knew already ? " Omission " would have proved a fiasco 
in another region than Central Asia, because the Babur-Haidar story 
of the campaign, vassal-coinage included, 1 has been brought into 
English literature by the English translation of the Tarikh-i rashidi. 
Babur's frank and self-judging habit of mind would, I think, lead 
him to write fully of the difficulties which compelled the hated alliance 
and certainly he would tell of his own anger at the conduct of the 
campaign by Isma'il's Commanders. The alliance was a tactical 
mistake ; it would have served Babur better to narrate its failure. 

The second misinterpretation, perhaps a mere surmising gloss, is 
Erskine's (Memoirs Supp. p. 289) who, in connection with 'Alam 
Khan's request to Babur for reinforcement in order to oust his nephew 
Ibrahim, observes that " Babur probably flattered 'Alam Khan with 
the hope of succession to the empire of Hindustan." This idea does 
not fit the record of either man. Elphinstone was angered by 
Erskine's remark which, he wrote (Aug. 26th 1826) "had a bad 

1 App. H, xxx. 

PREFACE xxxvii 

tffect on the narrative by weakening the implicit confidence in 
Jabur's candour and veracity which his frank way of writing is so 
^ell-calculated to command." Elphinstone's opinion of Babur is not 
hat of a reader but of a student of his book ; he was also one of 
Lrskine's staunchest helpers in its production. From Erskine's 
urmise others have advanced on the detractor's path saying that 
Jabur used and threw over 'Alam Khan (q.v.). 

. Reconstruction. 

Amongst the problems mutilation has created an important one is 
mt of the condition of the beginning of the book (p. 1 to p. 30) with 
s plunge into Babur's doings in his 12th year without previous 
lention of even his day and place of birth, the names and status 
f his parents, or any occurrences of his prse-accession years. Within 
lose years should be entered the death of Yunas Khan (1487) with 
s sequent obituary notice, and the death of [Khwaja 'Ubaidu'1-lah] 
ihrari (1491). Not only are these customary entries absent but the 
2ry introductions of the two great men are wanting, probably with 
le also missing account of their naming of the babe Babur. That 
icse routine matters are a part of an autobiography planned as 
abur's was, makes for assured opinion that the record of more than 
is first decade of life has been lost, perhaps by the attrition to which 
s position in the volume exposed it. 

Useful reconstruction if merely in tabulated form, might be effected 

a future edition. It would save at least two surprises for readers, 
ic the oddly abrupt first sentence telling of Babur's age when he 
;carne ruler in Farghana (p. 1), which is a misfit in time and order, 
lother that of the sudden interruption of 'Umar Shaikh's obituary 
7 a fragment of Yunas Khan's (p. 19) which there hangs on a mere 
ime-peg, whereas its place according to Babur's elsewhere unbroken 
actice is directly following the death. The record of the missing 
'se-accession years will have included at the least as follows : Day 

birth and its place names and status of parents naming and 
e ceremonial observances proper for Muhammadan children visits 

kinsfolk in Tashkint, and to Samarkand (aet. 5, p. 35) where he 

xxxviii PREFACE 

was betrothed his initiation in school subjects, in sport, the use of 
arms names of teachers education in the rules of his Faith (p. 44), 
appointment to the Andijan Command etc., etc. 

There is now no fit beginning to the book ; the present first 
sentence and its pendent description of Farghana should be removed 
to the position Babur's practice dictates of entering the description 
of a. territory at once on obtaining it (cf. Samarkand, Kabul, Hindu- 
stan). It might come in on p. 30 at the end of the topic (partly 
omitted on p. 29 where no ground is given for the manifest anxiety 
about Babur's safety) of the disputed succession (Haidar, trs. p. 135) 
Babur's partisan begs having the better of Jahangir's (q.v.}, and having 
testified obeisance, he became ruler in Farghana ; his statement of 
age (12 years), comes in naturally and the description of his newly 
acquired territory follows according to rule. This removal of text 
to a later position has the advantage of allowing the accession to 
follow and not precede Babur's father's death. 

By the removal there is left to consider the historical matter of 
pp. 12-13. The first paragraph concerns matter of much earlier date 
than 'Umar's death in 1494 (p. 13); it may be part of an obituary 
notice, perhaps that of Yunas Khan. What follows of the advance 
of displeased kinsmen against 'Umar Shaikh would fall into place as 
part of Babur's record of his boyhood, and lead on to that of his 
father's death. 

The above is a bald sketch of what might be effected in the 
interests of the book and to facilitate its pleasant perusal. 



This chapter is a literary counterpart of " Babur Padshah's Stone- 
heap," the roadside cairn tradition says was piled by his army, each 
man laying his stone when passing down from Kabul for Hindustan 
in the year of victory 1525 (93s). 1 

1 p. 446, n. 6. Babur's order for the cairn would fit into the lost record of the first month 
of the year (p. 445). 

PREFACE xxxix 

For a title suiting its contents is " Babur Padshah's Book-pile," 
Because it is fashioned of item after item of pen-work done by 
nany men in obedience to the dictates given by his book. Unlike 
:he cairn, however, the pile of books is not of a single occasion 
:>ut of many, not of a single year but of many, irregularly spacing 
;he 500 years through which he and his autobiography have had 
iarth's immortality. 

Part I. The MSS. themselves. 

Preliminary. Much of the information given below was published 
n the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society from 1900 onwards, as 
t came into my possession during a search for reliable Turki text 
>f the Babur-nama, My notes were progressive ; some MSS. were 
n distant places, some not traceable, but in the end I was able to 
sxamine in England all of whose continued existence I had become 
tware. It was inevitable that some of my earlier statements should 
)e superseded later ; my Notes (see s.n. JRAS.) need clearing of 
ransitory matter and summarizing, in particular those on the 
slphinstone Codex and Klaproth's articles. Neither they nor what 
3 placed here makes claim to be complete. Other workers will 
upplement them when the World has renewed opportunity to 
troll in the bye-paths of literature. 

Few copies of the Babur-nama seem to have been made ; of the 
ew I have traced as existing not one contains the complete 
.utobiography, and one alone has the maximum of dwindled text 
hewn in the Persian translation (1589). Two books have been 
eputed to contain Babur's authentic text, one preserved in 
lindustan by his descendants, the other issuing from Bukhara. 
?hey differ in total contents, arrangement and textual worth; 
loreover the Bukhara book compiles items of divers diction and 
rigin and date, manifestly not from one pen. 
The Hindustan book is a record now mutilated of the Acts of 
Jabur alone ; the Bukhara book as exhibited in its fullest accessible 
xample, Kehr's Codex, is in two parts, each having its preface, the 
Lrst reciting Babur's Acts, the second Humayun's. 


The Bukhara book is a compilation of oddments, mostly translated 
from compositions written after Babur's death. Textual and 
circumstantial grounds warrant the opinion that it is a distinct 
work mistakenly believed to be Babur's own ; to these grounds was 
added in 1903 the authoritative verdict of collation with the 
Haidarabad Codex, and in 1921 of the colophon of its original MS. 
in which its author gives his name, with the title and date of his 
compilation (JRAS. 1900, p. 474). What it is and what are its 
contents and history are told in Part III of this chapter. 

Fart II. Work on the Hindustan MSS. 

My latest definite information about Babur's autograph MS. 
comes from the Padshah-nama (Bib. Ind. ed. ii, 4), whose author 
saw it in Shah-i-jahan's private library between 1628 and 1638. 
Inference is justified, however, that it was the archetype of the 
Haidarabad Codex which has been estimated from the quality 
of its paper as dating dr. 1700 (JRAS. 1906, p. 97). But two 
subsequent historic disasters complicate all questions of MSS. 
missing ""from Indian libraries, namely, Nadir Shah's vengeance on 
Dihli in 1739 and the dispersions and fires of the Mutiny. Faint 
hope is kept alive that the original Codex may have drifted into 
private hands, by what has occurred with the Rampur MS. of 
Babur's Hindustan verses (App. J), which also appears once to 
have belonged to Shah-i-jahan. 


Amongst items cf work done during Babur's life are copies of 
his book (or of the Hindustan section of it) he mentions, sending to 
sons and friends. 


The Tabaqat-i-baburi was written during Babur's life by his 
Persian secretary Shaikh Zainu'd-din of Khawaf ; it paraphrases 
in rhetorical Persian the record of a few months of Hindustan 
campaigning, including the battle of Panipat. 








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During the first decade of Humayun's reign (1530-40) at least 
two important codices seem to have been copied. 

The earlier (see Table, No. 2) has varied circumstantial warrant. 
It meets the need of an archetype, one marginally annotated by 
Humayun, for the Elphinstone Codex in which a few notes are 
marginal and signed, others are pell-mell, interpolated in the text 
but attested by a scrutineer as having been marginal in its arche- 
type and mistakenly copied into its text. This second set has been 
ineffectually sponged over. Thus double collation is indicated 
(i) with Babur's autograph MS. to clear out extra Babur matter, 
and (ii) with its archetype, to justify the statement that in this 
the interpolations were marginal. No colophon survives with the 
much dwindled Elph. Codex, but one, suiting the situation, has been 
observed, where it is a complete misfit, appended to the Alwar Codex 
of the second Persian translation, (estimated as copied in 1589) . Into 
the incongruities of that colophon it is not necessary to examine 
here, they are too obvious to aim at deceit ; it appears fitly to be an 
imperfect translation from a Turki original, this especially through 
its odd fashion of entitling " Humayun Padshah." It can be 
explained as translating the colophon of the Codex (No. 2) which, 
as his possession, Humayun allowably annotated and which makes 
it known that he had ordered 'Ali'u-'l-katib to copy his father's 
Turki book, and that it was finished in February, 1531, some six 
weeks after Babur's death. 1 

The later copy made in Humayun's first decade is Haidar 
Mirza's (tnfra). 


Muhammad Haidar Mirza Dughlat's possession of a copy of the 
Autobiography is known both from his mention of it and through 
numerous extracts translated from it in his Tarikh-i-mshidi. As a 
good boy-penman (p. 22) he may have copied down to 1512 (918) 
while with Babur (p. 350), but for obtaining a transcript of it his 

1 For precise limits of the original annotation see p. 446 n. For details about the 
E. Codex see JRAS. 1907, art. The Elph. Codex, and for the colophon AQR. 1900, July, 
Oct. and JRAS. 1905, pp. 752, 761. 

PREFACE xliii 

opportunity was while with Humayun before the Timurid exodus 
of 1541. He died in 1551 ; his Codex is likely to have found its 
way back from Kashmir to his ancestral home in the Kashghar 
region and there it may still be. (See T.R. trs. Ney Ellas' biography 
of him). 


The Elphinstone Codex 1 has had an adventurous career. The 
enigma of its archetype is posed above ; it may have been copied 
during Akbar's first decade (1556-67) ; its, perhaps first, owner 
was a Bai-qara rebel (d. 1567) from amongst whose possessions it 
passed into the Royal Library, where it was cleared of foreign matter 
by the expunction of Humayun's marginal notes which its scribe 
had interpolated into its text. At a date I do not know, it must 
have left the Royal Library for its fly-leaves bear entries of prices 
and in 1810 it was found and purchased in Peshawar by Elphinstone. 
It went with him to Calcutta, and there may have been seen by 
Leyden during the short time between its arrival and the autumn 
month of the same year (1810) when he sailed for Java. In 1813 
Elphinstone in Poona sent it to Erskine in Bombay, saying that he 
had fancied it gone to Java and had been writing to 'Izzatu'1-lah 
to procure another MS. for Erskine in Bukhara, but. that all the 
time it was on his own shelves. Received after Erskine had dolefully 
compared his finished work with Leyden' s (tentative) translation, 
Erskine sadly recommenced the review of his own work. The Codex 
had suffered much defacement down to 908 (1502) at the hands of 
" a Persian Turk of Ganj " who had interlined it with explanations. 
It came to Scotland (with Erskine ?) who in 1826 sent it with a 
covering letter (Dec. I2th, 1826), at its owner's desire, to the 
Advocates' Library where it now is. In 1907 it was fully described 
by me in the JRAS. 


Of two Waqi'at-i-baburi (Pers. trs.) made in Akbar's reign, the 
earlier was begun in 1583, at private instance, by two Mughuls 

1 See Index and III ante and JRAS. 1900-3-5-6-7. 


Payanda-hasan of Ghazni and Muhammad-quli of Hisar. The 
Bodleian and British Museum Libraries have copies of it, very 
fragmentary unfortunately, for it is careful, likeable, and helpful 
by its small explanatory glosses. It has the great defect of not 
preserving autobiographic quality in its diction. 


The later Waqi'at-i-baburi translated by 'Abdu'r-rahim Mirza is 
one of the most important items in Baburiana, both by its special 
characteristics as the work of a Turkman and not of a Persian, 
and by the great service it has done. Its origin is well-known; 
it was made at Akbar's order to help Abu'1-fazl in the Akbar-nama 
account of Babur and also to facilitate perusal of the Babur-nama 
in Hindustan. It was presented to Akbar, by its translator who 
had come up from Gujrat, in the last week of November, 1589, on 
an occasion and at a place of admirable fitness. For Akbar had 
gone to Kabul to visit Babur's tomb, and was halting on his return 
journey at Barik-ab where Babur had halted on his march down 
to Hindustan in the year of victory 1525, at no great distance 
from " Babur Padshah's Stone-heap ". Abu'l-fazl's account of 
the presentation will rest on 'Abdu'r-rahim's information (A.N. 
trs. cap. ci). The diction of this translation is noticeable ; it gave 
much trouble to Erskine who thus writes of it (Memoirs Preface, 
Ix), " Though simple and precise, a close adherence to the idioms 
and forms of expression of the Turki original joined to a want of 
distinctness in the use of the relatives, often renders the meaning 
extremely obscure, and makes it difficult to discover the connexion 
of the different members of the sentence. 1 The style is frequently 
not Persian. . . . Many of the Turki words are untranslated." 

Difficult as these characteristics made Erskine's interpretation, 
it appears to me likely that they indirectly were useful to him by 
restraining his diction to some extent in their Turki fettering. This 
Turki fettering has another aspect, apart from Erskine's difficulties, 

1 Here speaks the man reared in touch with European classics ; (pure) Turki though 
it uses no relatives (Radloff) is lucid. Cf. Cap. IV The Memoirs of Babur. 


m. it would greatly facilitate re-translation into Turki, such as has 
Deen effected, I think, in the Farghana section of the Bukhara 
:ompilation. 1 


This item of work, a harmless attempt of Salim (i.e. Jahangir 
Padshah ; 1605-28) to provide the ancestral autobiography with 
certain stop-gaps, has caused much needless trouble and discussion 
without effecting any useful result. It is this : In his own auto- 
biography, the Tuzuk-i-jahangiri s.a. 1607, he writes of a Babur-nama 
Codex he examined, that it was all in Babur's " blessed handwriting " 
except four portions which were in his own and each of which he 
attested in Turki as so being. Unfortunately he did not specify his 
topics ; unfortunately also no attestation has been found to passages 
reasonably enough attributable to his activities. His portions may 
consist of the " Rescue-passage " (App. D) and a length of trans- 
lation from &LQ Akbarnama, a continuous part of its Babur chapter 
but broken up where only I have seen it, i.e. the Bukhara compila- 
tion, into (i) a plain tale of Kanwa (1527), (2) episodes of Babur's 
latter months (1529) both transferred to the first person and 
(3) an account of Babur's death (December 26th, 1530) and Court. 

Jahangir's occupation, harmless in itself, led to an imbroglio of 
Langles with Erskine, for the former stating in the Biographie 
Universelle art. Babour, that Babour's Commentaries " augmentes 
par Jahangir" were translated into Persian by 'Abdu'r-rahim. 
Erskine made answer, " I know not on what authority the learned 
Langles hazarded this assertion, which is certainly incorrect " 
(Memoirs, Preface, p. ix). Had Langles somewhere met with 
Jahangir's attestations ? He had authority if he had seen merely the 
statement of 1607, but Erskine was right also, because the Persian 
translation contains no more than the unaugmented Turki text. 
The royal stop-gaps are in Kehr's MS. and through Ilminski reached 
De Courteille, whence the biting and thorough analysis of the 
three ' ' Fragments ' ' by Teuf el. Both episodes the Langles and the 

1 For analysis of a retranslated passage see JRAS. 1908, p. 85. 


Teufel ones are time-wasters but they are comprehensible in the 
circumstances that Jahangir could not foresee the consequences 
of his doubtless good intentions. 

If the question arise of how writings that had had place in 
Jahangir's library reached Bukhara, their open road is through the 
Padshah's correspondence (App. Q and references), with a descendant 
of Ahrari in whose hands they were close to Bukhara. 1 

It groups scattered information to recal that Salim (Jahangir) was 
'Abdu'r-rahim's ward, that then, as now, Babur's Autobiography 
was the best example of classic Turki, and that it would appeal on 
grounds of piety as it did appeal on some sufficient ground to 
have its broken story made good. Also that for three of the four 
"portions" Abul-fazl's concise matter was to hand. 


My information concerning Baburiana under Shah-i-jahan Padshah 
(1628-58) is very meagre. It consists of (i) his attestation of a 
signature of Babur (App. Q and photo), (2) his possession of Babur's 
autograph Codex (Padshah-nama, Bib. Ind. ed., ii, 4), and (3) 
his acceptance, and that by his literary entourage, of Mir Abu-talib 
Husaini's Persian translation of Timur's Annals, the Malfuzat 
whose preparation the Zafar-nama describes and whose link with 
Babur's writings is that of the exemplar to the emulator. 2 


The Haidarabad Codex may have been inscribed under Aurang- 
zib Padshah (1655-1707). So many particulars about it have been 
given already that little needs saying here.3 It was the grande 
trouvaille of my search for Turki text wherewith to revive Babur's 
autobiography both in Turki and English. My husband in 1900 
saw it in Haidarabad ; through the kind offices of the late Sayyid 

1 Tuzuk-i-jahangiri, Rogers & Beveridge's trs. i, 110; JRAS. 1900, p. 756, for the 
Persian passage, 1908, p. 76 for the "Fragments", 1900, p. 476 for Ilminski's Preface 
(a second translation is accessible at the B.M. and I.O. Library and R.A.S.), Memoirs 
Preface, p. ix, Index s.nn. de Courteille, Teufel, Bukhara MSS. and Part iii eo cap. 

2 For Shah-i-jahan's interest in Timur see sign given in a copy of his note published in 
my translation volume of Gul-badan Begim's H-umayun-nama, p. xiii. 

3 JRAS. 1900 p. 466, 1902 p. 655, 1905 art. *.., 1908 pp. 78, 98 ; Index in loco s.n. 

PREFACE xlvii 

All Bilgrami it was lent to me ; it proved to surpass, both in volume 
and quality, all other Babur-nama MSS. I had traced ; I made its 
merits known to Professor Edward Granville Browne, just when the 
E. J. Wilkinson Gibb Trust was in formation, with the happy and 
accordant result that the best prose book in classic Turki became 
the first item in the Memorial mains ad filium of literary work 
done in the name of the Turkish scholar, and Babur's very words 
were safeguarded in hundred-fold facsimile. An event so important 
for autobiography and for Turki literature may claim more than 
the bald mention of its occurrence, because sincere autobiography, 
however ancient, is human and social and undying, so that this 
was no mere case of multiplying copies of a book, but was one of 
preserving a man's life in his words. There were, therefore, joyful 
red-letter days in the English story of the Codex outstanding from 
others being those on which its merits revealed themselves (on 
Surrey uplands) the one which brought Professor Browne's 
acceptance of it for reproduction by the Trust and the day of 
pause from work marked by the accomplished fact of the safety of 

the Babur-nama. 


The period from dr. 1700, the date of the Haidarabad Codex, 
and 1 8 10, when the Elphinstone Codex was purchased by its sponsor 
at Peshawar, appears to have been unfruitful in work on the 
Hindustan MSS. Causes for this may connect with historic events, 
e.g. Nadir Shah's desolation of Dihli and the rise of the East India 
Company, and, in Baburiana, with the disappearance of Babur's 
autograph Codex (it was unknown to the Scots of 1800-26), and the 
transfer of the Elphinstone Codex from royal possession this, 
possibly however, an accident of royal travel to and from Kabul at 
earlier dates. 

The first quarter of the nineteenth century was, on the contrary, 
most fruitful in valuable work, useful impulse to which was given 
by Dr. John Leyden who in about 1805 began to look into Turki. 
Like his contemporary Julius Klaproth (q.v.), he was avid of 
tongues and attracted by Turki and by Babur's writings of which he 

xlviii PREFACE 

had some knowledge through the 'Abdu'r-rahim (Persian) trans- 
lation. His Turki text-book would be the MS. of the Asiatic Society 
of Bengal, 1 a part-copy of the Bukhara compilation, from which he 
had the India Office MS. copied. He took up Turki again in 1810, 
after his return from Malay and whilst awaiting orders in Calcutta 
for departure to Java. He sailed in the autumn of the year and died 
in August 1 8 1 1. Much can be learned about him and his Turki 
occupations from letters (infra xiii) written to Erskine by him and 
by others of the Scottish band which now achieved such fine results 
for Babur's Autobiography. 

It is necessary to say something of Leyden's part in producing the 
Memoirs, because Erskine, desiring to " lose nothing that might 
add to Leyden's reputation ", has assigned to him an undue position 
of collaboration in it both by giving him premier place on its title- 
page and by attributing to him the beginning the translation. 
What one gleans of Leyden's character makes an impression of 
unassumption that would forbid his acceptance of the posthumous 
position given to him, and, as his translation shews the tyro in 
Turki, there can be no ground for supposing he would wish his 
competence in it over-estimated. He had, as dates show, nothing 
to do with the actual work of the Memoirs which was finished 
before Erskine had seen in 1813 what Leyden had set down before 
he died in 1811. As the Memoirs is now a rare book, I quote 
from it what Erskine says (Preface, p. ix) of Leyden's rough 
translation : " This acquisition (i.e. of Leyden's trs.) reduced me 
to rather an awkward dilemma. The two translations (his own 
and Leyden's) differed in many important particulars; but as 
Dr. Leyden had the advantage of translating from the original, 
I resolved to adopt his translation as far as it went, changing 
only such expressions in it as seemed evidently to be incon- 
sistent with the context, or with other parts of the Memoirs, or 
such as seemed evidently to originate in the oversights that are 
unavoidable in an unfinished work. 2 This labour I had completed 

* Cf. JRAS. 1900, Nos. VI, VII, VIII. 

* Ilminsld's difficulties are foreshadowed here by the same confusion of identity 
between the Babur-nama proper and the Bukhara compilation (Preface, Part iivp. li). 


vith some difficulty, when Mr. Elphinstone sent me the copy of the 
VIemoirs ofBaber in the original Turk! (i.e. The Elphinstone Codex) 
tfhich he had procured when he went to Peshawar on his embassy 
:o Kabul. This copy, which he had supposed to have been sent 
vvith Dr. Leyden's manuscripts from Calcutta, he was now fortunate 
enough to recover (in his own library at Poona). " The discovery 
Df this valuable manuscript reduced me, though heartily sick of the 
task, to the necessity of commencing my work once more." 

Erskine's Preface (pp. x, xi) contains various other references to 
Leyden's work which indicate its quality as tentative and unrevised. 
It is now in the British Museum Library. 


Little need be said here about the Memoirs of Baber* Ersldne 
worked on a basis of considerable earlier acquaintance with his 
Persian original, for, as his Preface tells, he had (after Leyden's 
death) begun to translate this some years before he definitely 
accepted the counsel of Elphinstone and Malcolm to undertake 
the Memoirs. He finished his translation in 1813, and by 1816 
was able to dedicate his complete volume to Elphinstone, but 
publication was delayed till 1826. His was difficult pioneer-,work, 
and carried through with the drawback of working on a secondary 
s'ource. It has done yeoman service, of which the crowning merit 
is its introduction of Babur's autobiography to the Western world. 


Amongst 'Erskine's literary remains are several bound volumes of 
letters from Elphinstone, Malcolm, Leyden, and others of that 
distinguished -group of Scots who promoted the revival of Babur's 
writings. Erskine's grandson, the late Mr. Lestocq Erskine, placed 
these, with other papers, at our disposal, and they are now located 
where they have been welcomed as appropriate additions : Elphin- 
stone's are in the Advocates' Library, where already (1826) he, 
through Erskine, had deposited his own Codex and with his 

1 Cf. Erskine's Preface passim, and in loco item XI, cap. iv. The Memoirs of Saber, 
and Index s.n. 



letters are those of Malcolm and more occasional correspondents; 
Leyderi's letters (and various papers) are in the Memorial Cottage 
maintained in his birthplace Denholm (Hawick) by the Edinburgh 
Border Counties Association ; something fitting went to the Bombay 
Asiatic Society and a volume of diary to the British Museum. 
Leyden's papers will help his fuller biography ; Elphinstone's letters 
have special value as recording his co-operation with Erskine by 
much friendly criticism, remonstrance against delay, counsels and 
encouragement. They, moreover, shew the estimate an accom- 
plished man of modern affairs formed of Babur Padshah's character 
and conduct ; some have been quoted in Colebrooke's Life of 
Elphinstone, but there they suffer by detachment from the rest of 
his Baburiana letters ; bound together as they now are, and with 
brief explanatory interpolations, they would make a welcome item 
for " Babur Padshah's Book-pile ". 


In May 1921 the contents of these volumes were completed, namely, 
the Babur-nama in English and its supplements, the aims of which 
are to make Babur known in English diction answering to his 
ipsissima verba, and to be serviceable to readers and students of 
his book and of classic Turki. 


Of writings based upon or relating to Babur's the following 
have appeared : 
Denkwurcligkeiten des Zahir-uddin Muhammad Babar A. Kaiser 

(Leipzig, 1828). This consists of extracts translated from the 


An abridgement of the Memoirs R. M. Caldecott (London, 1844). 
History of India Baber and Humayun W. Erskine (Longmans, 


Babar Rulers of India series Stanley Lane-Poole (Oxford, 1899) . 
Tuzuk-i-babari or Waqi f at-i-babari (i.e. the Persian trs.) Elliot 

and Dowson's History of India, 1872, vol. iv. 


Babur Padshah GhaziH. Beveridge (Calcutta Review, 1899). 
Babur's diamond, was it the Koh-i-nur ? H. Beveridge, Asiatic 

Quarterly Review, April, 1899. 
Was 'Abdu'r-rahim the translator of Babur's Memoirs ? '(i.e. the 

Babur-nama) H. Beveridge, AQR., July and October, 1900. 
An Empire- builder of the i6th century, Babur Laurence F. L. 

Williams (Allahabad, 1918). 
Notes on the MSS. of the Turki text (Babur-nama} A. S. Beveridge, 

JRAS. 1900, 1902, 1921, 1905, and Part II 1906, 1907, 1908, 

p. 52 and p. 828, 1909 p. 452 (see Index, s.n. A. S. B. for topics). 
[For other articles and notes by H. B. see Index s.n.] 

Part III. The " Bukhara Babur-nama". 

This is a singular book and has had a career as singular as its 
characteristics^ a very comedy of (blameless) errors and mischance. 
For it is a compilation of items diverse in origin, diction, and age, 
planned to be a record of the Acts of Babur and Humayun, dependent 
through its Babur portion on the 'Abdu 'r-rahim Persian translation 
for re-translation, or verbatim quotation, or dove-tailing effected on 
the tattered fragments of what had once been Kamran's Codex of 
the Babur-nama proper, the whole interspersed by stop-gaps attribut- 
able to Jahangir. These and other specialities notwithstanding, it 
ranked for. nearly 200 years as a reproduction of Babur's authentic 
text, as such was sent abroad, as such was reconstructed and 
printed in Kasan (1857), translated in Paris (1871), catalogued for 
the Petrograd Oriental School (1894), and for the India Office (1903). 

Manifest causes for the confusion of identity are, (i) lack of the 
guidance in Bukhara and Petrograd of collation with the true text, 

(2) want of information, in the Petrograd of 1700-25, about Babur's 
career, coupled with the difficulties of communication with Bukhara, 

(3) the misleading feature in the compiled book of its author's 
retention of the autobiographic form of his sources, without ex- 
planation as to whether he entered .surviving fragments of Kamran's 

1 The last blow was given to the phantasmal reputation of the book by the authoritative 
Haidarabad Codex which now can be seen in facsimile in many Libraries. 


Codex, patchings or extracts from 'Abdu'r-rahim's Persian transla- 
tion, or-quotations of Jahangir's stop-gaps. Of these three causes 
for error the first is dominant, entailing as it does the drawbacks 
besetting work on an inadequate basis. 

It is necessary to enumerate the items of the Compilation here 
as they are arranged in Kehr's autograph Codex, because that codex 
(still in London) 'may not always be accessible, 1 and because the 
imprint does not obey its model, but aims at closer agreement of the 
Bukhara Compilation with Ilminski's gratefully acknowledged 
guide The Memoirs of Baber. Distinction in commenting on the 
Bukhara and the Kasan versions is necessary ; their discrepancy 
is a scene in the comedy of errors. 

1 But for present difficulties of intercourse with Petrograd, I would have re-examined 
with Kehr's the collateral Codex of 1742 (copied in 1839 and now owned by the Petrograd 
University) . It might be useful, as Kehr's volume has lost pages and may be disarranged 
here and there. 

The list of Kehr's items is as follows : 

1 (not in the Imprint}. A letter from Babur to Kamran the date of which is 
fixed as 1527 by its committing Ibrahim Ludfs son to Kamran's charge (p. 544). It 
is heard of again in the Bukhara Compilation, is lost from Kehr's Codex, and preserved 
from his archetype by Klaproth who translated it. Being thus found in Bukhara in the 
first decade of the eighteenth century (our earliest knowledge of the Compilation is 
1709), the inference is allowed that it went to Bukhara as loot from the defeated 
Kamran's camp and that an endorsement its companion Babur-nama (proper) bears was 
made by the Auzbeg of two victors over Kamran, both of 1550, both in Tramontana. 1 

2 (not in Imp,}. Timur-pulad's memo, about the purchase of his Codex in dr. 
1521 ( eo cap. post}. 

3 (Imp. /). Compiler's Preface of Praise (JRAS. 1900, p. 474). 

4 {Imp. 2). Babur 1 s Acts in Farghana, in diction such as to seem a re-translation 
of the Persian translation of 1589. How much of Kamran's MS. was serviceable is 
not easy to decide, because the Turki fettering of 'Abdu'r-rahim's Persian lends itself 
admirably to re-translation. 2 

5 (Imp. 3). The " Rescue-passage" (App. D) attributable to Jahangir. 

6 (Imp. 4). Babur's Acts in Kabul, seeming (like No. 4) a re-translation or 
patching of tattered pages. There are also passages taken verbatim from the Persian. 

7 (Imp. omits). A short length of Babur's Hindustan Section, carefully shewn 
damaged by dots and dashes. 

8 (Imp. 5). Within 7, the spurious passage of App. L and also scattered passages 
about a feast, perhaps part of 7. 

9 (Imp. separates off at end of vol.) . Translated passage from the Akbar-nama, 
attributable to Jahangir, briefly telling of Kanwa (1527), Babur's latter 3'ears (both 
changed to first person), death and court. 3 

* That Babur-nama of the " Karnran-docket " is the mutilated and tattered basis, allowed by 
circumstance, of the compiled history of Babur, filled out and mended by the help of the Persian 
translation of 1589. Cf. Kehr's Latin Trs. fly-leaf entry ; Klaproth s.n. ; A.N. trs. H.B., p. 260 j 
JRAS. 1903, 1900, on the " Kamran-docket " (where are defects needing Klaproth's second article 

2 For an analysis of an illustrative passage see JRAS. 1906 ; for facilities of re-translation set 
to tup. p. xviii, where Erskine is quoted. 

6 See A.N. trans., p. 260 j Prefaces of Ilminski and de Courteille j ZDMG. xxxvii, Teufel's art. j 
JRAS. 1906. 


[Eabur's history has been thus brought to an end, incomplete in the balance needed 
of 7. In Kehr's volume a few pages are left blank except for what shews a Russian 
librarian's opinion of the plan of the book, " Here end the writings of Shah Babur."] 

10 (Imp. omits]. Preface to the history of Humayun, beginning at the Creation 
and descending by giant strides through notices of Khans and Sultans to ' Babur 
Mirza who was the father of Humayun Padshah ". Of Babur what further is said 
connects with the battle of Ghaj-davan (918-1512 q.v.}. It is ill-informed, laying 
blame on him as if he and not Najm Sani had commanded speaks of his preference 
for the counsel of young men and of the numbers of combatants. It is noticeable for 
more than its inadequacy however ; its selection of the Ghaj-davan episode from all 
others in Babur's career supports circumstantially what is dealt with later, the Ghaj- 
davani authorship of the Compilation. 

11 (Imp. omits). Under a heading "Humayun Padshah" is a fragment about 
(his? Accession) Feast, whether broken off by loss of his pages or of those of his arche- 
type examination of the P. Univ. Codex may show. 

12 (Imp. 6). An excellent copy of Babur's Hindustan Section, perhaps obtained 
from the Ahrari house. [This Ilminski places (I think) where Kehr has No^v.] 
From its position and from its bearing a scribe's date of completion (which Kehr brings 
over), vis. Tamt slntd 1126 (Finished 1714), the compiler may have taken it for 
Humayun's, perhaps for the account of his reconquest of Hind in 1555. 

[The remaining entries in Kehr's volume are a quatrain which may make jesting 
reference to his finished task, a librarian's Russian entry of the number of pages (831), 
and the words Etablissement Orientals, Fr. v. Adehmg, 1325 (the Director of the 
School from 1793). 

1 For particulars about Kehr's Codex see Smirnov's Catalogue of the School Library and JRA.S. 
1900, 1906. Like others who have made statements resting on the mistaken identity of the Bukhara 
Compilation, many of mine are now given to the winds. 

An impelling cause for the production of the Bukhara compilation 
is suggested by the date 1709 at which was finished the earliest 
example known to me. For in the first decade of the eighteenth 
century Peter the Great gave attention to Russian relations with 
foreign states of Central Asia and negociated with the Khan of 
Bukhara for the reception of a Russian mission. 1 Political aims 
would be forwarded if envoys were familiar with Turki ; books 
in that tongue for use in the School of Oriental Languages would 
be desired ; thus the Compilation may have been prompted and, 
as will be shown later, it appears to have been produced, and not 
merely copied, in 1709. The Mission's despatch was delayed till 
1719 ; it arrived in Bukhara in 1721 ; during its stay a member of 
its secretariat bought a Compilation MS. noted as finished -in 1714 
and on a fly-leaf of it made the following note : 

1 See Gregoriefs "Russian policy regarding Central Asia", quoted in Schuyler's 
Turkistan, App. IV. ^ . , , 

3 The Mission was well received, started to return to Petrograd, was attacked by 
Turkmans, went back to Bukhara, and there stayed until it could attempt the devious route 
which brought it to the capital in 1725. 


" /, Tinmr-pulad son of Mirza Rajab son of Pay-chin, bought this 
book Babur-natna after coming to Bukhara with [the] Russian Florio 
Beg Beneveni) envoy of the Padshah . . . whose army is numerous as 
the stars . . . May it be welt received! Amen! Lord of both 

Timur-pulad's hope for a good reception indicates a definite 
recipient, perhaps a commissioned purchase. The vendor may have 
been asked for a history of Babur ; he sold one, but " Babur- 
nama" is not necessarily a title, and is not suitable for the 
Compilation ; by conversational mischance it may have seemed so 
to the purchaser and thus have initiated the mistake of confusing 
the " Bukhara Babur-nama " with the true one. 

Thus endorsed, the book in 1725 reached the Foreign Office ; 
there in' 1737 it was obtained by George Jacob Kehr, a teacher of 
Turki, amongst other languages, in the Oriental School, who copied 
it with meticulous care, understanding its meaning imperfectly, 
in order to produce a Latin version of it. His Latin rendering was 
a 'fiasco, but his reproduction of the Arabic forms of his archetype 
was so obedient that on its sole basis Ilminski edited the Kasan 
Imprint (1857). A collateral copy of the Timur-pulad Codex was 
made in 1742 (as has been said) . 

In 1824 Klaproth (who in 1810 had made a less valuable extract 
perhaps from Kehr's Codex) copied from the Timur-pulad MS. 
its purchaser's note, the Auzbeg?(?) endorsement as to the transfer 
of the " Kamran-docket " and Babur' s letter to Kamran (Mdmoires 
relatifs a V Asie (Paris). 

In 1857 Ilminski, working in Kasan, produced his imprint, which 
became de Courteille's source for Les Memoir es de Baber in 1871. 
No worker in the above series shews doubt about accepting the 
Compilation as containing Babur's authentic text. Ilminski was 
in the difficult position of not having entire reliance on Kehr's 
transcription, a natural apprehension in face of the quality of the 
Latin version, his doubts sum up into his words that a reliable 
text could not be made from his source (Kehr's MS.), but that a 
Turki reading-book could and was. As has been said, he did not 


)ey the dual plan of the Compilation Kehr's transcript reveals, 

ds, perhaps, because of the misnomer Babur-nama under which 

imur-pulad's Codex had come to Petrograd; this, certainly, 

scause he thought a better history of Babur could be produced 

y following Erskine than by obeying Kehr a series of errors 

xllowing the verbal mischance of 1725. Ilminski's transformation 

f the items of his source had the ill result of misleading Pavet de 

ourteille to over-estimate his Turki source at the expense of 

^rskine's Persian one which, as has been said, was Ilminski's guide 

nother scene in the comedy. A mischance hampering the French 

/ork was its falling to be done at a time when, in Paris 1871, there 

an have been no opportunity available for learning the contents of 

Iminski's Russian Preface or for quiet research and the examination 

f collateral aids from abroad. 1 


The Haidarabad Codex having destroyed acquiescence in the 
jhantasmal view of the Bukhara book, the question may be con- 
sidered, who was its author ? 

This question a convergence of details about the Turki MSS, 
reputed to contain the Babur-nama, now allows me to answer with 
some semblance of truth. Those details have thrown new light 
upon a colophon which I received in 1900 from Mr. C. Salemann 
with other particulars concerning the " Senkovski Babur-nama," 
this being an extract from the Compilation ; its archetype reached 
Petrograd from Bukhara a century after Kehr's [viz. the Timur- 
pulad Codex]; it can be taken as a direct copy of the Mulla's 
original because it bears his colophon. 2 In 1900 I accepted it as 
merely that of a scribe who had copied Senkovski's archetype, but 
in 1921 reviewing the colophon for this Preface, it seems to me to 
be that of the original autograph MS. of the Compilation and to 
tell its author's name, his title for his book, and the year (1709) in 
which he completed it. 

1 One might say jestingly that the spirit in the book had rebelled since 1725 against 
enforced and changing masquerade as a phantasm of two other books ! 

' Neither Ilminski nor Smirnov mentions another "Babur-nama" Codex than Kehr's. 




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"fat acheve cette copie le 4 Mai, 1824, a St, Petersburg ; elle a 6te 
'aite d'apres un exe-mplaire appartenant a Nazar Bai Turkistani, 
egociant Boukhari, qui etait vemi cette annee a St. Petersburg. 
". Senkovski" 

The colophon Senkovski copied from his archetype is to the 
ollowing purport : 

"Known and entitled Waqi ( nama-i-padshahi (Record of Royal 
ids), [this] autograph and composition (bay ad u navisht) of Mulla 
^.bdu'l-wahhab the Teacher, of Ghaj-davan in Bukhara God pardon 
'.is mistakes and the weakness of his endeavour ! was finished on 
Monday, Rajab 5, 1121 (Aug. 31st, \7W\-Thank God!" 

It will be observed that the title Waqi'nama-i-padshahi suits the 
)lan of dual histories (of Babur and Humayun) better than does the 
'Babur-nama" of Timur-pulad's note, that the colophon does 
lot claim for the Mulla to have copied the elder book (1494-1530) 
>ut to have written down and composed one under a differing title 
uiting its varied contents ; that the Mulla' s deprecation and thanks, 
one better with perplexing work, such as his was, than with the 
teadfast patience of a good scribe ; and that it exonerates the 
lulla from suspicion of having caused-his compilation to be accepted 
LS Babur's authentic text. Taken with its circumstanding matters, 
t may be the de'noument of the play. 



The fame and long literary services of the Memoirs of Saber 
:ompel me to explain why these volumes of mine contain a verbally 
lew English translation of the Babur-nama instead of a second 
edition of the Memoirs. My explanation is the simple one of textual 
/alues, of the advantage a primary source has over its derivative, 


Babur's original text over its Persian translation which alone was 
accessible to Erskine. 

If the Babur-nama owed its perennial interest to its valuable 
multifarious matter, the Memoirs could suffice to represent it, but 
this it does not ; what has kept interest in it alive through some 
four centuries is the autobiographic presentment of an arresting 
personality its whole manner, style and diction produce. It is 
characteristic throughout, from first to last making known the 
personal quality of its author. Obviously that quality has the better 
chance of surviving a transfer of Babur's words to a foreign tongue 
when this can be effected by imitation of them. To effect this was 
impracticable to Erskine who did not see any example of the Turki 
text during the progress of his translation work and had little 
acquaintance with Turki. No blame attaches to his results ; they 
have been the one introduction of Babur's writings to English readers 
for almost a century ; but it would be as sensible to expect a potter 
to shape a vessel for a specific purpose without a model as a trans- 
lator of autobiography to shape the new verbal container for Babur's 
quality without seeing his own. Erskine was the pioneer amongst 
European workers on Baburiana Leydens's fragment of unrevised 
attempt to translate the Bukhara Compilation being a negligible 
matter, notwithstanding friendship's deference to it ; he had ready 
to his hand no such valuable collateral help as he bequeathed to his 
successors in the Memoirs volume. To have been able to help in 
the renewal of his book by preparing a second edition of it, revised 
under the authority of the Haidarabad Codex, would have been to 
me an act of literary piety to an old book-friend ; I experimented 
and failed in the attempt ; the wording of the Memoirs would not 
press back into the Turki mould. Being what it is, sound in its 
matter and partly representative of Babur himself, the all-round 
safer plan, one doing it the greater honour, was to leave it unshorn 
of its redundance and unchanged in its wording, in the place of 
worth and dignity it has held so long. 

Brought to this point by experiment and failure, the way lay open 
to make bee-line over intermediaries back to the fountain-head of 


discovered Turki text preserved in the Haidarabad Codex. Thus 
lave enjoyed an advantage no translator has had since 'Abdu'r- 
iim in 1589. 

Concerning matters of style and diction, I may mention that three 
tinct impressions of Babur's personality are set by his own, 
skine's and de Courteille's words and manner. These divergencies, 
ile partly due to differing textual bases, may result mainly from 
; use by the two Europeans of unsifted, current English and 
mch. Their portrayal might have been truer, there can be no 
ibt, if each had restricted himself to such under-lying component 
bis mother-tongue as approximates in linguistic stature to classic 
rki. This probability Erskine could not foresee for, having no 
ess during his work to a Turki source and no familiarity with 
rki, he missed their lessoning. 

Furki, as Babur writes it terse, word-thrifty, restrained and lucid, 
romes over neatly "into Anglo-Saxon English, perhaps through 
rnal affinities. Studying Babur's writings in verbal detail taught 

that its structure, idiom and vocabulary dictate a certain 
chanism for a translator's imitation. Such are the simple sentence, 
roid of relative phrasing, copied in the form found, whether abrupt 
1 brief or, ranging higher with the topic, gracious and dignified 

retention of Babur's use of " we " and " I " and of his frequent 
Dersonal statement the matching of words by their root-notion 
: strict observance of Babur's limits of vocabulary, effected by 
)tting to one Turki word one English equivalent, thus excluding 
lonyms for which Turki has little use because not shrinking from 

repeated word ; lastly, as preserving relations of diction, the 
lacing of Babur's Arabic and Persian aliens by Greek and Latin 
;s naturalized in English. Some of these aids towards shaping a 
interpa'rt of Turki may be thought small, but they obey a model 
1 their aggregate has power to make or mar a portrait. 
1) Of the uses of pronouns it may be said that Babur's "we" is 
ther regal nor self-magnifying but is co-operative, as beseems the 
ef whose volunteer and nomad following makes or unmakes his 
ver, and who can lead and command only by remittent consent 



IN the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. 

In 1 the month of Ramzan of the year 899 (June 1494) and Haidara- 
. the twelfth year of my age, 2 1 became ruler 3 in the country of fol . ^ ' 

. Description of Farghana.) 

Farghana is situated in the fifth climate 4 and at the limit of 
ttled habitation. On the east it has KSshghar; on the 
est, Samarkand; on the south, the mountains of the 
adakhshSn border; on the north, though in former times 
ere must have been towns such as Almaligh, AlmStu and 

1 The manuscripts relied on for revising the first section of the Memoirs, 
e. 899 to 908 AH. 1494 to 1 502 AD.) are the Elphinstone and the Haidarabad 
(dices. To variants from them, occurring in Dr. Kehr's own transcript no 
ihority can be allowed because throughout this section, his text appears to 

a compilation and in parts a retranslation from one or other of the two 
irsian translations (Wdqi'dt~i-bdburi) of the B&bur-nama. Moreover Dr. 
ninsky's imprint of Kehr's text has the further defect in authority that it 
is helped out from the Memoirs, itself not a direct issue from the Turk! 

Information about the manuscripts of the Bdbur-ndma can be found in the 
IAS for 1900, 1902, 1905, 1906, 1907 and 1908. 

The foliation marked in the margin of this book is that of the Haidarabad 
dex and of its facsimile, published in 1905 by the Gibb Memorial Trust. 

2 Babur, born on Friday, Feb. i4th. 1483 (Muljarram 6, 888 AH,), succeeded 
5 father, 'Umar Shaikh who died on June 8th. 1494 (Ram/an 4, 899 AH.). 

3 pdd-shah, protecting lord, supreme. It would be an anachronism to 
inslate pddshdh by King or Emperor, previous to 913 AH. (1567 AD.) because 
til that date it was not part of the style of any Timurid, even ruling members 
the house being styled Mirza. Up to 1 507 therefore Babur's correct style 
Babur Mirza. (Cf. 1.215 and note.) 

* See Ayin-i-akbari, Jarrett, p. 44. 


Yang! which in books they write Taraz, 1 at the present time 
all is desolate, no settled population whatever remaining, 
because of the Mughuls and the Auzbegs. 2 

Farghana is a small country, 3 abounding in grain and fruits. 
It is girt round by mountains except on the west, i.e. towards 
Khujand and Samarkand, and in winter 4 an enemy can enter 
only on that side. 

Fol. 2. xhe Saihun River (darya) commonly known as the Water 
of Khujand, comes into the country from the north-east, flows 
westward through it and after passing along the north of 
Khujand and the south of Fanakat, 5 now known as Shahnikh- 
iya, turns directly north and goes to Turkistan. It does not 

1 The Hai. MS. and a good many of the W.-i-B. MSS. here write Autrar. 
[Autrar like Taraz was at some time of its existence known as Yangi (New).] 
Taraz seems to have stood near the modern Auliya-ata ; Almaligh, a Metro- 
politan see of the Nestorian Church in the i4th. century, to have been the 
old capital of Kuldja, and Almatu (var. Almatl) to have been where Vernoe 
(Vierny) now is. Almaligh and Almatu owed their names to the apple 
(alma). Cf. Bretschneider's Mediaeval Geography p. 140 and T.R. (Elias and 
Ross) s.. 

3 Mughiil u Auzbeg -jihatdln. I take this, the first offered opportunity of 
mentioning (i) that in transliterating Turkl words I follow Turk! lettering 
because I am not competent to choose amongst systems which e.g. here, repro- 
duce Auzbeg as Uzbeg, Ozbeg and Euzbeg ; and (2) that style being part of an 
autobiography, I am compelled, in pressing back the Memoirs on Babur's 
Turkl mould, to retract from the wording of the western scholars, Erskirie and 
de Courteille. Of this compulsion Babur's bald phrase Mughul u Auzbeg 
jihatdln provides an illustration. Each earlier translator has expressed his 
meaning with more finish than he himself ; 'Abdu'r-rahim, by az jihat 'ubur-i 
(Mughul u) Auzbeg, improves on Babur, since the three towns lay in the tide- 
way of nomad passage (ubur) east and west ; Erskine writes " in consequence 
of the incursions " etc. and de C. " grace aux ravages commis " etc. 

3 Schuyler (ii, 54) gives the extreme length of the valley as about 160 miles 
and its width, at its widest, as 65 miles. 

4 Following a manifestly clerical error in the Second W.-i-B. the Akbar- 
nama and the Mems. are without the seasonal limitation, " in winter." 
Babur here excludes from winter routes one he knew well, the Kmdirlik Pass ; 
on the other hand Kostenko says that this is open all the year round. Does 
this contradiction indicate climatic change ? (Cf. f . 546 and note ; A.N. Bib. 
Ind. ed. i, 85 (H. Beveridge i, 221) and, for an account of the passes round 
Farghana, Kostenko's Turkistan Region, Tables of Contents.) 

6 Var. Banakat, Banakas, Flakat, Fanakand. Of this place Dr. Rieu 
"writes (Pers. cat. i, 79) that it was also called Shash and, in modern times, 
Tashkint. Babur does not identify Fanakat with the Tashkint of his day 
but he identifies it with Shahrukhiya (cf. Index s..) and distinguishes 
between Tashkmt-Shash and Fanakat-Shahrukhiya. It may be therefore 
that Dr. Rieu's Tashkmt-Fanakat was Old Tashkint, (Does Fana-kint mean 
Old Village ?) some 14 miles nearer to the Saihun than the Tashkint of Babur's 
day or our own. 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 3 

)in any sea 1 but sinks into the sands, a considerable distance 
elow [the town of] Turkistan. 

Farghana has seven separate townships, 2 five on 'the south 
nd two on the north of the Saihfin. 

Of those on the south, one is Andijan. It has a central 
osition and is the capital of the Farghana country. It pro- 
uces much grain, fruits in abundance, excellent grapes and 
nelons. In the melon season, it is not customary to sell them 
ut at the beds. 3 Better than the Andijan nashpati* there is 
ione. After Samarkand and Kesh, the fort 5 of Andijan is the 
irgest in Mawara'u'n-nahr (Transoxiana). It has three gates, 
ts citadel (ark) is on its south side. Into it water goes by 
tine channels ; out of it, it is strange that none conies at even 
, single place. 6 Round the outer edge of the ditch 7 runs a 
;ravelled highway ; the width of this highway divides the fort 
rom the suburbs surrounding it. 

Andijan has good hunting and fowling ; its pheasants grow Foi. 26, 

1 hech daryd qatilmas. A gloss of digar (other) in the Second W.-i-B. has 
sd Mr. Erskine to understand " meeting with no other river in its course." 

understand Babur to contrast the destination of the Saihun which he 
erroneously] says sinks into the sands, with the outfall of e.g. the Amu into 
he Sea of Aral. 

C/. First W.-i-B. I.O. MS. 215 f. 2 ; Second W.-i-B. I.O. MS. 217 f. ib and 
)useley's Ibn Haukal p. 232-244 ; also Schuyler and Kostenko I.e. 

2 Babur's geographical unit in Central Asia is the township or, with more 
rerbal accuracy, the village i.e. the fortified, inhabited and cultivated oasis. 
}f frontiers he says nothing. 

3 i.e. they are given away or taken. Babur's interest in fruits was not a 
natter of taste or amusement but of food. Melons, for instance, fresh or 
.tored, form during some months the staple food of Turkistams. C/. T.R. 
>. 303 and (in Kashmir) 425 ; Timkowski's Travels of the Russian Mission 
, 419 and Th. Radloff's Rtce-uils d' Itineraries p. 343. 

N.B. At this point two folios of the Elphinstone Codex are missing. 
* Either a kind of melon or the pear. For local abundance of pears see 
jyin-i-akbari, Blochmann p. 6 ; Kostenko and Von Schwarz. 

5 (jiirghan, i.e. the walled town within which was the citadel (ark). 

6 Tiiquz, tarnau sft hirdr, by, 'afab tur him bir ylrdin ham chiqmds. Second 
vV.-i-B. I.O. 217 f. 2, nuh ju'l db dar qila day mi dyid u in 'afab ast kah 
\arna az yak ja ham na. mi bar dyid. (Cf. Mems. p. 2 and Mems. i, 2.) I 
understand Babur to mean that all the water entering was consumed in the 
rown. The supply of Andijan, in the present day, is taken both from the 
\q Bura (i.e. the Afish Water) and, by canal, from the Qara Darya. 

7 khandaqnidg task yam. Second W.-i-B. I.O. 217 f. 2 dar kinar sang bast 
khandaq. Here as in several other places, this Persian translation has rendered 
rurki task, outside, as if it were Turkl'tfasA, stone. Babur's adjective stone is 
mngln (f. 456 1.8). /His point here is the unusual circumstance of a high-road 
running round the outer edge of the ditch. Moreover Andijan is built on and 


so surprisnigly fat that rumour has it four people could not 
finish one they were eating with its stew. 1 

Andijams are all Turks, not a man in town or bazar but 
knows Turki. The speech of the people is correct for the pen ; 
hence the writings of Mir *AlI-shIr Nawd'i,- though he was bred 
and grew up in Hlri (Harat), are one with their dialect. Good 
looks are common amongst them. The famous musician, 
Khwaja Yusuf, was an Andijanl. 3 The climate is malarious ; 
in autumn people generally get fever. 4 

Again, there is Aush (Ush), to the south-east, inclining to 
east, of Andijan and distant from it four yighdch by road. 5 It 
has a fine climate, an abundance of running waters 6 and a 
most beautiful spring season. Many traditions have their rise 

of loess. Here, obeying his Persian source, Mr. Erskine writes " stone-faced 
ditch " ; M. de C. obeying his Turki one, " bard extericur." 

1 qlrghawal ash-kinasi bUa. Ash-kina, a diminutive of ash, food, is the rice 
and vegetables commonly served with the bird. Kostenko i, 287 gives a 
recipe for what seems ash-kina. 

2 b. 1440 ; d. 1500 AD. 

3 Yusuf was in the service of Bal-sunghar Mirza Shahrnkhl (d. 837 AH.- 
J434 AD.). Cf. Daulat Shah's Memoirs of the Poets (Browne) pp. 34.0 and 
350-1. (H.B.) 

4 giizlat all blzkak kiib bulur. Second W.-i-B. (I.O. 217 f. 2) here and on 
f . 4 has read Turk! giiz, eye, for Turk! g uz or goz, autumn. It has here a gloss 
not in the Ilaidarabad or Kehr's MSS. (Cf. Mems. p. 4 note.) This gloss 
may be one of Humayun's numerous notes and may have been preserved in 
the Elphinstone Codex, but the fact cannot now be known because of the loss 
of the two folios already noted. {See Von Schwarz and Kostenko concerning 
the autumn fever of Transoxiana.) 

5 The Ptrs. trss. render yighach by farsang ; Ujfalvy also takes the yighach 
and the farsang as having a common equivalent of about 6 kilometres. Babur's 
statements in yighdch however, when tested by ascertained distances, do not 
work out into the farsang of four miles or the kilometre of 8 k-il. to 5 
miles. The yighach appears to be a variable estimate of distance, sometimes 
indicating the time occupied on a given journey, at others the distance to 
which a man's voice will carry. (Cf. Ujfalvy Expedition scientifique ii, 179 ; 
Von Schwarz p. 124 and de C.'s Diet. s.n. yighach. In the present instance, if 
Babur's 4 y. equalled 4 f . the distance from Aush to Andijan should be about 
16 m. ; but it is 33 m. i fur. i.e. 50 versts. (Kostenko ii, 33.) I find Babur's 
yighdch to vary from about 4 m. to nearly 8 m. 

6 aqar su, the irrigation channels on which in Turkistan all cultivation 
depends. Major-General Gerard writes, (Report of the Pamir Boundary Com- 
mission, p. 6,) "Osh is a charming little town, resembling Islamabad in Kashmir, 
everywhere the same mass of running water, in small canals, bordered with 
willow, poplar and mulberry." 'He saw the Aq Bura, the White wolf, mother 
of all these running waters, as a " bright, stony, trout-stream ;" Dr. Stein saw 
it as a " broad, tossing river." (Buried Cities of Khotan, p. 45.) Cf. Reclus 
vi, cap. Farghana ; Kostenko i, 104 ; Von Schwarz s.nii. 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 5 

its excellencies. 1 To the south-east of the walled town 
rghan) lies a symmetrical mountain, known as the Bara 
h ; 2 on the top of this, SI. Mahmud Khan built a retreat 
jra) and lower down, on its shoulder, I, in go2AH. (i4g6AD.) 
ilt another, having a porch. Though his lies the higher, 
ne is the better placed, the whole of the town and the suburbs 
ng at its foot. 

Fhe Andijan torrent^ goes to Andijan after having traversed FoL 3- 
5 suburbs of Aush. Orchards (baghat) 4 lie along both its 
iks; all the Aush gardens (baghlar) overlook it; their 
lets are very fine ; they have running waters and in spring 
i most beautiful with the blossoming of many tulips and roses. 
3n the skirt of the Bara-koh is a mosque called the Jauza 

Aushmng fazilatida hhaill afiadis wand dur. Second "W.-i-B. (I.O. 217 
) Fazilat-i-Aush akadift wand ast. Mems. (p. 3) "The excellencies of Usb 
celebrated even in the sacred traditions." Minis, (i, 2) " On cite beaucoup 
raditions qui celebrent I' excellence de ce climat." Aush may be mentioned 
he traditions on account of places of pilgrimage near it ; Babur's meaning 
y be merely that its excellencies are traditional. Cf. Ujfalvy ii, 172. 

Most travellers into Farghana comment on Babur's account of it. One 
;h discussed point is the position of the Bara Koh. The personal observa- 
ts of Ujfalvy and Schuyler led them to accept its identification with the 
iy ridge known as the Takht-i-sulaiman. I venture to supplement this 
bhe suggestion that Babur, by Bara Koh, did not mean the whole of the 
cy ridge, the name of which, Takht-i-sulaiman, an ancient name, must 
e been known to him, but one only of its four marked summits. Writing 
:he ridge Madame Ujfalvy says, " II y a quatre sommets dont le plus /levt 
e troisieme corn-plant par le nord." Which summit in her sketch (p. 327) 
le third and highest is not certain, but one is so shewn that it may be 
third, may be the highest and, as being a peak, can be described as sym- 
rical i.e. Babur's mauzun. For this peak an eppropriate name would be 
a Koh. 

: the name Bara Koh could be restricted to a single peak of the 
ht-i-sulaiman ridge, a good deal of earlier confusion would be cleared 
y, concerning which have written, amongst others, Hitter (v, 432 and 
I ; Reclus (vi. 54) ; Schuyler (ii, 43) and those to whom these three refer. 

an excellent account, graphic with pen and pencil, of Farghana and of 
h see Madame Ujfalvy's De Paris a Samatcande cap. v. 
vud. This is a precise word since the Aq Bura (the White Wolf), in a rela- 
ly short distance, falls from the Kurdun Pass, 13,400 ft. to Aush, 3040 ft. 

thence to Andijan, 1380 ft. Cf. Kostenko i, 104; Huntingdon in 
ipelly's Explorations in Turkistan p. 179 and the French military map 

Whether Babur's words, baghat, baghlar and baghcha had separate sig- 
ations, such as orchard, vineyard and ordinary garden i.e. garden-plots 
nail size, I am not able to say but what appears fairly clear is that when 
rrites baghat u baghlar he means all sorts of gardens, just as when writes 
t u begldr, he means begs of all ranks. 


Masjid (Twin Mosque). 1 Between this mosque and the town, 
a great main canal flows from the direction of the hill. Below 
the outer court of the rnosque lies a shady and delightful clover- 
meadow where every passing traveller takes a rest. It is the 
joke of the ragamuffins of Aush to let out water from the 
canal 2 on anyone happening to fall asleep in the meadow. A 
very beautiful stone, waved red and white 3 was found in the 
Bara Koh in 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's latter days ; of it are made 
knife handles, and clasps for belts and many other things. 
For climate and for pleasantness, no township in all Farghana. 
equals Aush. 

Again there is Marghlnan; seven ylghach* by road to the west 
of Andijan, a fine township full of good things. Its apricots 
(auruk) and pomegranates are most excellent. One sort of 
pomegranate, they call the Great Seed (Dana-i-kalan) ; its 
sweetness has a little of the pleasant flavour of the small apricot 
(zard-alu) and it may be thought better than the Semnan pome- 
granate. Another kind of apricot (auruk) they dry after stoning 
it and putting back the kernel; 5 they then call it sub^dni\ it is 
very palatable. The hunting and fowling of Marghlnan are 
good; aq klylk 6 are had close by. Its people are Sarts, 7 boxers, 

1 Madame Ujf alvy has sketched a possible successor. Schuyler found two> 
mosques at the foot of Takht-i-sulaiman, perhaps Babur's Jauza Masjid. 

2 aul shah-ju'ldln su quydrldr. 

3 Ribbon Jasper, presumably. 

4 Kostenko (ii, 30), 7 if versts i.e. 47 m. 4^ fur. by the Postal Road. 

5 instead of their own kernels, the Second W.-i-B. stuffs the apricots, in a 
fashion well known in India by khubdnt, with almonds (maghz-i baddm). The 
Turk! wording however allows the return 'to the apricots of their own kernels 
and Mr. Rickmers tells me that apricots so stuffed were often seen by him in 
the Zar-afshan Valley. My husband has shewn me that Nizami in his Haft 
Paikar appears to refer to the other fashion, that of inserting almonds : 

" I gave thee fruits from the garden of my heart, 
Plump and sweet as honey in milk ; 
Their substance gave the lusciousness of figs. 
In their hearts were the kernels of almonds." 

8 What this name represents is one of a considerable number of points in 
the Babur-ndma I am unable to decide. Kiyik is a comprehensive name 
(cf. Shaw's Vocabulary) ; aq kiytk might mean white sheep or white deer. It is 
rendered in the Second W.-i-B., here, by ahu-i-wariq and on f. 4, by ahu-i-sajed. 
Both these names Mr. Erskine has translated by " white deer," but he 
mentions that the first is said to mean atgall i.e. ovis poli, and refers to. 
Voyages de Pallas iv, 325. 

7 Concerning this much discussed word, Babur's testimony is of service. 
It seems to me that he uses it merely of those settled in towns (villages) and! 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 7 

noisy and turbulent. Most of the noted bullies (jangralar] of 
Samarkand and Bukhara are Marghmanis. The author of the 
Hidayat 1 was from Rashdan, one of the villages of Marghman. 

Again there is Asfara, in the hill-country and nine yighach* 
by road south-west of Marghman. It has running waters, 
beautiful little gardens (bdghcha) and many fruit-trees but 
almonds for the most part in its orchards. Its people are all 
Persian-speaking 3 Sarts. In the hills some two miles (birshar'i} 
to the south of the town, is a piece of rock, known as the Mirror 
Stone. 4 It is some ib arm-lengths (qari) long, as high as a man 
in parts, up to his waist in others. Everything is reflected by it 
as by a mirror. The Asfara district (wilayat] is in four sub- 
divisions (baluk) in the hill-country, .one Asfara, one Warukh, 
one Sukh and one Hushyar. When Muhammad Shaibam 
Khan defeated SI. Malimud Khan and Alacha Khan and took 
Tashkmt and Shahrukhiya, 5 I went into the Sukh and Hushyar Fol. 4. 
hill-country and from there, after about a year spent in great 
misery, I set out ('aztmat) for Kabul. 6 

Again there is Khujand, 7 twenty- five yighach by road to the 

without any reference to tribe or nationality. I am not sure that he uses it 
always as a noun ; he writes of a Sart klshi, a Sart person. His Asfara Sarts 
may have been Turki-speaking settled Turks and his Marghlnani ones Persian- 
speaking Tajiks. Cf. Shaw's Vocabulary ; s.n. Sart ; Schuyler i, 104 and 
note ; Nalivkine's Histoire du Khanat de Khokand p. 45 n. Von Schwarz s.n. ; 
Kostenko i, 287 ; Petzb old's Turkistan p. 32. 

1 Shaikh Burhanu'd-dln 'AH Qtllch ;b. circa 530 AH. (1135 AD.) d. 593 AH. 
[1197 AD.). See Hamilton's Hidayat. 

2 The direct distance, measured on the map, appears to be about 65 m. 
but the road makes df.iout round mountain spurs. Mr. Erskine appended 
tieire, to the " farsanp " of his Persian source, a note concerning the reduction 
D Tatar and Indian measures to English ones. It is rendered the ,less 
ipplicable by the variability of the ylghdch, the equivalent for a farsang 
presumed by the Persian translator. 

3 II ai. MS. Farsl-gu'l. The Elph. MS. and all those examined of the 
W.-i-B. omit the word Farsl; some writing kohl (mountaineer) for gu'l. I judge 
rhat Babur at first omitted the word Farsl, since it is entered in the II ai. MS. 
ibove the word gu'l. It would have been useful to Ritter (vii, 733) and to 
Ujfalvy (ii, 176). Cf. Kostenko i, 287 on the variety of languages spoken by 

4 Of the Mirror Stone neither Fedtschenko nor Ujfalvy could get news. 

5 Babur distinguishes here between Tashkmt and Shahrukhiya. Cf. f. 2 
ind note to Fanakat. 

6 He left the hill-country above Sukh in Muharram 910 AH. (mid- June 
1504 AD.). 

7 For a good account of Khujand see Kostenko i, 346. 


west of Andijan and twenty-five ylghach east of Samarkand. 1 
Khujand is one of the ancient towns ; of it were Shaikh Maslahat 
and Khwaja Kamal. 2 Fruit grows well there ; its pomegranates 
are renowned for their excellence; people talk of a Khujand 
pomegranate as they do of a Samarkand apple ; just now how- 
ever, Marghlnan pomegranates are much met with. 3 The 
walled town (qurghan) of Khujand stands on high ground; the 
Saihun River flows past it on the north at the distance, may 
be, of an arrow's flight. 4 To the north of both the town and 
the river lies a mountain range called Munughul; 5 people say 
there are turquoise and other mines in it and there are many 
snakes. The hunting and fowling-grounds of Khujand are 
first-rate ; dq kfyik, 6 bughu-maral," 7 pheasant and hare are all 
had in great plenty. The climate is very malarious ; in autumn 
there is much fever; 8 people rumour it about that the very 
sparrows get fever and say that the cause of the malaria is the 
mountain range on the north (i.e. Munughul). 

Kand-i-badam (Village of the Almond) is a dependency of 
Khujand; though it is not a towjiship (qasba) it is rather a good 

1 Khujand to Andijan 187 m. 2 fur. (Kostenko ii, 29-31) and, helped out by 
the time-table of the Transcaspian Railway, from Khujand to Samarkand 
appears to be some 1 54 m. 5 J fur. 

2 Both men are still honoured in Khujand (Kostenko i, 348). For Khwaja 
Kamal's Life and Diwan, see Rieu ii, 632 and Ouseley's Persian Poets p. 192. 
Cf. f. 836 and .note. 

3 hub art-uq dur, perhaps brought to Hindustan where Babur wrote the 

4 Turkish arrow-flight, London, 1791, 482 yards. 

6 I have found the following forms of this name, Hai. MS., M:nugh:l ; 
Pers. trans, and Mems., Myoghil ; Ilminsky, M:tugh:l ; Mems. Mtoughuil ; 
Reclus, Schuyler and Kostenko, Mogul Tau ; Nalivkine, " d'apres Fed' 
tschenko," Mont Mogol ; Fr. Map of 1904, M. Muzbek. It is the western end 
of the Kurama Range (Kindir Tau), which comes out to the bed of the Sir, is 
26f miles long and rises to 4000 ft. (Kostenko, i, 101). Von Schwarz describes 
it as being quite bare ; various writers ascribe climatic evil to it. 

6 Pers. trans, ahu-i-safed. Cf. L 36 note. 

7 These words translate into Cervus maral, the Asiatic Wapiti, and to this 
Babur may apply them. Dictionaries explain maral as meaning hind or doe 
but numerous books of travel and Natural History show that it has wider 
application as a generic name, i.e. deer. The two words bughu and maral 
appear to me to be used as e.g. drake and duck are used. Maral and duck can 
both imply 'the female sex, but also both are generic, perhaps primarily so. 
Cf. for further mention of bughu-maral f . 219 and f. 276. For uses of the word 
matdl, see the writings e.g. of Atkinson, Kostenko (iii, 69), Lyddeker, Littledale, 
Selous, Ronaldshay, Church (Chinese Turkistan), Biddulph (Forsyth's Mission). 

8 Cf. f. 2 and note. 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 9 

proach to one (qasbacha). Its almonds are excellent, hence 
name ; they all go to Hormuz or to Hindustan. It is five or Foi. 
:ylghach l east of Khujand. 

Between Kand-i-badam and Khujand lies the waste known as 
a Darwesh. In this there is always (hamesha) wind; from it 
nd goes always (hamesha) to Marghman on its east ; from it 
nd comes continually (da'im) to Khujand on its west. 2 It has 
3lent, whirling winds. People say that some darweshes, en- 
untering a whirlwind in this desert, 3 lost one another and 
pt crying, "Hay Darwesh ! Hay Darwesh !" till all had perished, 
d that the waste has been called Ha Darwesh ever since. 
Of the townships on the north of the Saihun River one is 
chsi. In books they write it Akhslklt 4 and for this reason the ' 

1 Schuyler (ii, 3), 18 m. 

! Hai. MS. Hamesha bu deshttd yU bay dur. 'Mavghinangha klm sharq'i dur, 
mesha mundln yil bamr ; Khujandgha him gharibl dur, da'im mundln yil 

This is a puzzling passage. It seems to say that wind always goes east and 
st from the steppe as from a generating centre. E. and de C. have given it 
ernative directions, east or west, but there is little point in saying this of 
ad in a valley hemmed in on the north and the south. Babur limits his 
.tement to the steppe lying in the contracted mouth of the Farghana valley 
ice Schuyler ii, 51) where special climatic conditions exist such as () differ - 
:e in temperature on the two sides of the Khujand narrows and currents 
iulting from this difference, (b] the heating of the narrows by sun-heat 
lected from the Mogol-tau, and (c) the inrush of westerly wind over 
rza Rabat. Local knowledge only can guide a translator safely but Babur's 
ectness of speech compels belief in the significance of his words and this 
rticularly when what he says is unexpected. He calls the Ha Darwesh a 
lirling wind and this it still is. Thinkable at least it is that a strong westerly 
rrent (the prevailing wind of Farghana) entering over Mlrza Rabat; and 
coming, as it does become, the whirlwind of Ha Darwesh on the hemmed-in 
:ppe, becoming so perhaps by conflict with the hotter indraught through 
3 Gates of Khujand might force that indraught back into the Khujand 
Arrows (in the way e.g. that one Nile in flood forces back the other), and at 
mjand create an easterly current. All the manuscripts agree in writing 
(gha) Marghinan and to (gha) Khujand. It may be observed that, looking 
the map, it appears somewhat strange that Babur should take, for his 
ad objective, a place so distant from his (defined) Ha Darwesh and seem- 
jly so screened by its near hills as is Marghinan. But that westerly winds are 
jvalent in Marghinan is seen e.g. in Middendorff 's Einblihhe in den Farghana 
al (p. 112). Cf. Reclus vi, 547 ; Schuyler ii, 51 ; Cahun's Histoire dn 
lanat de Khohandp. 28 and Sven Hedin's Dutch Asian's Wusten s.n. biirdn. 
J bddiya ; a word perhaps selected as punning on bad, wind. 
1 i.e. Akhsl Village. This word is sometimes spelled AkhsikLs but as the 
L name of the place was Akhs!-kmt, it may be conjectured at least that the 
* masattaft.a of Akhsikis represents the three points due for the nun and 
of hint. Of those writing Akhsildt may be mentioned the Hai. and Kehr's 


poet Asiru-d-dm is known as Akhsiklfi. After Andijan no town- 
ship in Farghana is larger than AkhsT. It is nin&y~tghdch l by 
road to the west of Andijan. 'Umar Shaikh Mlrza made it his 
capital. 2 The Saihun River flows below its walled town 
(qurghdn}. This stands above a great ravine (bulandjar) and it 
has deep ravines ('umiq jarldr) in place of a moat. When 'Umar 
Shaikh Mirza made it his capital, he once or twice cut other 
ravines from the outer ones. In all Farghana no fort is so 
strong as Akhsi. *Its suburbs extend some two miles further 
Foi. 5. than the walled town.* People seem to have made of Akhsi the 
saying (missal), " Where is the village ? Where are the trees ?" 
(Dih kuja ? Dirakhtan kuja ?) Its melons are excellent ; they 
call one kind Mir Tlmurl ; whether in the world there is another 
to equal it is not known. The melons of Bukhara are famous; 
when I took Samarkand, I had some brought from there and 
some from Akhsl ; they were cut up at an entertainment and 
nothing from Bukhara compared with those from Akhsl. The 
fowling and hunting of Akhsi are very good indeed ; aq klylk 
abound in the waste on the AkhsT side of the Saihun ; in the 
jungle on the Andijan side bftghti-mardl, 3 pheasant and hare are 
had, all in very good condition. 

Again there is Kasan, rather a small township to the north 
of Akhsl. From Kasan the Akhsl water comes in the same way 
as the Andijan water comes from Aush. Kasan has excellent 
air and beautiful little gardens (baghcha). As these gardens all 
lie along the bed of the torrent (sd'l) people call them the " fine 
front of the coat." 4 Between Kasams and Aushis there is rivalry 
about the beauty and climate of their townships. 

MSS. (the Elph. MS. here has a lacuna) the Zafar-ndma (Bib. Ind. i, 44) and 
Ibn Haukal (Ouseley p. 270) ; and of those writing the word with the sa'i 
mw.allasa (i.e. as Akhsikis), Yaqut's Diet, i, 162, Reinaud's Abu'1-feda I. ii, 
225-6, Ilminsky (p. 5) departing from his source, and I.O. Cat. (Ethe) No. 1029. 
It may be observed that Ibn Haukal (Ouseley p. 280) writes Banakas for 
Banakat. For Asiru'd-dln Akhsiklti, see Rieu ii, 563 ; Daulat Shah .(Browne) 
p. 121 and Ethe I.O. Cat. No. 1029. 

1 Measured on the French military map of 1904, this may be 80 kil. i.e. 
50 miles. 

3 Concerning several difficult passages in the rest of Babur's account of 
Akhsi, see Appendix A. 

3 The W.-i-B. here translates bughu-maral by gazawn and the same word is 
entered, under-line, in the Hai. MS. Cf. f. 36 and note and f. 4 and note. 

* postin pesh b:r:h. This obscure Persian phrase has been taken in the 
following ways : 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 n 

In the mountains round Farghana are excellent summer- 
pastures (ytlaq). There, and nowhere else, the tabalghil l grows, 
a tree (yzghach) with red bark; they make staves of it; they Fol. 51*. 
make bird-cages of it; they scrape it into arrows; 2 it is 'an 
excellent wood (ytghach) and is carried as a rarity 3 to distant . 

places. Some books write that the mandrake 4 is found in these 
mountains but for this long time past nothing has been heard 
of it. A plant called Aylq ailtl 5 and having the qualities of the 
mandrake (mihr-giyah), is heard of in Yiti-kmt ; 6 it seems to be 

(a) W.-i-B. I.O. 215 and 217 (i.e. both versions) reproduce the phrase. 

(b) W.-i-B. MS., quoted by Erskine, p. 6 note, postm-i mish burra. 

(c) Leyden's MS. Trs., a sheepskin mantle of five lambskins. 

(d) Mems., Erskine, p. 6, a mantle of five lambskins. 

(e) The Persian annotator of the Elph. MS., underlining pesh, writes, panf, 

(/) Klaproth (Archives, p. 109), pustini pisch breh, d.h. gieb den vorderen 
Pelz. 9 

(g) Kehr, p. 12 (Ilminsky p. 6) postin blsh b:r;h. 

(h) De. C., i, 9, fourrure d'agneait de la premiere qualite. 

The " lambskins " of L. and E. carry on a notion of comfort started by 
their having read say ah, shelter, for Turki sa't, torrent-bed ; de C. also lays 
stress on fur and warmth, but would not the flowery border of a mountain 
stream prompt rathsr a phrase bespeaking ornament and beauty than one 
expressing warmth and textile softness ? If the phrase might be read as 
postin pesh pera, what adorns the front of a coat, or as postin pesh bar rah, the 
fine front of the coat, the phrase would recall the gay embroidered front of 
some leathern postins. 

1 Var. tabarkhun. The explanation best suiting its uses, enumerated here, 
is Redhouse's second, the Red Willow. My husband thinks it may be the 
Hyrcanian Willow. 

2 Steingass describes this as " an arrow without wing or point " (barb ?) 
and tapering at both ends ; it may be the practising arrow, t'aKm auqi, often 

3 tabarrahluq. Cf. f. 486 foot, for the same use of the word. 

4 yabmju's-sannam. The books referred to by Babur may well be the 
Rauzatu's-safa and the Hablbu's-siydt, as both mention the plant. 

5 The Turki word ayiq is explained by Redhouse as awake and alert ; and 
by Meninski and de Meynard as sobered and as a return to right senses. It may 
be used here as a equivalent of mihr in.mihr-giydh, the plant of love. 

Mr. Ney Elias has discussed the position of this group of seven villages. 
(Cf. T. R. p. 1 80 n.) Arrowsmith's map places it (as Iti-kint) approximately 
where Mr. Th. Radloff describes seeing it i.e. on the Farghana slope of the 
Kurama range. (Cf. Receuil d'ltinfraires p. 188.) Mr. Th. Radloff came 
into Yiti-klnt after crossing the Kindirlik Pass from Tashkmt and he enumer- 
ates the seven villages as traversed by him before reaching the Sir. It is 
hardly necessary to say that the actual villages he names may not be those of 
Babur's Yiti-klnt. Wherever the word is used in the Babur-nama and the 
Tankh-i-rashidi, it appears from the context allowable to accept Mr. Radloff 's 
location but it should be borne in mind that the name Yiti-kmt (Seven 


the mandrake (mihr-giyah) the people there call by this nam< 
(i.e. ayiq auti). There are turquoise and iron mines in the& 

if people do justly, three or four thousand men 1 may be main 
tained by the revenues of Farghana. 

(b. Historical narrative resumed.)* 

As 'Umar Shaikh Mirza was a ruler of high ambition and grea 
pretension, he was always bent on conquest. On severa 
occasions he led an army against Samarkand ; sometimes h( 
was beaten, sometimes retired against his will. 3 More thar 
once he asked his father-in-law into the country, that is to say 
my grandfather, Yunas Khan, the then Khan of the Mughuli 
in the camping ground (yurt) of his ancestor, Chaghatai Khan 
the second son of Chlngiz Khan.. Each time the Mirza "broughi 
The Khan into the Farghana country h|| gave him lands, but 
partly owing to his misconduct, partly to the thwarting of the 
Foi. 6. Mughuls, 4 things did not go as he wished and Yunas Khan, no- 
being able to remain, went out again into Mughulistan. Wher 
the Mirza last brought The Khan in, he was in possession o: 

villages or towns) might be found as an occasional name of Alti-shahr (Sh 
towns). See T.R. s.n, Alti-shahr. 

1 klshi, person, here manifestly fighting men. 

2 Elph. MS. t 2b ; First W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 46 ; Second W.-i-B. I.O. 21; 
f. 4 ; Mems. p. 6 ; Ilminsky p. 7 ; Mms. i. 10. 

The rulers whose affairs are chronicled at length in the Farghana Seetioi 
of the B.N. are, (I) of Timurid Turks, (always styled Mirza), (a) the thre< 
Miran-shahi brothers, Ahmad, Mahmud and 'Umar Shaikh with their sue 
cessors, Bai-sunghar, 'All and Babur ; (b) the Bai-qara, Husain of Harat 
(II) of Chlnglz Khamcls, (always styled Khan,) (a) the two Chaghatal Mughii 
brothers, Malimud and Ahmad ; (6) the Shaibanid Auzbeg, Muhammac 
Shaib inl (Shah-i-bakht or Shaibaq or Shahi Beg) . 

In electing to use the name Shaibani, I follow not only the ITai. Codex bui 
also Shaibani's Boswell, Muhammad Salih Mirza. The Elph. MS. frequentl) 
uses Shaibaq but its authority down to f. 198 (Ilai. MS. f. 2436) is not so greal 
as it is after that folio, because not till f . 198 is it a direct copy of Babur's own 
It may be more correct to write " the Shaibani Khan " and perhaps even " th< 

3 bi murad, so translated because retirement was caused once by the over 
ruling of Khwaja 'Ubaidu'1-lah Ahrdrt. (T.R. p. 113.) 

4 Once the Mirza did not wish Yunas to winter in Akhsl ; once did not exped 
him to yield to the demand of his Mughuls to be led out of the cultivatec 
country (wilayat). His .own misconduct included his attack in Yunas or 
account of Akhsl and much falling-out with kinsmen. (T.R. s.nn.) 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 13 

Tashkint, which in books they write Shash, and sometimes 
Chach, whence the term, a Chachi, bow. 1 He gave it to The 
Khan, and from that date (SgoAH.-i^SsAD.) down to goSAH. 
(I503AD.) it and the Shahrukhiya country were held by the 
Chaghatai Khans. 

At this date (i.e., 8g9AH.-i494AD.) the Mughul Khanship 
was in SI. Mahmud Khan, Yunas Khan's younger son and a 
half-brother of my mother. As he and 'Umar Shaikh Mlrza's 
elder brother, the then ruler of Samarkand, SI, Ahmad Mlrza 
were offended by the Mlrza's behaviour, they came to an agree- 
ment together ; SI. Ahmad Mirza had already given a daughter 
to SI. Mahmud Khan ; 2 both now led their armies against 
'Umar Shaikh Mirza, the first advancing along the south of 
the Khujand Water, the second along its north. 

Meantime a strange event occurred. It has been mentioned Fol- 
that the fort of Akhsi is situated above a deep ravine ; 3 along 
this ravine stand the palace buildings, and from it, on Monday, 
Ramzan 4, (June 8th.) 'Umar Shaikh Mlrza flew, with his 
pigeons and their house, and became a falcon. 4 

He was 3^ (lunar) years old, having been born in Samarkand, 
in 86oAH. (I456AD.) He was SI. Abu-sa'id Mlrza's fourth 
son, 5 being younger than SI. Ahmad M. and SI. Muhammad 

1 i.e. one made of non-warping wood (Steingass), perhaps that of the White 
Poplar. The Shah-nama (Turner, Ma9on ed. i, 71) writes of a Chachi bow and 
arrows of khadang, i.e. white poplar. (H.B.) 

2 i.e. Rabl'a - sultan, married circa 893 AH. -1488 AD. For particulars' 
about her and all women mentioned in the B.N. and the T.R. see Gulbadan 
Beglm's Humayun-nama, Or. Trs. Series. 

3 jar, either that of the Kasan Water or of a deeply-excavated canal. 
The palace buildings are mentioned again on f . 1 106. Cf. Appendix A. 

* i.e. soared from earth, died. For some details of the accident see A.N. 
(H. Beveridge, i, 220.) 

5 II .3. ii, 192, Firishta, lith. ed. p. 191 and D'Herbelot, sixth. 

It would have accorded with Babur's custom if here he had mentioned the 
parentage of his father's mother. Three times (fs. 176, 706, 966) he writes 
of " Shah Sultan Begun " in a way allowing her to be taken as 'Umar Shaikh's 
own mother. Nowhere, however, does he mention her parentage. One 
even cognate statement only have we discovered, viz. Khwand -amir's (II. S, ii, 
192) that 'Umar Shaikh was the own younger brother (barddar khurdtar khud] 
of Ahmad and Mahmud. If his words mean that the three were full-brothers, 
'Umar Shaikh's own mother was Abu-sa'id's Tarkhan wife. Babur's omission 
(f. 216) to mention his father with A. and M. as a nephew of Darwesh Muli. 
Tarkhan would be negative testimony against taking Khwand -amir's statement 
to mean " full-brother;" if clerical slips were not easy and if Khwand-amir's; 


M. and SI. Mahmud Mirza. His father, SI. Abit-sa'Id Mirza, 
was the son of SI. Muhammad Mirza, son of Timiir Beg's third 
son, Miran-shah M. and was younger than 'Urnar Shaikh Mirza, 
(the elder) and Jahangir M. but older than Shahrukh Mirza. 

c. 'Umar Shaikh Mtrza's country. 

His father first gave him Kabul and, with Baba-i-Kabuli 1 for 
his guardian, had allowed him to set out, but recalled him from 
the Tamarisk Valley 2 to Samarkand, on account of the Mirzas' 
Circumcision Feast. When the Feast was over, he gave him 
Andijan with the appropriateness that Timur Beg had given 
Farghana (Andijan) to his son, the elder 'Umar Shaikh Mirza. 
This done, he sent him off with Khudai-birdi Tughchl Timur- 
tash* for his guardian. 

d. His appearance and characteristics. 

He was a short and stout, round-bearded and fleshy-faced 
FoL 7. person. 4 He used to wear his tunic so very tight that to fasten 
the strings he had to draw tiis belly in and, if he let himself 
out after tying them, they often tore away. He was not choice 
in dress or food. He wound his turban in a fold (dastar-pech) ; 
all turbans were in four folds (chdr-pech) in those days ; people 

means of information were less good. He however both was the son of 
Maljmud's wazir (II. S. ii, 194) and supplemented his book in Babur's presence. 
To a statement made by the writer of the biographies included in Kehr's 
B.N. volume, that 'U.S.'s family (atimagh) is not known, no weight can be 
attached, spite of the co-incidence that the Mongol form of aumagh, i.e. aumdk 
means Mutter-leib. The biographies contain too many known mistakes for 
their compiler to outweigh Khwand-amlr in authority. 

1 Cf. Rauzatu' s-safa vi, 266. (H.B.) 

2 Dara-i-gaz, south of Balkh. This historic feast took place at Merv in 
870 AH. (1465 AD.). As 'Umar Shaikh was then under ten, he may have been 
one of the Mirzas concerned. 

3 Khudai-birdi is a Pers.-TurkI hybrid equivalent of Theodore ; tughchl 
implies the right to use or (as hereditary standard-bearer,) to guard the tugh ; 
Tlmur-tash may mean i.a. Friend of Tlmur (a title not excluded here as borne 
by inheritance. Cf. f. 126 and note), Sword-friend (i.e. Companion-in-arms), 
and Iron-friend (i.e. stanch). Cf. Diet. s.n. Tlmur-bash, a sobriquet of 
Charles XII. 

4 Elph. and Hai. MSS. quba yuzl-uq ; this is under-lined in the Elph. MS. by 
ya'nl pur ghosht. Cf. f. 68b for the same phrase. The four earlier trss. viz. 
the two W.-i-B., the English and the French, have variants in this passage. 

899 AH, OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 15 

yore them without twisting and let the ends hang down. 1 In 
:he heats and except in his Court, he generally wore the 
Vlughul cap. 

:. His qualities and habits. 

He was a true believer (Sanafl mazhabliK) and pure in the 
?aith, not neglecting the Five Prayers and, his life through, 
naking up his Omissions. 2 He read the Qur'an very 
'requently and was a disciple of his Highness Khwaja 
Ubaidu'1-lah (Ahrari) who honoured him by visits and 
iven called him son. His current readings 3 were the two 
Quintets and the Masnawl-f of histories he read chiefly 
:he Shdh-ndma. He had a poetic nature, but no taste for 
:omposing verses. He was so just that when he heard of a 
:aravan returning from Khitai as overwhelmed by snow in 
he mountains of Eastern Andijan, 5 and that of its thousand 
leads of houses (awlluq) two only had escaped, he sent his 
>verseers to take charge of all goods and, though no heirs were FoL 
iear and though he was in want himself, summoned the heirs 
rom Khurasan and Samarkand, and in the course of a year 
>r two had made over to them all their property safe and 

He was very generous ; in truth, his character rose altogether 
o the height of generosity. He was affable, eloquent and 
weet-spoken, daring and bold. Twice out-distancing all his 

1 The apposition may be between placing the turban - sash round the 
urban-cap in a single flat fold and winding it four times round after twisting 
; on itself. Cf, f. 18 and Hughes Diet, of Islam s.n. turban. 

2 qazalar, the prayers and -fasts omitted when due, through war, travel 
ickness, etc. 

3 rawan sawadl bar idl ; perhaps, wrote a running hand. De C. i, 13, ses 
.ctures courantes 6taient . . . 

4 The dates of 'Umar Shaikh's limits of perusal allow the Quintets 
Khamsatin) here referred to to be those of Ni/ami and Arnir Khusrau of Dihli. 
'he Masnawl must be that of Jalalu'd-dm Riimi. (H.B.) 

5 Probably below the Tirak (Poplar) Pass, the caravan route much exposed 
3 avalanches. 

Mr. Erskine notes that this anecdote is erroneously told as of Babur by 
'irishta and others. Perhaps it has been confused with the episode on 

2076. Firishta makes another mistaken attribution to Babur, that of 
[asan of Yaq'ub's couplet. (H.B.) Cf. f. 136 and Dow's Hindustan ii, 218. 


braves, 1 he got to work with his own sword, once at the Gate 
of Akhsi, once at the Gate of Shahrukhiya. A middling archer, 
he was strong in the fist, not a man but fell to his blow. 
Through his ambition, peace was exchanged often for war, 
friendliness for hostility. 

In his early days he was a great drinker, later on used to have 
a party once or twice a week. He was good company, on 
occasions reciting verses admirably. Towards the last he 
rather preferred intoxicating confects 2 and, under their sway, 
used to lose his head. His disposition 3 was amorous, and he 
bore many a lover's mark. 4 He played draughts a good deal, 
sometimes even threw the dice. 

/. His battles and encounters. 

He fought three ranged battles, the first with Yunas Khan, 
Foi. 8. on the Saihun, north of Andijan, at the Goat-leap, 5 a village 
so-called because near it the foot-hills so narrow the flow of 
the water that people say goats leap across. 6 There he was 
beaten and made prisoner. Yunas Khan for his part did well 
by him and gave him leave to go to his own district (Andijan). 
This fight having been at that place, the Battle of the Goat-leap 
became a date in those parts. 

His second battle was fought on the Urus/in Turkistan, with 
Auzbegs returning from a raid near Samarkand. He crossed 
the river on the ice, gave them a good beating, separated off all 
their prisoners and booty and, without coveting a single thing 
for himself, gave everything back to its owners. 

1 ytgltldr, young men, the modern jighit. Babur uses the word for men 
on the effective fighting strength. It answers to the " brave " of North 
American Indian story ; here de C. translates it by braves. 

2 ma' fun. Cf. Von Schwarz p. 286 for a recipe. 

3 mutaiyam. This word, not clearly written in all MSS., has been mistaken 
for yitlm. Cf. JRAS 1910 p. 882 for a note upon it by my husband to whom 
I owe the emendation. 

* na'l u ddght bisyar idl, that is, he had inflicted on himself many of the 
brands made by lovers and enthusiasts. Cf. Chardin's Voyages ii, 253 and 
Lady M. Montague's Letters p. 200. 

5 tika slkrltku, lit. likely to make goats leap, from sikrimak to jump close- 
footed (Shaw). 

6 stknkdn dtir. Both stifiritku and slkrlkan diir, appear to dictate translation 
in general terms and not by reference to a single traditional leap by one goat- 

7 i.e. Russian ; it is the Arys tributary of the Sir. 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 17 

His third battle he fought with (his brother) SI. Ahmad 
Mlrza at a place between Shahrukhiya and Afira-trpa, named 
Khwas. 1 Here he was beaten. 

g. His country. 

The Farghana country his father had given him ; Tashklnt 
and Sairam, his elder brother, SI. Ahmad Mirza gave, and 
they were in his possession for a time ; Shahrukhiya he took 
by a ruse and held awhile. Later on, Tashkint and Shahrukhiya 
passed out of his hands; there then remained the Farghana 
country and Khujand, some do not include Khujand in Fol. 
Farghana, and Aura-tipa, of which the original name was 
Aurushna and which some call Aurush. In Aura-tipa, at the 
time SI. Ahmad Mirza went to Tashklnt against the Mughuls, 
and was beaten on the Chlr 2 (893AH.-I488AD.) was Hafi? Beg 
Drddal; he made it over to 'Umar Shaikh M. and the Mirza 
held it from that time forth. 

h. His children. 

Three of his sons and five of his daughters grew up. I, 
Zahlru'd-din Muhammad Babur, 3 was his eldest son ; my 
mother was Qutliiq-nigar Khanim. Jahangir Mirza was his 
second son, two years younger than I ; his mother, Fatima- 
sulfcan by name, was of the Mughul tii man-begs. 4 Nasir Mirza 
was his third son ; his mother was an Andijanl, a mistress, 6 
lamed Umld. He was four years younger than I. 

'Umar Shaikh Mirza's eldest daughter was Khan-zada 
Begim, 6 my full sister, five years older than I. The second 

1 The Fr. map of 1904 shows Kas, in the elbow of the Sir, which seems to 
epresent Khwas. 

2 i.e. the Chlr-chik tributary of the Sir. 

3 Concerning his name, see T.R. p. 173. 

4 i.e. he was a head-man of a horde sub-division, nominally numbering 
0,000, and paying their dues direct to the supreme Khan. (T.R. p. 301.) 

fi ghunchachl i.e. one ranking next to the four legal wives, in Turk! audaliq, 
rhence odalisque. Babur and Gul-badan mention the promotion of several to 
Jegim's rank by virtue of their motherhood. 

6 One of Babur's quatrains, quoted in the Abushqa, is almost certainly 
ddressed to Khan-zada. Cf. A.Q. Review, Jan. 1911, p. 4 ; H. Beveridge's 
'ome verses of Babur. For an Account of her marriage see Shaibdnl-nama 
Vambery) cap. xxxix. 


time I took Samarkand (gosAH.-isooAD.), spite of defeat ai 
Sar-i-pul, 1 1 went back and held it through a five months' siege, 
but as no sort of help or reinforcement came from any beg or 
ruler thereabouts, I left it in despair and got away ; in that 
throneless time (fatrat) Khan-zada Beglm fell 2 to Muhammad 
Shaibani Khan. She had one child by him, a pleasant boy, 3 
Foi. 9. named Khurram Shah. The Balkh country was given to 
him ; he went to God's mercy a few years after the death of 
his father (gi6AH.-i5TOAD.). Khan-zada Beglm was in Merv 
when Shah Isma'il (Safawl) defeated the Auzbegs near that 
town (gi6AH.-i5ioAD.) ; for rny sake he treated her well, giving 
her a sufficient escort to Qunduz where she rejoined me. We 
had been apart for some ten years; when Muhammad! 
kukhldash and I went to see her, neither she nor those about 
her knew us, although I spoke. They recognized us after 
a time. 

Mihr-banO Beglm was another daughter, Nasir Mirza's full- 
sister, two years younger than I. Shahr-banu Beglm was 
another, also Nasir Mirza's full-sister, eight years younger 
than I. Yadgar-sultan Beglm was another, her mother 
was a mistress, called Agha-sultan. Ruqaiya-sultan Beglm 
was another ; her mother, Makhdum-sultan Beglm, people 
used to call the Dark-eyed Beglm. The last-named two 
were born after the Mirza's death. Yadgar-sultan Beglm was 
brought up by my grandmother, Aisan-daulat Beglm ; she fell 
to 'Abdu'l-latlf SL, a son of liamza SI. when Shaibani Khan 
took Andijan and Akhsi (9o8AH.-i503AD.). She rejoined me 
when (gi7AH.-i5iiAD.) in Khutlan I defeated Hamza SI. and 
other sultans and took Hisar. Ruqaiya-sultan Beglm fell in that 
Vol. 9/;. same throneless time (fair at) to Jani Beg SI. (Auzbeg). By him 
she had one or two children who did not live. In these days 

1 Kehr's MS. has a passage here not found elsewhere and seeming to be an 
adaptation of what is at the top of II ai. MS. f. 88. (Ilminsky, p. 10, ba wujud 
. , , tdpib.) 

2 tiishti, which here seems to mean that she fell to his share on division of 
captives. Muh. Salilj makes it a love-match and places the marriage before 
Babur's departure. Cf. f. 95 and notes,. 

3 aughlan. Khurram would be about Tve when given Balkh in circa 
911 AH. (1505 AD.). He died when about 12. Cf. l.I.S. ii, 364. 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 19 

of our leisure (fiirsatlar) * has come news that she has gone to 
God's mercy. 

i. His ladies and mistresses. 

Qutluq-nigar Khanlm was the second daughter of Yunas 
Khan and the eldest (half-) sister of SI. Mahmud Khan and 
SI. Ahmad Khan. 

(;. Interpolated account of Babur's mother's family.) 

Yunas Khan descended from Chaghatal Khan, the second 
.son of Chmgiz Khan (as follows,) Yunas Khan, son of Wais 
Khan, son of Sher-'ali Aughlan, son of Muhammad Khan, son 
of Khizr Khwaja Khan, son of Tughluq-timur Khan, son of 
Aisan-bugha Khan, son of Dawa Khan, son of Baraq Khan, 
son of Yisuntawa Khan, son of Muatukan, son of Chaghatal 
Khan, son of Chlnglz Khan. 

Since such a chance has come, set thou down 2 now a 
summary of the history of the Khans. 

Yunas Khan (d. 892 AH.-I487 AD.) and Aisan-bugha Khan 
(d. 866 AH.-I462 AD.) were sons of Wais Khan (d. 832 AH.- 
1428 AD.). 3 Yunas Khan's mother was either a daughter or a 
grand-daughter of Shaikh Nuru'd-dm Beg, a Turkistani 
Qipchaq favoured by Timur Beg. When Wais Khan died, the 
Mughul horde split in two, one portion being for Yunas Khan, 
the greater for Aisan-bugha Khan. For help in getting the 
upper hand in the horde, Airzln (var. Alrazan) one of the 
Barln tuman-begs and Beg Mirik Turkman, one of the Chlras 
.twnan-begs, took Yunas Khan (aet. 13) and with him Fol. 10. 
three or four thousand Mughul heads of houses (awlluq), to 
Aulugh Beg Mirza (Shahmkhi) with the fittingness that Aulugh 
Beg M. had taken Yunas Khan's elder sister for his son, 'Abdu'l- 

1 This fatrat (interregnum) was between Babur's loss of Fargbana and Ms 
.gain of Kabul ; the fursatlar were his days of ease following success in 

Hindustan and allowing his book to be written. 

2 qllallng, lit. do thou be (setting down), a verbal form recurring on f. 2276 
1. 2. With the same form (ait}attng, lit. do thou be saying, the compiler of 
the Abushqa introduces his quotations. Shaw's paradigm, qlllng only. Cf. 
A.Q.R. Jan. 1911, p. 2. 

3 Kehr's MS. (Hminsky p. 12) and its derivatives here interpolate the 
erroneous statement that the sons of Yunas were Afaq and Baba Khans. 


'azlz Mirza. Auliigh Beg Mirza did not do well by them ; 
some he imprisoned, some scattered over the country 1 one by 
one. The Dispersion of Airzln became a date in the Mughul 

Yunas Khan himself was made to go towards 'Iraq ; one 
year he spent in Tabriz where Jahan Shah Baranl of the Black 
Sheep Turkmans was ruling. From Tabriz he went to Shlraz 
where was Shahrukh Mlrza's second son, Ibrahim Sultan 
Mirza. 2 He having died five or six months later (Shawwal 4, 
838 AH.-May 3rd, 1435 AD.), his son, 'Abdu'1-lah Mirza sat in 
his place. Of this 'Abdu'1-lah Mirza Yunas Khan became a 
retainer and to him used to pay his respects. The Khan was 
in those parts for 17 or 18 years. 

In the disturbances between Auliigh Beg Mirza, and his sons, 
Aisan-bugha Khan found a chance to invade Farghana ; he 
plundered as far as Kand-i-badam, came on and, having 
plundered Andijan, led all its people into captivity. 3 SI. Abti- 
sa'id Mirza, after seizing .the throne of Samarkand, led an 
army out to beyond Yangi (Taraz) to Aspara in Mughulistan, 
there gave Aisan-bugha a good beating and then, to 
spare himself further trouble from him and with the fitting- 
ness that he had just taken to wife 4 Yunas Khan's elder 
sister, the former wife of 'Abdu'l-'azlz Mirza (Shdhrukhl) , he 
invited Yunas Khan from Khurasan and 'Iraq, made a feast, 
became friends and proclaimed him Khan of the Mughuls. 
Just when he was speeding him forth, the Sagharichi tuman- 
begs had all come into Mughulistan, in anger with Aisan- 
bugha Khan. 5 Yunas Khan went amongst them and took to 
wife Alsan-daulat Beglm, the daughter of their chief, 'All-shir 

1 i.e. broke up the horde. Cf. T.R. p. 74. 

2 See f . 506 for his descent. 

3 Descendants of these captives were in Kashghar -when Ilaidar was 
writing the T.R. It was completed in 953 AH. (1547 AD.). Cf. T.R. pp. 81 
and 149. 

* An omission from his Persian source misled Mr. Erskine here into making 
Abu-sa'id celebrate the Khanlm's marriage, not with himself but with his 
defeated foe, 'Abdu'l-'aziz who had married her 28 years earlier. 

5 Aisan-bugha was at Aq Su in Eastern, Turkistan ; Yunas Khan's head- 
quarters were in Yiti-kmt. The Sagharichi iuman was a subdivision of the 
Kunchi Mughuls. 

899 AH OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 21 

Beg. They then seated him and her on one and the same 
white felt and raised him to the Khanship. 1 

By this Alsan-daulat Beglm, Yiinas Khan had three 
" daughters. Mihr-nigar Khanlm was the eldest ; SI. Abu-sa'Id 
Mirza set her aside 2 for his eldest son, SI. Ahmad Mlrza; she 
had no child. In a throneless time (905 AH.) she fell to 
Shaiban! Khan ; she left Samarkand 3 with Shah Beglm for 
Khurasan (907 AH.) and both came on to me in Kabul (911 AH.). 
At the time Shaibam Khan was besieging Nasir Mlrza in 
Qandahar and I set out for Lamghan 4 (913 AH.) they went to 
Badakhshan with Khan Mirza (Wais). 5 When Mubarak 
Shah invited Khan Mirza into Fort Victory, 6 they were Foi. n 
captured, together with the wives and families of all their 
people, by marauders of Aba-bikr Kashgharl and, as captives to 
that ill-doing miscreant, bade farewell to this transitory world 
(circa 913 AH.-I507 AD.). 

Qutluq-nigar Khanlm, my mother, was Yiinas Khan's 
second daughter. She was with me in most of my guerilla 
expeditions and throneless times. She went to God's mercy in 
Muharram 911 AH. (June 1505 AD.) five or six months after the 
capture of Kabul. 

Khub-nigar Khanlm was his third daughter. Her they gave 
to Muhammad Husain Kurkdn Diighlat (899 AH.). She had 
one son and one daughter by him. 'Ubaid Khan (Auzbeg] took 
the daughter (Habiba). 7 When I captured Samarkand and 

1 Khan kutavdllav. The primitive custom was to lift the Khan-designate 
off the ground ; the phrase became metaphorical and would seem to be so 
here, since there were two upon the felt. Cf., however, Th. Radloff's R6ceuil 
d'ltin&vaires p. 326. 

3 qiiyub tdt, probably in childhood . 

3 She was divorced by Shaibanl Khan in 907 AH. in order to allow him to 
make lawful marriage with her niece, Khan-zada. 

* This was a prudential retreat before Shaibanl Khan. Cf. f. 213. 

5 The "Khan" of his title bespeaks his Chaghatal - Mughul descent 
through his mother, the "Mirza," his Tlmurid-Turki, through his father. 
The capture of the women was facilitated by the weakening of their travelling 
escort through his departure. Cf. T.R. p. 203. 

6 Qila'-i-zaf ar. Its ruins are still to be seen on the left bank of the 
Kukcha. Cf. T.R. p. 220 and Kostenko i, 140. For Mubarak Shah Muzaffarl 
see f. 213 and T.R. s.n. 

7 Ilablba, a child when captured, was reared by Shaibani and by him given 
in marriage to his nephew. Cf. T.R. p. 207 for an account of this marriage 
as saving Haidar's life. 


Bukhara (917 AH.-I5U AD.), she stayed behind, 1 and when her 
paternal uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Dughlat came as SI. Sa'Id 
Khan's envoy to me in Samarkand, she joined him and with 
him went to Kashghar where (her cousin), SI. Sa'Id Khan took 
her. Khub-nigar's son was Haidar Mlrza. 2 He was in my 
service for three or four years after the Auzbegs slew his> 
father, then (gi8AH.-i5i2 AD.) asked leave to go to Kashghar to 
the presence of SI. Sa'Id Khan. 

" Everything goes back to its source, 
Pure gold, or silver or tin." 3 

People say he now lives lawfully (td'ib) and has found the 
right way (f.arlqa). 4 He has a hand deft in every thing, 
penmanship and painting, and in making arrows and arrow, 
Fol. ni>. barbs and string-grips; moreover he is a born poet and in a 
petition written to me, even his style is not bad. 5 

Shah Beglm was another of Yunas Khan's ladies. Though 
he had more, she and Alsan-daulat Beglm were the mothers of 
his children. She was one of the (six) daughters of Shah 
Sultan Muhammad, Shah of Badakhshan. His line, they say, 
runs back to Iskandar Filkus. 7 SI. Abu-said Mlrza took 
another daughter and by her had Aba-bikr Mlrza. 8 By this 

1 i.e. she did not take to flight with her husband's defeated force, but, 
relying on the victor, her cousin Babur, remained in the town. Cf. T.R. 
p. 268. Her case receives light from Shahr-banu's (f. 169). 

2 Muhammad Haidar Mlrza Kurban Dughlat Chaghatal Mtighul, the 
author of the T&nkh-i-ra.shidi. ; b. 905 AH. d. 958 AH. (b. 1499 d. 1551 AD.). 
Of his clan, the " Oghlat " (Dughlat) Muh. Salih says that it was called 

Oghlat " by Mughuls but Qungur-at (Brown Horse) by Auzbegs. 
3 Baz gamdad ba asl-i-khud hama chlz, 

Zar-i-safl u naqra u airzln. 

These lines are in Arabic in the introduction to the Anwar-i-suhaill. (H.B.) 
The first is quoted by Haidar (T.R. p. 354) and in Field's Diet, of Oriental 
Quotations (p. 160). I understand them to refer here to Haidar's return to his 
ancestral home and nearest kin as being a natural act. 

_ * ta'ib and tanqa suggest that Ilaidar had become an orthodox Musalman 
m or about 933 AH. (1527 AD.). 

5 Abu'1-faxl adds music to Haidar's accomplishments and Haidar's own 
Prologue mentions yet others. 

* Cf. T.R. s.n. and Gul-badan's H.N. s.n. Haram Beglm. 

7 i.e. Alexander of Macedon. For modern mention of Central Asian 
claims to Greek descent see i.a. Kostenko, Von Schwarz, Holdich and 
A. Durand. Cf, Burnes' Kabul p. 203 for an illustration of a silver patera 
(now in the V. and A. Museum), once owned by ancestors of this Shah Sultaa 

8 'C/. 1 66 note 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 23 

Shah Begim Yunas Khan had two sons and two daughters. 
Her first-born but younger than all Alsan-daulat Beglm's 
daughters, was SI. Mahmud Khan, called Khanika Khan 1 by 
cnany in and about Samarkand. Next younger than he was 
51. Ahmad Khan, known as Alacha Khan. People say he was 
called this because he killed many Qalmaqs on the several 
Dccasions he beat them. In the Mughul and Qalmaq tongues, 
Dne who will kill (aulturguchi) is called aldchl; Alachl they 
sailed him therefore and this by repetition, became Alacha. 2 
As occasion arises, the acts and circumstances of these two 
Khans will find mention in this history (tarikli). 

Sultan-nigar Khanlm was the youngest but one of Yunas 
Khan's children. Her they made go forth (chlqarib idlldr] Foi. 12.. 
to SI. Mahmud Mirza; by him she had one child, SI. 
Wais (Khan Mirza), mention of whom will come into this 
history. When SI. Mahmud Mirjza died (goo AH. -1495 AD.), 
she took her son off to her brothers in Tashklnt without a 
word to any single person. They, a few years later, gave her 
to Adik (Aung) Sultan, 3 a Qii-zaq sultan of the line of Juji Khan, 
Chmglz Khan's eldest son. When Shaibani Khan defeated 
the Khans (her brothers), and took Tashklnt and Shahrukhiya 
(908 AH.), she got away with TO or 12 of her Mughul servants, 
to (her husband), Adik Sultan. She had two daughters by 
f\.dik Sultan ; one she gave to a Shaiban sultan, the other to 
Rashld Sultan, the son of (her cousin) SI. Sa'Id Khan. After 
Sultan's death, (his brother), Qasim Khan , Khan of the 
horde, took her.* Of all the Qazaq khans and sultans, 
10 one, they say, ever kept the horde in such good order as he ; 

1 i.e. Khan's child. 

2 The careful pointing of the Hai. MS. clears up earlier confusion by 
showing the narrowing of the vowels from alachi to alacha. 

3 The Elph. MS. (f. 7) writes Aung, Khan's son, Prester John's title, where 
>ther MSS. have Adik. Babur's brevity has confused his account of Sultan- 
ligar. Widowed of Mahmud in 900 AH. she married Adik ; Adik, later, 
oined Shaibani Khan but left him in 908 AH. perhaps secretly, to join his own 
2azaq horde. He was followed by his wife, apparently also making a private 
leparture. As Adik died shortly after 908 AH. his daughters were born before 
:hat date and not after it as has been understood. Cf. T.R. and G.B.'s H.N. 
<.nn. ; also Mems. p. 14 and M6nis. i, 24. 

* Presumably by tribal custom, ytnhaltk, marriage with a brother's widow. 
5uch marriages seem to have been made frequently for the protection of 
vomen left defenceless. 


his army was reckoned at 300,000 men. On his death the 
Khanim went to SI. Sa'ld Khan's presence in Kashghar. 
Daulat-sultan Khanim' was Yunas Khan's youngest child. 
Foi. 12/5. In the Tashkint disaster (908 AH.) she fell to Tlmur 
Sultan, the son of Shaibani Khan. By him she had one 
daughter; they got out of Samarkand with me (918 AH.- 
1512 Ab.), spent three or four years in the Badakhshan country, 
then went (923 AH.- 1420 AD.) to SI. Sa'ld Khan's presence in 
Kashghar. 1 

(k. A ccount resumed of Babur's father's family.) 

In 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's haram was also Aulus Agha, a 
daughter of Khwaja Husain Beg; her one daughter died in 
infancy and they sent her out of the haram a year or eighteen 
months later. Fatima-sultan Agha was another; she was of 
the Mughul tuman-begs and the first taken of his wives. Qara- 
guz (Makhdum sultan) Begim was another; the Mirza took her 
towards the end of his life ; she was much beloved, so to please 
him, they made her out descended from (his uncle) Minuchihr 
Mirza, the elder brother of SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza. He had many 
mistresses and concubines ; one, Urmd Aghacha died before 
him. Latterly there were also Tun-sultan (var. Yun) of the 
Mughuls and Agha Sultan. 

I. ' Urnar Shaikh Mirza's A mlrs. 

There was Khudai-birdi Tughchl TlmHr-iash, a descendant of 
the brother of Aq-bugha Beg, the Governor of Hirl (Herat, for 
Tlmur Beg.) When SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza, after besieging Juki 
Mirza (ShahrukJu) in Shahrukhiya (868AH.-I464AD.) gave the 
Farghana country to 'Umar Shaikh Mirza, he put this Khudai- 
Foi. 13. bird! Beg at the head of the Mirza's Gate. 2 Khudai-birdi was 

1 Sa'id's power to protect made him the refuge of several kinswomen 
mentioned in the B.N. and the T.R. This mother and child reached Kashghar 
in 932 AH. (1526 AD.). 

Here Babur ends his [interpolated] account of his mother's family and 
resumes that of his father's. 

z Babur uses a variety of phrases to express Lordship in the Gate. Here 
he writes alshlkm bashlattb ; elsewhere, alshik ikhtiyari qilmdq and mining 
aishlkimda sahib ikhtiyari qilmaq. Von Schwarz (p. 159) throws light on the 
duties of the Lord of the Gate (Aishik Aghasi). " Das Thtir . . . fuhrt in eine 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 25 

:hen 25 but youth notwithstanding, his rules and management 
vere very good indeed. A few years later when Ibrahim 
Begchik was plundering near Aiish, he followed him up, fought 
lim, was beaten and became a martyr. At the time, SI. Ahmad 
Vllrza was in the summer pastures of Aq Qachghal, in Aura- 
Ipa, 18 ylghach east of Samarkand, and SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza 
vas at Baba Khaki, 12 ylghach east of Hirl. People sent the 
lews post-haste to the Mirza(s), 1 having humbly represented it 
:hrough ' Abdu'l-wahhab Shaghawal. In four days it was carried 
:hose 120 ylghach of road. 2 

IJafis; Muhammad Beg Dulddl was another, SI. Malik Kash- 
fharl's son and a younger brother of Ahmad Haji Beg. After 
:he death of Khudai-blrdi Beg, they sent him to control 'Umar 
Shaikh Mirza's Gate, but he did not get on well with the 
\ndijan begs and therefore, when SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza died, 
vent to Samarkand and took service with SI. Ahmad Mirza. 
Vt the time of the disaster on the Chir, he was in Aura-tipa 
und made it over to 'Umar Shaikh Mirza when the Mirza 
aassed through on his way to Samarkand, himself taking 
service with him. The Mirza, for his part, gave him the 
\.ndijan Command. Later on he went to SI. Mahmiid Khan 

frosse, vier-eckige, hohe Halle, deren Boden etwa 2 m. liber den Weg erhoben 
3t. In dieser Halle, welclae alle passiren muss, der durch das Thor eingeht, 
eitet oder fahrt, 1st die Thorwache placiert. Tagsiiber sind die Thore 
lestandig offen, nach Eintritt der Dunkelheit aberwerden dieselben geschlos- 
en und die Schlussel dem zustandigen Polizeichef abgeliefert. ... In den 
rwahnten Thorhallen nehmen in den hoch unabhangigen Gebieten an Bazar- 
agen haung die Richter Platz, um jedem der irgend ein Anliegen hat, so fort 
lecht zu sprechen. Die zudiktierten Strafen werden auch gleich in diesem 
elben locale vollzogen und eventuell die zum Hangen verurteilten Verbrecher 
,n den Deckbalken aufgehangt, so dass die Besucher des Bazars unter den 
ehenkten durchpassieren miissen." 

1 bu khabarnl 'Abdu'l-wahhab shaghawaldln 'avza-dasht qzlib Mlrzagha 
hapturdtlar. This passage has been taken to mean that the shaghawal, i.e. 
hief scribe, was the courier, but I think Babur's words shew that the shagha- 
lal's act preceded the despatch of the news. Moreover the only accusative 
f the participle and of the verb is khabarnl. 'Abdu'l-wahhab had been 'Umar 
haikh's and was now Al.imad's officer in Khujand, on the main road for Aura- 
Epa whence the courier started on the rapid ride. The news may- have gone 
erbally to 'Abdu'l-wahhab and he have written it on to Ahmad and 

2 Measured from point to point even, the distance appears to be over 
oo miles. Concerning- Baba Khaki see II. S. ii. 224 ; for rapid riding i.a. 
[ostenko iii, cap. Studs. 


in Tashkmt and was there entrusted with the guardianship of 
Khan Mlrza, (Wais) and given Dlzak. He had started for Makka 
by way of Hind before I took Kabul (QIOAH. Oct. I504AD.), but 
he went to God's mercy on the road. He was a simple person, 
of few words and not clever. 

Khwaja Husain Beg was another, a good-natured and simple 
person. It is said that, after the fashion of those days, he used 
to improvise very well at drinking parties. 1 

Shaikh Mazid Beg was another, my first guardian, excellent 
in rule and method. He must have served (khidmat qllghdn 
dtir) under Babur Mlrza (Shahrukhl). There was no greater beg 
in 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's presence. He was a vicious person 
and kept catamites. 

*AlI-mazId Qr ( chln was another ; 2 he rebelled twice, once at 
Akhsi, once at Tashkmt. He was disloyal, untrue to his salt, 
vicious and good-for-nothing. 

Hasan (son of) Yaq'ub was another, a small-minded, good- 
tempered, smart and active man. This verse is his : 

" Return, O Huraa, for without the parrot-down of thy lip, 
The crow will assuredly soon carry off my bones." 3 

Fol. 14. He was brave, a good archer, played polo (chaiighan) well and 
leapt well at leap-frog. 4 He had the control of my Gate after 
'Umar Shaikh Mlrza's accident. He had not much sense, was 
narrow-minded and somewhat of a strife-stirrer. 

Qasim Beg QucJnn, of the ancient army-begs of Andijan, was 
another. He had the control of my Gate after Hasan Yaq'ub 
Beg. His life through, his authority and consequence waxed 
without decline. He was a brave man; once he gave some 
Auzbegs a good beating when he overtook, them raiding near 
Kasan ; his sword hewed away in 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's 

1 ' qushiiqlarni yakhshi attura ikan dur. Elph. MS. for qushuq, tuyuk. 
Qushuq is allowed, both by its root and by usage, to describe improvisations 
of combined dance and song. I understand from Babur's tense, that his 
information was hearsay only. 

s i.e. of the military class. Cf. Vullers s.n. and T.R. p. 301. 

3 The Huma is a fabulous bird, overshadowing by whose wings brings 
good-fortune. The couplet appears to be addressed to some man, under the 
name Huma, from whom TIasan of Yaq'ub hoped for benefit. 

4 khak-blla ; the Sangluhh, (quoting this passage) gives khak-p:l:k as the 
correct form of the word . 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 27 

presence ; and in the fight at the Broad Ford (Yasl-kijit circa 
go4AH.-July, I49QAD.) he hewed away with the rest. In the 
guerilla days he went to Khusrau Shah (go7AH.) at the time I 
was planning to go from the Macha hill-country 1 to SI. Mahmud 
Khan, but he came back to me in QIOAH. (I504AD.) and Lshewed 
him all my old favour and affection. When I attacked the 
Turkman Hazara raiders in Dara-i-khwush (911 AH.) he made 
better advance, spite of his age, than the younger men ; I gave 
him Bangash as a reward and later on, after returning to Kabul, 
made him Humayun's guardian. He went to God's mercy l ? ol. i4<*- 
about the time Zamm-dawar was taken (circa 928AH.-I522AD.). 
He was a pious, God-fearing Musalman, an abstainer from 
doubtful aliments ; excellent in judgment and counsel, very 
facetious and, though he could neither read nor write (ummiy), 
used to make entertaining jokes. 

Baba Beg's Baba Quli ('All) was another, a descendant of 
Shaikh 'All Bahadur? They made him my guardian when 
Shaikh Mazid Beg died. He went over, to SI. Ahmad Mirza. 
when the Mirza led his army against Andijan (SggAH.), and 
s^ave him Aura-tlpa. After SI. Mahmud Mlrza's death, he left 
Samarkand and was on his way to join me (gooAH.) when SI. 
'All Mirza, issuing out of Aura-tipa, fought, defeated and slew 
tiim. His management and equipment were excellent and he 
took good care of his men. He prayed not ; he kept no fasts ; 
ie was like a heathen and he was a tyrant. 

'All-dost Taghal 3 was another, one of the Sagharichi tuman- 
Degs and a relation of my mother's mother, Aisan-daulat Begim. 
[ favoured him more than he had been favoured in 'Umar 
Shaikh Mlrza's time. People said, " Work will come from his 
land." But in the many years he was in my presence, no 
vork to speak of 4 came to sight. He must have served SI. Foi. 15- 
\bu-sa'id Mirza. He claimed to have power to bring on rain 
vith the jade-stone. He was the Falconer (qushch/i), worthless 

1 Cf. f . gvb. 

2 One of TImur's begs. 

3 i.e. uncle on the mother's side, of any degree, here a grandmother's 
>rother. The title appears to have been given for life to men related to the 
Tiling House. Parallel with it are Madame Mere, Royal Uncle, Sultan Walida. 

4 htm disa bulghal, perhaps meaning, " Nothing of service to me." 


by nature and habit, a stingy, severe, strife-stirring person, false, 
self -pleasing, rough of tongue and cold-of-face. 

Wais Lagharl, 1 one of the Samarkand Tughchl people, was 
another. Latterly he was much in 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's con- 
fidence ; in the guerilla times he was with me. Though some- 
what factious, he was a man of good judgment and counsel. 

MirGhiyas Taghai was another, a younger brother of 'Ali-dost 
Taghai. No man amongst the leaders in SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza's 
Gate was more to the front than he ; he had charge of the 
Mirza's square seal 2 and was much in his confidence latterly. 
He was a friend of Wais Laghart. When Kasan had been given 
to SI. Mahmud Khan (899AH.-I4Q4AD.), he was continuously in 
The Khan's service and was in high favour. He was a laugher* 
a joker and fearless in vice. 

'Ali-darwesh Khurasanl was another. He had served in the 
Khurasan Cadet Corps, one of two special corps of serviceable 
young men formed by SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza when he first began 
Foi. i5/;. to arrange the government of Khurasan and Samarkand, and, 
presumably, called by him the Khurasan Corps and the 'Samar- 
kand Corps. 'Ali-darwesh was a brave man ; he did well in my 
presence at the Gate of Bishkaran. 3 He wrote the naskh ta'l'iq 
hand clearly.* His was the flatterer's tongue and in his 
character avarice was supreme. 

Qambar-'ali Mughal of the Equerries (akhtachi) was another. 
People called him The Skinner because his father, on first 
coming into the (Farghana) country, worked as a skinner. 
Qambar-'ali had been Yunas Khan's water-bottle bearer, 5 later 
on he became a beg. Till he was a made man, his conduct 
was excellent ; once arrived, he was slack. He was full of 
talk and of foolish talk, a great talker is sure to be a foolish 
one, his capacity was limited and his brain muddy. 

1 Wais the Thin. 

2 Cf. Chardin ed. Langles v, 461 and ed. 1723 AD. v, 183. 

3 n.e. of Kasan. Cf. f. 74. Hai MS., erroneously, Samarkand. 

4 An occasional doubt arises as to whether a laurl of the text is Arabic 
and dispraises or TurkI and laudatory. Cf. Mems. p. 17 and M&ms. i, 3. 

5 Elph. and Hai. MSS. aftabachl, water-bottle bearer on journeys ; Kehr 
(p. 82) aftabchi, ewer-bearer ; Ilminsky (p. 19) akhtachi, squire or groom. 
Circumstances support aftabachl. Yunas was town-bred, his ewer-bearer 
would hardly be the rough Mughul, Qambar-'ali, useful as an aftabachl. 

899 AH.- OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 29 

I. Historical narrative.) 

At the time of 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's accident, I was in the 
"our Gardens (Char-bdgh) of Andijan. 1 The news reached 
Andijan on Tuesday, Ramzan 5 (June gth) ; I mounted at once, 
vith my followers and retainers, intending to go into the fort 
>ut, on our getting near the Mirza's Gate, Shirim Taghal 2 took 
lold of my bridle and moved off towards the Praying Place. 8 
!t had crossed his mind that if a great ruler like SI. Ahmad 
vlirza came in force, the Andijan begs would make over to him F O I. 16. 
ne and the country, 4 but that if he took me to Auzkmt and the 
bothills thereabouts, I, at any rate, should not be made over 
tnd could go to one of my mother's (half-) brothers, SI. Mahmud 
han or SI. Ahmad Khan. 5 When Khwaja Maulana-i-qa?I 6 

(Author's note on Khwaja Maulana-i-qazl.} He was the son of SI. 
Ahmad Qazi, of the line of Burhanu'd-din 'AH Qllich 7 and through 
his mother, traced back to SI. AIHk Mazi? By hereditary right 

1 Babur was Governor of Andijan and the month being June, would be 
iving out-of-doors. Cf. II.S. ii. 272 and Schuyler ii, 37. 

2 To the word Sherim applies Abu'l-ghazfs explanation of Nurum and 
;lajlm, namely, that they are abbreviations of Nur and Hajl Muhammad. 
it explains Sultanim also when used (f. 72) of SI. Muhammad Khanika but of 
5ultan!m as the name is common witfi Babur, Ilaidar ,and Gul-badan, i.e. as 
L woman's, Busbecq's explanation is the better, namely, that it means My 
Sulfcan and is applied to a person of rank and means. This explains other 
vomeri's titles e.g. Khanlm, my Khan and Akam (Akim), My Lady. A 
:hird group of names formed like the last by enclitic' 'm (my), may be called 
lames of affection, e.g. Mahim, My Moon, Janim, My Life. (Cf. Persian 
squivalents.) Cf. Abu'l-ghazi's Shajarat-i-Twkl (Desmaisons p. 272) ; and 
Dgier Ghiselin de Busbecq's Life and Letters (Forster and Daniel i, 38.) 

3 Namdz-gah ; generally an open terrace, with a wall towards the Qibla and 
mtside the town, whither on festival days the people go out in crowds to 
jray. (Erskine.) 

* Beglar (ntng) mini, u wilayatnl tapshurghulari dur ; a noticeably idiom- 
itic sentence. Cf. f. i6b 1. 6 and 1. 7 for a repetition. 

5 Mahmud was in Tashkmt, Ahmad in Kashghar or on the Aq-su. 

6 The B.N. contains a considerable number of what are virtually foot- 
totes. They are sometimes, as here, entered in the middle of a sentence and 
:onfuse the narrative ; they are introduced by kirn, a mere sign of parenthetical 
natter to follow, and some certainly, known not to be Babur's own, must have 
tood first on the margin of his; text. It seems best to enter them as Author's 

7 i.e. the author of the Hidayat. Cf. f . 36 and note ; Blochmann Aym-i- 
ikbari s.n. qulij and note ; Bellew's Afghan Tribes p. 100, Khilich. 

8 Ar. dead, gone. The precision of Babur's words khanwadalar and 
'usunluq is illustrated by the existence in the days of Timur, in Marghinan, 
Burhanu'd -din's' township) of a ruler named Ailik Khan, apparently a 

lISc Lib B'lore 


(yusunluq) his high family (khanwadalav) must have come to be the 
Refuge (marji'} and Pontiffs (Shaikhu'Hslam) of the (Farghana) 

and the begs in the fort heard of (the intended departure), they 
sent after us Khwaja Muhammad, the tailor, 1 an old servant 
(bayrl) of my father and the foster-father of one of his daughters. 
Foi 166 ^" e Dispelled our fears and, turning back from near the Praying 
Place, took me with him into the citadel (ark) where I dis- 
mounted. Khwaja Maulana-i-qazi and the begs came to my 
presence there and after bringing their counsels to a head,' 2 
busied themselves in making good the towers and ramparts of 
the fort. 3 A few days later, Hasan, son of Yaq'ub, and Qasim 
Quchin, arrived, together with other begs who had been sent to 
reconnoitre in Marghman and those parts. 4 They also, after 
waiting on me, set themselves with one heart and mind and with 
zeal and energy, to hold the fort. 

Meantime SI. Ahmad Mirza took Aura-tipa, Khujand and 
Marghman, came on to Qaba, 5 4 yighach from Andijan and 
there made halt. At this crisis, Darwesh Gau, one of the 
Andijan notables, was put to death on account of his improper 
proposals ; his punishment crushed the rest. 

Khwaja Qa?i and Austin (Long) IJasan, 6 (brother) of Khwaja 
Husain, were then . sent to SI. Ahmad Mirza to say in effect 
that, as he himself would place one of his servants in the 
country and as I was myself both a servant and (as) a son, he 
would attain his end most readily and easily if he entrusted the 
service to me. He was a mild, weak man, of few words who, 
without his begs, decided no opinion or compact (auri), action 

descendant of Satuq-bughra Khan (b, 384 AH.-Q94 AD.) so that in Khwaja 
Qazi were united two dynasties, (khanwddalar] , one priestly, perhaps also 
regal, the other of bye-gone ruling Khans. Cf. D'Herbelot p. 433 ; Yarkand 
Mission, Bellew p. 121 ; Tazkirat--i Sultan Satuq-bughra Khan Ghazi Padshah 
and Tavlkh-i-nasm (Raverty s.n.) 

1 davzl ;1I.S. khaiyat. 

2 biY ywga (quyiib), lit. to one place. 

3 i.e. reconstructed the earthern defences. Cf. Von Schwarz s.n, loess. 

4 They had been sent, presumably, before 'Umar Shaikh's death, to observe 
SI. Ahmad M.'s advance. Cf. f. 6. 

5 The time-table of the Andijan Railway has a station, Kouwa (Qaba). 

6 Babur, always I think, calls this man Long Hasan ; Khwand-amlr styles 
him Khwaja Hasan ; he seems to be the brother of one of 'Umar Shaikh's 
fath.ers-in.-law, Khwaja Husain. 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 31 

move ; they paid attention to our proposal, gave it a harsh 
swer and moved forward. 

But the Almighty God, who, of His perfect power and with- 
t mortal aid, has ever brought my affairs to their right issue, 
ide such things happen here that they became disgusted at 
ving advanced (i.e. from Qaba), repented indeed that they 
.d ever set out on this expedition and turned back with 
ithing done. 

One of those things was this : Qaba has a stagnant, morass- 
:e Water, 1 passable only by the bridge. As they were many, 
ere was crowding on the bridge and numbers of horses and 
mels were pushed off to perish in the water. This disaster 
sailing the one they had had three or four years earlier when 
ey were badly beaten at the passage of the Chir, they gave 
ly to fear. Another thing was that such a murrain broke 
t amongst their horses that, massed together, they began to 
2 off in bands. 2 Another was that they found in our soldiers 
d peasants a resolution and single-mindedness such as would 
t let them flinch from making offering of their lives 3 so long 
there was breath and power in their bodies. Need being 
srefore, when one yighach from Andijan, they sent Darwesh 
uhammad Tarkhan 4 to us; Hasan of Yaq'ub went out from 
Dse in the fort ; the two had an interview near the Praying 
ace and a sort of peace was made. This done, SI. Ahmad 
irza's force retired. 

Meantime SI. Mahmud Khan had come along the north of 
Khujand Water and laid siege to AkhsT. 5 In Akhsl was 

batqaq. This word is underlined in the Elph. MS. by dil-dil and in the 
i. MS. by jam-jama. It is translated in the W.-i-B. by ab pur hlla, water 
. of deceit ; it is our Slough of Despond. It may be remarked that neither 
iker nor Steingass gives to dil-dil or jam-jama the meaning of morass ; the 
bar-n&ma does so. (H.B. ii, 112.) 

tawlla tawlla atlar yighilib aula klnshti. I understand the word ylghilib 
;onvey that the massing led to the spread of the murrian. 

jan tardtmaqlar i.e. as a gift to their over-lord. 

Perhaps, Babur's maternal great-uncle. It would suit the privileges 
towed on Tarkhans if their title meant Khan of the Gifts (Turki tar, gift), 
the Baburnama, it excludes all others. Most of Alimad's begs were 
khans, Arghuns and Chlnglz Khanids, some of them ancestors of later 
;rs in Tatta and Sind. Concerning the Tarkhans see T.R. p. 55 and note ; 
r. (H.B. s.n.) Elliot and Dowson's History of India , 498. 

Cf. f. 6. 


Jahangir Mirza (act. 9) and of begs, 'All-darwesh Beg, Mirza 
Qull Kukaldash, Muh. Baqir Beg and Shaikh 'Abdu'1-lah, Lord 
of the Gate. Wais Ldghari and Mir Ghiyas TaghaT had been 
there too, but being afraid of the (Akhsi) begs had gone off to 
Kasan, Wais Ldghari's district, where, he being Nasir Mirza's 
guardian, the Mlrza was. 1 They went over to SI. Mahmud 
Fol. \TL Khan when he got near Akhsi ; Mir Ghiyas entered his service; 
Wais Lagharl took Nasir Mirza to SI. Ahmad Mirza, who 
entrusted him to Muh. Mazid Tarkhan's charge. The Khan, 
though he fought several times near Akhsi, could not effect any- 
thing because the Akhsi begs and braves made such splendid 
offering of their lives. Falling sick, being tired of fighting too, 
he returned to his own country (i.e. Tashkint). 

For some years, Aba-bikr Kdshghan Dilghlat,- bowing the 
head to none, had been supreme in Kashgar and Khutan. He 
now, moved like the rest by desire for my country, came to the 
neighbourhood of Auzkint, -built a fort and began to lay the 
land waste. Khwaja Qazi and several begs were appointed to 
drive him out. When they came near, he saw himself no match 
for such a force, made the Khwaja his mediator and, by a, 
hundred wiles and tricks, got himself safely free. 

Throughout these great events, 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's former 
begs and braves had held resolutely together and made daring 
offer of their lives. The Mirza's mother, Shah Sultan Begim, 3 - 
and Jahangir MIrza and the liaram household and the begs came 
from Akhsi to Andijan ; the customary mourning was fulfilled 
and food and victuals spread for the poor and destitute. 4 
Fol. 1 8. In the leisure from these important matters, attention was 
given to the administration of the country and the ordering of 
the army. The Andijan Government and control of my Gate 
were settled (mukarrar) for Hasan (son) 01 Yaq'ub ; Aush was 
decided on (qarar) for Qasim Quchln; Akhsi and Marghinan 
assigned (ta'm) to Auzun Hasan and 'Ali-dost TaghaL For the 
rest of 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's begs and braves, to each accord- 

1 beg ataka, lit. beg for father. 

2 T.R. s.n. Aba-bikr. 

3 Cf. f . 66 and note. 

4 faqra u masakin, i.e. those who have food for one day and those who 
have none in hand. (Steingass.) 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 33 

ig to his circumstances, were ^settled and assigned district 
vilayat) or land (ylr) or office (mauja) or charge (jwga) or 
:ipend (wajh). 

When SI. Ahmad Mirza had gone two or three stages on his 
iturn-march, his health changed for the worse and high fever 
ppeared. On his reaching the Aq Su near Aura-tipa, he bade 
irewell to this transitory world, in the middle of Shawwal of 
le date 899 (mid July 1494 AD.) being then 44 (lunar) years old. 

i. SI. A hmad Mirza's birth and descent. 

He was born in 855 AH. (1451 AD.) the year in which his father 
Dok the throne (i.e. Samarkand). He was SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza's 
idest son ; his mother was a daughter of Aurdu-bugha Tarkhan 
4.rghun),the elder sister of Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan, and 
le most honoured of the Mirza's wives. 

. His appearance and habits. 

He was a tall, stout, brown-bearded and red-faced man. He 
ad beard on his chin but none on his cheeks. He had very Fol. 
leasing manners. As was the fashion in those days, he wound 
is turban in four folds and brought the end forward over his 

His characteristics and manners. 

He was a True Believer, pure in the Faith ; five times daily, 
ithout fail, he recited the Prayers, not omitting them even on 
rinking-days. He was a disciple of his Highness Khwaja 
Jbaidu'1-lah (Ahrari), his instructor in religion and the 
xengthener of his Faith. He was very ceremonious, particu- 
.rly when sitting with the Khwaja. People say he never drew 
ne knee over the other 1 at any entertainment of the Khwaja. 
in one occasion contrary to his custom, he sat with his feet 
)gether. When he had risen, the Khwaja ordered the place 
s had sat in to be searched ; there they found, it may have been, 

bone. 2 He had read nothing whatever and was ignorant 

1 For fashions of sitting, see Tawankh-i-guzlda Nasrat-nama B.M. Or. 3222. 
hmad would appear to have maintained the deferential attitude by kneeling 
id sitting back upon his heels. 

2 bir sunkdk bar IMn dur. I understand that something defiling must have 
:en there, perhaps a bone. 



('ami), and though town-bred, unmannered and homely. Of 
genius he had no share. He was just and as his Highness the 
Khwaja was there, accompanying him step by step, 1 most of his 
affairs found lawful settlement. He was true and faithful to 
his vow and word ; nothing was ever seen to the contrary. He 
had courage, and though he never happened to get in his own 
hand to work, gave sign of it, they say, in some of his en- 
Fol. 19. counters. He drew a good bow, generally hitting the duck 3 
both with his arrows (aiiq) and his forked-arrows (tlr-giz), and, 
as a rule, hit the gourd 3 in riding across the lists (maidari). 
Latterly, when he had grown stout, he used to take quail and 
pheasant with the goshawks, 4 rarely failing. A sportsman he 
was, hawking mostly and hawking well; since Aulugh Beg 
Mlrza, such a sporting padshdh had not been seen. He was 
extremely decorous; people say he used to hide his feet even in 
the privacy of his family and amongst his intimates. Once 
settled down to drink, he would drink for 20 or 30 days at a 
stretch ; once risen, would not drink again for another 20 or 
30 days. He was a good drinker ; 5 on non-drinking days he ate 
without conviviality (basU). Avarice was dominant in his 
character. He was kindly, a man of few words whose will was 
in the hands of his begs. 

p. His battles. 

He fought four battles. The first was with Ni'mat Arghun, 
Shaikh Jamal Arghfin's younger brother, at Aqar-tuzi, near 
Za.rn.ln. This he won. The second was with 'Umar Shaikh 
Mirjza at Khwas ; this also he won. The third affair was when 
he encountered SI. Mahmud Khan on the Chir, near Tashkint 
Fol. igb. (895 AH.- 1469 AD.). There was no real fighting, but some Mughul 
plunderers coming up, by ones and twos, in his rear and laying 
hands on his baggage, his great army, spite of its numbers, 

1 Khwajanlng ham ayaghlarl arddd !di. 

2 tlbasun, a kind of mallard (Abushqa), here perhaps a popinjay. Cf. II. S. 
ii, 193 for Ahmad's skill as an archer, and Payne-Gallwey's Cross-bow p. 225. 

3 qabdq, an archer's mark. Abu'l-ghazI (Kasan ed. p. i81. 5) mentions a 
hen (tuquq] as a mark. Cf. Payne-Gallwey I.e. p. 231. 

4 qirghicha, astar palutnbarius . (Shaw's Voc. Scully.) 
B Perhaps, not quarrelsome. 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 35 

ce up without a blow struck, without an effort made, without 
)ming face to face, and its main body was drowned in the 
r. 1 His fourth affair was with Haidar Kukuldash (Mughul), 
r Yar-yilaq ; here he won. 

r -Jis country. 

;amarkand and Bukhara his father gave him ; Tashkint and 
ram he took and held for a time but gave them to his 
inger brother, 'Umar Shaikh Mirza, after 'Abdu'l-qadus 
Ighldt) slew Shaikh Jamal (Arghun); Khujand and Aura- 
r were also for a time in his possession. 

His children. 

iis two sons did not live beyond infancy. He had five 
jghters, four by Qataq Begim. 2 

Rabi'a-sultan Begim, known as the Dark-eyed Begim, was 
eldest. The Mirza himself made her go forth to SI. Mah- 
id Khan; 3 she had one child, a nice little boy, called Baba 
tan. The Auzbegs killed him and several others of age as 
ripe as his when they martyred (his father) The Khan, in 
lujand, (914 AH.-I508 AD.). At that time she fell to Jam 
!g Sultan (Auzbeg). 

Saliha-sultan (Saliqa) Begim was his second daughter ; 
ople called her the Fair Begim. SI. Mahmud Mirza, after 
r father's death, took her for his eldest son, SI. Mas'ud 
Irza and made the wedding feast (900 AH.). Later on she 
1 to the Kashghari with Shah Begim and Mihr-nigar Khanim. 
'Ayisha-sultan Begim was the third. When I was five and 
2nt to Samarkand, they set her aside for me ; in the guerilla 
nes 4 she came to Khujand and I took her (905 AH.) ; her one 
tie daughter, born after the second taking of Samarkand, 

1 The T.R. (p. 1 1 6) attributes the rout to Shaibanl's defection. The II .S. 
, 192) has a varied and confused account. AJI error in the T.R. trs. making 
Laibani plunder the Mughuls, is manifestly clerical. 

2 i.e. condiment, ce qu'on ajoute au pain. 

3 Cf. f. 6. 

* qazaqlar ; here, if Babur's, meaning his conflicts with Tarnbal, but as 
e Begim may have been some time in Khujand, the qazaqlar may be of 


went in a few days to God's mercy and she herself left me a 
the instigation of an older sister. 

Sultanim Begim was the fourth daughter; SI. 'All Mirzg 
took her; then Timur Sultan (Auzbeg) took her and after him 
Mahdi Sultan (Auzbeg). 

Ma'suma-sultan Begim was the youngest of SI. Ahmac 
Mirza's daughters. Her mother, Habiba-sultan Begim, was o 
the Arghuns, a daughter of SI. Husain Arghun's brother. ] 
saw her when I went to Khurasan (912 AH. -1506 AD.), liked her 
asked for her, had her brought to Kabul and took her (913 AH. 
1507 AD.). She had one daughter and there and then, went tc 
God's mercy, through the pains of the birth. Her name was ai 
once given to her child. 

s. His ladies and mistresses. 

Mihr-nigar Khanim was his first wife, set aside for him bj 
his father, SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza. She was Yunas Khan's eldes 
Foi. 2o//. daughter and my mother's full-sister. 

Tarkhan Begim of the Tarkhans was another of his wives. 

Qataq Begim was another, the foster-sister of the Tarkhar 
Begim just mentioned. SI. Ahmad Mirza took her par amour, 
('ashiqlar blld) : she was loved with passion and was verj 
dominant. She drank wine. During the days of her ascendancy 
(firlklik}, he went to no other of his haram ; at last he took up i 
proper position (aulnurdl) and freed himself from his reproach. 

1 All the (Turk!) Babur-nama MSS. and those examined of the W.-i-B. b] 
writing aulturdl (killed) where I suggest to read aulnurdi (devenir comme il faut 
state that Al.imad killed Qataq. I hesitate to accept this (i) because the onb 
evidence of the murder is one diacritical point, the removal of which lilt 
Ahmad 's reproach from him by his return to the accepted rules of a poly 
gamous household ; (2) because no murder of Qataq is chronicled by Khwand 
amir or other writers ; and (3) because it is incredible that a mild, weak mai 
living in a family atmosphere such as Babur, Haidar and Gul-badan reproduc 
for us, should, while possessing facility for divorce, kill the mother of fou 
out of his five children. 

Reprieve must wait however until the word ttrlkllk is considered. Thi 
Erskine and de C. have read, with consistency, to mean life-time, but i 
aiilnurdi be read in place of aultiirdl (killed), tmklik may be read, especiall; 
in conjunction with Babur's 'ashiqliklar, as meaning living power or ascendancy 
Again, if read as from tmk, a small arrow and a consuming pain, tirlklik ma; 
represent Cupid's darts and wounds. Again it might be taken as from tlvama^ 
to hinder, or forbid. 

Under these considerations, it is legitimate to reserve judgment on A^mad 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 37 

Khan-zada Begim, of the Tirmiz Khans, was another. He 
ad just taken her when I went, at five years old, to Samar- 
md; her face was still veiled and, as is the Turki custom, 
ley told me to uncover it. 1 

Latlf Begim was another, a daughter's child of Ahmad Hajl 
eg Duldai (Barlas). After the Mirza's death, Hamza SI. took 
sr and she had three sons by him. They with other sultans' 
lildren, fell into my hands when I took Hisav (916 AH.-I5IO AD.) 
:ter defeating Hamza Sultan and Timur Sultan. I set all free. 

Habiba-sultan Begim was another, a daughter of the brother 
: SI. Husain Arghun. 

His amirs. 

Jam Beg Duldai (Barlds) was a younger brother of SI. Malik 
'ashghari. SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza gave him the Government of 
simarkand and SI. Ahmad. Mirza gave him the control of 
:s own Gate. 2 He must have had singular habits and Foi. 21. 
anners ; 3 many strange stories are told about him. One is 
tis : While he was Governor in Samarkand, an envoy came 
i him from the Auzbegs renowned, as it would seem, for his 
rength. An Auzbeg, is said to call a strong man a bull (bukuh). 
Are you a bukuh ?" said Jam Beg to the envoy, " If you are, 
>me, let's have a friendly wrestle together (kurashallng)" 
Whatever objections the envoy raised, he refused to accept, 
hey wrestled and Jam Beg gave the fall. He was a brave 

Ahmad Haji (Duldai Barlas) was another, a son of SI. Malik 
ashghari. SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza gave him the Government of 
In (Harat) for a time but sent him when his uncle, Jam Beg 

1 It is customary amongst Turks for a bride, even amongst her own family, 
remain veiled for some time after marriage ; a child is then told to pluck 

F the veil and run away, this tending, it is fancied, to the child's own success 
marriage. (Erskine.) 

2 Babur's anecdote about Jam Beg well illustrates his caution as a narrator. 
5 appears to tell it as one who knowing the point of a story, leads up to it. 

2 does not affirm that Jam Beg's habits were strange or that the envoy was 
athlete but that both things must have been (than dw) from what he 

d heard or to suit the point of the anecdote. Nor does he affirm as of his 
n knowledge that Auzbegs calls a strong man (his zor kishl) & bukuh (bull) 
.t says it is so understood (cKr tmish). 

3 Cf. L 170. 


died, to Samarkand with his uncle's appointments. He was 
pleasant-natured and brave. Wafa i was his pen-name and he 
put together a diwan in verse not bad. This couplet is his : 

" I am drunk, Inspector, to-day keep your hand off me, 
" Inspect me on the day you catch me sober." 

Mir 'Ali-sher Nawa'I when he went from Hiri to Samarkand, 
was with Ahmad Haji Beg but he went back to Hir! when 
SI. Husairi Mirza (Bai-qara) became supreme (873 AH. -1460 AD.) 
and he there received exceeding favour. 

Ahmad Haji Beg kept and rode excellent tlpuchdqs, 1 mostly 
of his own breeding. Brave he was but his power to com- 
mand did not match his courage ; he was careless and what 
was necessary in his affairs, his retainers and followers put 
through* He fell into SI. 'All Mirza's hands when the Mirza 
defeated Bai-sunghar Mirza in Bukhara (901 AH.), and was then 
put to a dishonourable death on the charge of the blood of 
Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan. 2 

Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan (Arghun) was another, the 
son of Aurdu-bugha Tarkhan and full-brother of the mother of 
SI. Ahmad Mirza and SI. Mahmud Mirza. 3 Of all begs in 
SI. Ahmad Mlrza's presence, he was the greatest and most 
honoured. He was an orthodox Believer, kindly and darwesh- 
like, and was a constant transcriber of the Qu'ran. 4 He played 
chess often and well, thoroughly understood the science of 
fowling and flew his birds admirably. He died in the height of 
his greatness, with a bad name, during the troubles between 
SI. 'All Mirza and Bai-sunghar Mirza. 5 

'Abdu'l-'ali Tarkhan was another, a near relation of Darwesh 
Muhammad Tarkhan, possessor also of his younger sister, 6 
that is to say, Baqi Tarkhan's mother. Though both by the 
Mughul rule (turd} and by his rank, Darwesh Muhammad 

1 The points of a tipuchdq are variously stated. If the root notion of the 
name be movement (tip'}, Erskine's observation, that these horses are taught 
t-pecial paces, is to the point. To the verb tlpramaq dictionaries assign the 
meaning of movement with agitation of mind, an explanation fully illustrated 
in the B.N. The verb describes fittingly the dainty, nervous action of some 
trained horses . Other meanings assigned to tupiichaq are roadster, round- 
bodied and swift. 

? -Cf. f. 376. 3 Cf. f. 6b and note. 4 mashaf kitabat qilur idl. 

5 Cf. 'f. 36 t and IJ.S. ii. 271. 6 sinktlisl ham munda Idl. 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2*D. 1494 39 

Tarkhan was the superior of 'Abdu'l-'ali Tarkhan, this Pharoah 
regarded him not at all. For some years he had the 
Government of Bukhara. His retainers were reckoned at Foi. 22. 
3,000 and he kept them well and handsomely. His gifts 
(bakhshish), his visits of enquiry (purshlsh), his public audience 
(dlwdn), his work-shops (dast-gah), his open-table (shilari) and 
his assemblies (majlis) were all like a king's. He was a strict 
disciplinarian, a tyrannical, vicious, self-infatuated person. 
Shaibani Khan, though not his retainer, was with him for a 
time ; most of the lesser (Shaiban) sultans did themselves take 
service with him. This same 'Abdu'l-'all Tarkhan was the 
cause of Shaibani Khan's rise to such a height and of the down- 
fall of such ancient dynasties. 1 

Sayyid Yusuf, the Grey Wolfer 2 was another ; his grandfather 
will have come from the Mughul horde ; his father was favoured 
by Aulugh Beg Mirza (Shdhrukhl). His judgment and counsel 
were excellent ; he had courage too. He played well on the 
guitar (qubuz). He was with me when I first went to Kabul ; I 
shewed him great favour and in truth he was worthy of favour. 
I left him in Kabul the first year the army rode out for Hin- 
dustan ; at that time he went to God's mercy. 3 

Darwesh Beg was another; he was of the line of Aiku-timur 
Beg, 4 a favourite of Tiniur Beg. He was a disciple of his 
Highness Khwaja 'Ubaidu'1-lah (Ahrdrl), had knowledge of the 
science of music, played several instruments and was naturally Fo1 - 226 - 
disposed to poetry. He was drowned in the Chir at the time of 
SI. Ahmad Mirza's discomfiture. 

Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan was another, a younger full- 
brother of Darwesh Muh. Tarkhan. He was Governor in 
Turkistan for some years till Shaibani Khan took it from him. 
His judgment and counsel were excellent; he was an 
unscrupulous and vicious person. The second and third times 

1 kh&na-wadalar, viz. the Chaghatai, the TImurid in two Miran-shahl 
branches, 'All's and Babur's and the Bai-qara in Harat. 

2 aughlaqchl i.e. player at kuk-burd. Concerning the game, see Shaw's 
Vocabulary ; Schuyler i, 268 ; Kostenko iii, 82 ; Von Schwarz s.n. baiga. 

3 gu'1-hijja 910 AH.-May 1505 AD. Cf. f. 154. This statement helps to 
define what Babur reckoned his expeditions into Hindustan. 

4 AIku (Ayagu)-timur Tarkhan Arghiin d. circa 793 AH.-i39^i_ 
was a friend of Timur. See Z.N. i, 525 etc. """ 


I took Samarkand, he came to my presence and each time I 
shewed him very great favour. He died in the fight at Kul-i- 
malik (918 AH.-ISIZ AD.). 

Baqi Tarkhan was another, the son of 'Abdu'l-'ali Tarkhan 
and SI. Ahmad Mirza's aunt. When his father died, they gave 
him Bukhara. He grew in greatness under SI. 'All Mirza, his 
retainers numbering 5 or 6,000. He was neither obedient nor 
very submissive to SI. 'All Mirza. He fought Shaibani Khan at 
Dabusi (905 AH.) and was crushed ; by the help of this defeat, 
Shaibani Khan went and took Bukhara. He was very fond of 
hawking ; they say he kept 700 birds. His manners and habits 
were not such as may be told 5 1 he grew up with a Mirza's 
state and splendour. Because his father had shewn favour- 
to Shaibani Khan, he went to the Khan's presence, but that 
inhuman ingrate made him no sort of return in favour and kind- 
Fol. 23. ness. He left the world at Akhsi, in misery and wretchedness.. 

SI. Husain Arghfmwas another. He was known as Qara- 
kuli because he had held the Qara-kul government for a time. 
His judgment and counsel were excellent ; he was long in my 
presence also. 

Qull Muhammad Bughda* was another, a quchln\ he must 
have been a brave man. 

'Abdu'l-karim Ishrit 3 was another; he was an Auighiir, SL 
Ahmad Mirza's Lord of the Gate, a brave and generous man. 

(. Historical narrative resumed.} 


After SI. Ahmad JVIirza's death, his begs in agreement, sent a. 
courier by the mountain-road to invite SI. Mahmud Mirza. 4 
Malik-i- Muhammad Mirza, the son of Minuchihr Mirza, SL 

1 andaq ikhlaq u atawavl yuq idi ktm dlsa bulghai. The Shah-ndma 
cap. xviii, describes him as a spoiled child and man of pleasure, caring onlj- 
for eating, drinking and htmtin.g. The Shaibam-nama narrates his various 

2 '.., cutlass, a parallel sobriquet to qlllch, sword. If it be correct to 
translate by " cutlass," the nickname may have prompted Babur's brief 
following comment, marddno, than duv, i.e. Quli Muh. must have been brave 
because known as the Cutlass. A common variant in MSS. from Biighda is- 
Baghdad ; Baghdad was first written in the Hai. MS. but is corrected by the 
scribe to bughda. 

3 So pointed in the Hai. MS. I surmise it a clan-name. 

* i.e. to offer him the succession. The mountain road taken from Aura-trp5 
would be by Ab-burdan, Sara-taq and the Kam E.ud defile. 

899 AH. OCT. 12TH. 1493 TO OCT. 2ND. 1494 41 

bu-sa'id Mirza's eldest brother, aspired for his own part to 
ile. Having drawn a few adventurers and desperadoes to 
.raself, they dribbled away 1 from (SI. Ahmad Mirza's) camp 
id went to Samarkand. He was not able to effect anything, 
it he brought about his own death and that of several innocent 
srsons of the ruling House. 

At once on hearing of his brother's death, SI. Mahmud Mirza 
ent off to Samarkand and there seated himself on the throne, 
ithout difficulty. Some of his doings soon disgusted and 
lienated high and low, soldier and peasant. The first of these 
r as that he sent the above-named Malik-i-Muhammad to the 
luk-sarai, 2 although he was his father's brother's son and his 
wn son-in-law. 3 With him he sent others, four Mirzas in all. 
\vo of these he set aside ; Malik-i- Muhammad and one other 
e martyred. Some of the four were not even of ruling rank 
nd had not the smallest aspiration to rule ; though Malik-i- 
f uhammad Mirza was a little in fault, in the rest there was no 
lame whatever. A second thing was that though his methods 
nd regulations were excellent, and though he was expert in 
avenue matters and in the art of administration, his nature 
iclined to tyranny and vice. Directly he reached Samarkand, 
.e began to make new regulations and arrangements and to 
ate and /tax on a new basis. Moreover the dependants of his 
late) Highness Khwaja 'Ubaid'1-lah, under whose protection 
Drmerly many poor and destitute persons had lived free from 
he burden of dues and imposts, were now themselves treated 
nth harshness and oppression. On what ground should hard- 
hip have touched them ? Nevertheless oppressive exactions 
/ere made from them, indeed from the Khwaja's very children, 
fet another thing was that just as he was vicious and tyrannical, 
o were his begs, small and great, and his retainers and followers. 
The Hisaris and in particular the followers of Khusrau Shah 

1 irilcfi. The departure can hardly have been open because Ahmad's begs 
avoured Mahmud ; Malik-i-Muliammad's party would be likely to slip away 
a small companies. 

2 This well-known Green, Grey or Blue palace or halting-place was within 
he citadel of Samarkand. Cf. f . 37. It served as a prison from which return 
/as not expected. 

3 Cf. f. 27. He married a full-sister of Bai-sunghar. 


engaged themselves unceasingly with wine and fornication. 
Once one of them enticed and took away a certain man's wife. 
Foi. 24. When her husband went to Khusrau Shah and asked for justice, 
he received for answer : " She has been with you for several 
years ; let her be a few days with him." Another thing was 
that the young sons of the townsmen and shopkeepers, nay ! 
even of Turks and soldiers could not go out from their houses 
from fear of being taken for catamites. The Samarakandis, 
having passed 20 or 25 years under SI. Ahmad Mirza in ease 
and tranquillity, most matters carried through lawfully and with 
justice by his Highness the Khwaja, were wounded and 
troubled in heart and soul, by this oppression and this vice. 
Low and high, the poor, the destitute, all opened the mouth to 
curse, all lifted the hand for redress. 

" Beware the steaming up of inward wounds, 
For an inward wound at the last makes head ; 
Avoid while thou canst, distress to one heart, 
For a single sigh will convulse a world." 1 

By reason of his infamous violence and vice SI. Mahmud 
Mirza did not rule in Samarkand more than five or six 

1 Gulistan Part I. Story 27. For " steaming up," see Tennyson's Lotus- 
eaters Choric song, canto 8 (H.B.). 

30 AH. OCT. 2ND. 1494 TO SEP. 21si\ 1495 AD. 1 

THIS year SI. Mahmud Mirza sent an envoy, named ' Abdu'l- 
idus Beg, 2 to bring me a gift from 'the wedding he had 
ade with splendid festivity for his eldest son, Mas'iid Mirza 
ith (Saliha-sultan), the Fair Begim, the second daughter of 
is elder brother, SI. Ahmad Mirza. They had sent gold and 
Iver almonds and pistachios. 

There must have been relationship between this envoy and 

[asan-i-yaq'ub, and on its account he will have been the man 

int to make Hasan-i-yaq'ub, by fair promises, look towards 

1. Mahmud Mirza.. Hasan-i-yaq'ub returned him a smooth 

aswer, made indeed as though won over to his side, and gave 

im leave to go. Five or six months later, his manners 

hanged entirely; he began to behave ill to those about me 

nd to others, and he carried matters so far that he would 

ave dismissed me in order to put Jahanglr Mirza in my place. 

loreover his conversation with the whole body of begs and 

Dldiers was not what should be ; every-one came to know what 

/as in his mind. Khwaja-i-Qazi and (Sayyid) Qasim Quchm 

nd 'All-dost Taghal met other well-wishers of mine in the 

resence of my grandmother, Alsan-daulat Begim and decided 

o give quietus to Hasan-i-yaq'ub's disloyalty by his deposition. 

Few amongst women will have been my grandmother's 

quals for judgment and counsel; she was very wise and far- 

ighted and most affairs of mine were carried through under 

ler advice. She and my mother were (living) in the Gate- 

icuse of the outer fort; 3 Hasan-i-yaq'ub was in the citadel. 

1 Elph. MS. f. 1 66 ; First W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 19 ; Second W.-i-B. I.O. 217 
. 156 ; Memoirs p. 27. 

2 He was a Dughldt, uncle by marriage of Ilaidar Mirza and now holding 
Khost for Mahmud. See T.R. s.n. for his claim on Alsan-daulat's gratitude. 

3 tdsh qurghan da chiqar da. Here (as e.g. f . i lob 1. 9) the Second W.-i-B. 
translates tdsh as though it meant stone instead of outer. Cf. f . 47 for 'an 



When I went to the citadel, in pursuance of our decision, he had 
ridden out, presumably for hawking, and as soon as he had 
Fol. 25. our news, went off from where he was towards Samarkand. 
The begs and others in sympathy with him, 1 were arrested; 
one was Muhammad Baqir Beg; SI. Mahmud Duldal, SI. 
Muhammad Dulddi's father, was another; there were several 
more; to some leave was given to go for Samarkand. The 
Andijan Government and control of my Gate were settled on 
(Sayyid) Qasim Qucliln. 

A few days after Hasan-i-yaq'iib reached Kand-i-badam on 
the Samarkand road, he went to near the Khuqan sub-division 
(aurchin) with ill-intent on Akhsi. Hearing of it, we sent 
several begs and braves to oppose him; they, as they went, 
detached a scouting party ahead; he, hearing this, moved 
against the detachment, surrounded it in its night-quarters 2 
and poured flights of arrows (shlba) in on it. In the dark- 
ness of the night an arrow (auq), shot by one of his own men r 
hit him just (auq) in the vent (qdchdr) and before he could take 
vent (qdchdr), 3 he became the captive of his own act. 

" If you have done ill, keep not an easy mind, 
For retribution is Nature's law."* 

This year I began to abstain from all doubtful food, my 
obedience extended even to the knife, the spoon and the 
table-cloth; 5 also the after-midnight Prayer (tahajjud) was 
Fol. 256. less neglected. 

adjectival use of tash, stone, with the preposition (tash) din. The places* 
contrasted here are the citadel (ark) and the walled -town (qurgMn). The 
chlqar (exit) is the fortified Gate-house of the mud circumvallation. Cf. f. 46 
for another example of chlqar. 

1 Elph. Ilai. Kehr's MSS., antng blla bar hlshi bar beglarm tuturuldl. This 
idiom recurs on f. 766 1. 8. A palimpsest entry in the Elph. MS. produces the 
statement that when Ilasan fled, his begs returned to Andijan. 

2 Hai. MS. awi munhuzl, underlined by sagh-i-gau, cows' thatched house. 
[T. munkuz, lit. horn, means also cattle.] Elph. MS., awl munkush, under- 
lined by dar ja'i khwdb alfakhta, sleeping place. [T. munkush, retired.] 

3 The first qachar of this pun has been explained as gurez-gah, sharm-gah, 
hinder parts, fuite and vert&bve injMeur. The H.S. (ii, 273 1. 3 fr. ft.) says the 
wound was in a vital (maqattal) part. 

4 From Nizanu's Khusrau u Shirm, Lahore lith. ed. p. 137 1. 8. It is quoted 
also in the A.N. Bib. Ind. ed. ii, 207 (H.B. ii, 321). (H.B.). 

4 Sec Hughes Dictionary of Islam s.nn. Eating and Food. 

900 AH. OCT. 2ND. 1494 TO SEP. 21ST. 1495 A.D. 45 

. Death of SI. Mahmud Mirza.) 

In the month of the latter Rabi* (January 1495 AD.), SI. Mah- 
ud Mirza was confronted by violent illness and in six days, 
issed from the world. He was 43 (lunar) years old. 

His birth and lineage. 

He was born in 857 AH. (1453 AD.), was SI. Abu-sa'id 
Lirza's third son and the full-brother of SI. Ahmad Mirza. 1 

His appearance and characteristics, 

He was a short, stout, sparse-bearded and somewhat ill- 
laped person. His manners and his qualities were good, his 
lies and methods of business excellent ; he was well-versed in 
ccounts, not a dinar or a dirhdm z of revenue was spent without 
is knowledge. The pay of his servants was never disallowed. 
I is assemblies, his gifts, his open table, were all good. Every- 
ling of his was orderly and well-arranged ; 3 no soldier or 
easant could deviate in the slightest from any plan of his. 
r ormerly he must have been hard set (qatirar) on hawking but 
itterly he very frequently hunted driven game. 4 He carried 
iolence and vice to frantic excess, was a constant wine-bibber 
nd kept many catamites. If anywhere in his territory, there 
;as a handsome boy, he used, by whatever means, to have him 
nought for a catamite ; of his begs' sons and of his sons' begs' 
ons he made catamites ; and laid command for this service on Foi. 26. 
iis very foster brothers and on their own brothers. So 
ommon in his day was that vile practice, that no person was 
without his catamite ; to keep one was thought q. merit, not to 
:eep one, a defect. Through his infamous violence and vice, 
iis sons died in the day of their strength (tamdm juwdn). 

1 Cf. i. 66 and note. If 'Umar Shaikh were Malimud's full-brother, his 
.ame might well appear here. - 

2 i.e. " Not a farthing, not a half -penny." 

3 Here the Mems. enters a statement, not found in the Turk! text, that 
(Tahmud's dress was elegant and far aionable. 

4 n:h:l:m. My husband has cleared up a mistake (Mems. p. 28 and M6ms. 
54) of supposing this to be the name of an animal. It is explained in the 

k..N. (i, 255. H.B. i, 496) as a BadakhshI equivalent of tasqawal ; tasqawal 
ar. tashqawal, is explained by the Farhang-i-azfan, a Turki-Persian Diet, 
een in the Mulla Firoz Library of Bombay, to mean rah band hunanda, the 
topping of the road. Cf. J.R.A.S. 1900 p. 137. 


He had a taste for poetry and put a diwdn 1 together but his 
verse is flat and insipid, not to compose is better than to 
compose verse such as his. He was not firm in the Faith and 
held his Highness Khwaja 'Ubaidu'1-lah (Ahrarl) in slight 
esteem. He had no heart (yuruk] and was somewhat scant in 
modesty, several of his impudent buffoons used to do their 
filthy and abominable acts in his full Court, in all men's sight. 
He spoke badly, there was no understanding him at first. 

d. His battles. 

He fought two battles, both with SI. Husain Mirza (Baii- 
qara). The first was in Astarabad; here he was defeated. 
The second was at Chikman (Sarai), 2 near Andikhud; here 
also he was defeated. He went twice to Kafiristan, on the, 
Foi. 26/1. south of Badakhshan, and made Holy War; for this reason 
they wrote him SI. Mahmud Ghazl in the headings of his. 
public papers. 

e. His countries. 

SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza gave him Astarabad. 3 After the 'Ir,q 
disaster (i.e., his father's death,) he went into KhurasSn. At 
that time, Qambar-'ali Beg, the governor of Hisar, by SI. Abii- 
sa'id Mirza's orders, had mobilized the Hindustan 4 army and 
was following him into 'Iraq ; he joined SI. Mahmud MirjzS in 
Khurasan but the Khurasanis, hearing of SI. Husain MirzS's 
approach, rose suddenly and drove them out of the country,. 
On this SI. Mahmud Mirza went to his elder brother, SL 
Ahmad Mirza in Samarkand. A few months later Sayyid 
Badr and Khusrau Shah and some braves under Ahmad 

1 i.e. " a collection of poems in the alphabetical order of the various end 
rhymes." (Steingass.) 

2 At this battle Daulat-shah was present. Cf, Browne's D.S. for Astarabad 
p. 523 and for Andikhud p. 532. For this and all other references to D.S^ 
and U.S. I am indebted to my husband. 

3 The following dates will help out Babur's brief narrative. Mahnrud 
at. 7, was given Astarabad in 864 AH. (1459-60 AD.) ; it was lost to Ilusain at. 
Jauz-wilayat and Maljmud went into Khurasan in 865 AH. ; he was restored 
by his father in 866 AH. ; on his father's death (873 AH.-i46g AD.) he fled to. 
Harat, thence to Samarkand and from there was taken to Hisar &t. 16. Cf. 
D'Herbelot s.n. Abu-sa'ad ; H.S. i, 209 ; Browne's D.S. p. 522. 

4 Presumably the " Hindustan the Less " of Clavijo (Markham p. 3 and 
p. 113), approx. Qambar 'all's districts. Clavijo includes TirmJx under the- 

900 AH. OCT. 2ND. 1494 TO SEP. 21sr. 1495 A.D. 47 

{ushtdq 1 took him and fled to Qambar-'ali in Hisar. From 
bat time forth, SI. Mahmud Mirza possessed the countries 
?'mg south of Quhqa (Quhlugha) and the Kohtin Range as- far 
s the Hindu-kush Mountains, such as Tirmiz, Chaghanian, 
lisar, Khutlan, Qunduz and Badakhshan. He also held 
11. Ahmad Mirza's lands, after his brother's death. 

'. His children. 

He had five sons and eleven daughters. 

SI. Mas'ud Mirza. was his eldest son ; his mother was Khan- F l - 
:ada Begim, a daughter of the Great Mir of Tirmiz. Bai- 
iunghar Mirza was another ; his mother was Pasha (or Pasha) 
Begim. SI. 'All Mirza was another ; his mother was an 
\uzbeg, a concubine called Zuhra Begi Agha. SI. Husain 
Mirzii was another; his mother was Khan-zada Begim, a 
grand-daughter of the Great Mir of Tirmiz ; he went to God's 
mercy in his father's life-time, at the age of 13. SI. Wais 
Mirza (Mirza Khan) was another; his mother, Sultan-nigar 
Khanim was a daughter of Yunas Khan and was a younger 
(half-) sister of my mother. The affairs of these four Mirzas 
will be written of in this history under the years of their 

Of SI. Mahmud Mirza's daughters, three were by the same 
mother as Bai-sunghar Mirza. One of these, Bai-sunghar 
Mirza's senior, SI. Mahmud Mirza made to go out to Malik-i- 
muhammad Mirza, the son of his paternal uncle, Minuchihr 
Mirza. 2 

Five other daughters were by Khan-zada Begim, the grand- 
daughter of the Great Mir of Tirmiz. The oldest of these, 

1 Perhaps a Sufi term, longing for the absent friend. For particulars 
about this man see H.S. ii, 235 and Browne's D.S. p. 533. 

2 Here in the Hai. MS. is one of several blank spaces, waiting for information 
presumably not known to Babur when writing. The space will have been in 
the archetype of the Hai. MS. and it makes for the opinion that the Hai. MS. 
is a direct copy of Babur's own. This space is not left in the Elph. MS. but 
that MS. is known from its scribe's note (f. 198) down to f. 198 (Hai. MS. 
f. 2436) to have been copied from, " other writings " and only subsequent to 
its f. 198 from Babur's own. Cf. JRAS 1906 p. 88 and 1907 p." 143. 


(Khan-zada Begim) 1 was given, after her father's death, to Aba- 
Foi. 276. bikr (Dughldt) Kdshghari. The second was Bega Begim. When 
SI. Husain Mirza besieged Hisar (901 AH.), he took her for 
Haidar Mirza, his son by Payanda Begim, SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza's 
daughter, and having done so, rose from before the place. 2 
The third daughter was Aq (Fair) Begim; the fourth 3 ,was 
betrothed to Jahangir Mlrza (aet. 5, circa 895 AH.) at the time 
his father, 'Umar Shaikh Mirza sent him to help SI. Mahmud 
Mirza with the Andijan army, against SI. Husain Mirza, then 
attacking Qunduz. 4 In 910 AH. (1504 AD.) when Baqi Chaghdn- 
iani 5 waited on me on the bank of the Amu (Oxus), these 
(last-named two) Begims were with their mothers in Tirmiz 
and joined me then with Baqi's family. When we reached 

Kahmard, Jahangir Mirza took Begirn; one little 

daughter was born; she now is in the Badakhshan country 
with her grandmother. The fifth daughter was Zainab-sultan 
Begim ; under my mother's insistance, I took her at the time 
of the capture of Kabul (910 AH.-Oct. 1504 AD.). She did not 
become very congenial; two or three years later, she left the 
world, through small-pox. Another daughter was Makhdum- 
sultan Begim, SI. 'AH Mirza's full-sister; she is now in the 
Badakhshan country. Two others of his daughters, Rajab- 
sultan and Muhibb-sultan, were by mistresses (ghunchachl). 

g. His ladies (khwatinlar) and concubines (sardrty. 

His chief wife, Khan-jzada Begim, was a daughter of the 

Koi. 28. Great Mir of Tirmiz ; he had great affection for her and must 

have mourned her bitterly ; she was the mother of SI. Mas'ud 

Mlrza. Later on, he took her brother's daughter, also called 

Khan-zada Begim, a grand-daughter of the Great Mir of Tirmiz. 

1 The T.R. (p. 330) supplies this name. 

2 Cf. f. 356. This was a betrothal only, the marriage being made in 903 AH 
Cf. II.S. ii, 260 and Gul-badan's H.N. f. 246. 

3 Kehr's MS. supplies AI (Moon) as her name but it has no authority. 
The Elph. MS. has what may be la warn, no name, on its margin and over 
turutunchi (4th.) its usual sign of what is problematical. 

* See U.S. ii, 250. Here Pir-i-Muhammad Ailc-hl-buehd was drowned 

5 Chaghanian is marked in Erskine's (Mems.) map as somewhere about the 
head of (Fr. map 1904) the Ilyak Water, a tributary of the Kafir-nighan. 

6 i.e. when Babur was writing in Hindustan. 

900 AH OCT. 2ND. 1494 TO SEP. 21ST. 1495 AD. 49 

ie became the mother of five of his daughters and one of his 

ins. Pasha (or Pasha) Begim was another wife, a daughter of 

li-shukr Beg, a Turkman Beg of the Black Sheep Baharlu 

imaq. 1 ' She had been the wife of Jahan-shah (Bavdni) of the 

lack Sheep Turkmans. After Auzun (Long) Hasan Beg of 

te White Sheep had taken Azar-baljan and 'Iraq from the 

jns of this Jahan-shah Mirza (872 AH.-I467 AD.), ( Ali-shukr 

eg's sons went with four or five thousand heads-of-houses 

: the Black Sheep Turkmans to serve SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza and 

iter the Mirza's defeat (873 AH. by Auzun Hasan), came down 

> these countries and took service with SI. Mahmud Mirza. 

'his happened after SI. Mahmud Mirza came to Hisar from 

amarkand, and then it was he took Pasha Begim. She 

ecame the mother of one of his sons and three of his daughters. 

ultan-nigar Khanim was another of his ladies ; her descent 

as been mentioned already in the account of the (Chaghatai) 

:hans. Foi. 28*. 

He had many concubines and mistresses. His most honoured 
oncubine (mu'aiabciv ghutna) was Zuhra Begi Agha ; she was 
iken in his father's life-time and became the mother of one son 
nd one daughter. He had many mistresses and, as has been 
aid, two of his daughters were by two of them. 

. His amirs. 

Khusrau Shah was of the Qlpchaqs. He had 
>een in the intimate service of the Tarkhan begs, indeed had 
ieen a catamite. Later on he became a retainer of Mazid Beg 
Tarkhan) Arghun who favoured him in all things. He was 
avoured by SI. Mahmud Mirza on account of services done by 
lim when, after the 'Iraq disaster, he joined the Mirza on his 
vay to Khurasan. He waxed very great in his latter days; 
lis retainers, under SI. Mahmud Mirza, were a clear five or six 
housand. Not only Badakhshan but the whole country from 
he Amu to the Hindu-kush Mountains depended on him and 
ie devoured its whole revenue (darobast ylr Id'i). His ppen table 
vas good, so too his open hand ; though he was a rough getter, 2 

1 For his family see f. S5& note to Yar-'ali Balal. 

2 ba wujud turkluk muhkam paida kunanda Idl* 


what he got, he spent liberally. He waxed exceeding great 
after SI. Mahmud Mirza's death, in whose sons' time his re- 
tainers approached 20,000. Although he prayed and abstained 
from forbidden aliments, yet was he black-souled and vicious, 
Fol 29 dunder-headed and senseless, disloyal and a traitor to his salt. 
For the sake of this fleeting, five-days world, 1 he blinded one of 
his benefactor's sons and murdered another. A sinner before 
God, reprobate to His creatures, he has earned curse and 
execration till the very verge of Resurrection. For this world's 
sake he did his evil deeds and yet, with lands so broad and 
with such hosts of armed retainers, he had not pluck to 
stand up to a hen. An account of him will come into this 

Pir-i-muhammad Atlchi-lugJid' 2 Quchin was another. In 
Hazaraspfs fight 3 he got in on challenge with his fists in SI. 
Abu-sa'id Mirza's presence at the Gate of Balkh. He was a 
brave man, continuously serving the Mirza (Mahmud) and 
guiding him by his counsel. Out of rivalry to Khusrau Shah, 
he made a night-attack when the Mirza was besieging Qunduz, 
on SI. IJusain Mirza, with few men, without arming 4 and 
without plan ; he could do nothing ; what was there he could 
do against such and so large a force? He was pursued, threw 
himself into the river and was drowned. 

Ayub (Begchik Mughul) 5 was another. He had served in SI. 
Abu-sa'id Mirza's Khurasan Cadet Corps, a brave man, Bal- 
sunghar Mirza's guardian. He was choice in dress and food ; 

1 Roebuck's Oriental Proverbs (p. 232) explains the five of this phrase 
where seven might be expected, by saying that of this Seven days' world (qy. 
days of Creation) one is for birth, another for death, and that thus five only 
are left for man's brief life. 

2 The cognomen Ailchi-bugha, taken with the bearer's recorded strength of 
fist, may mean Strong man of Ailchi (the capital of Khutan). One of Timoar's 
commanders bore the name. Cf. f. zib for bughu as athlete. 

3 Hazaraspi seems to be Mir Pir Darwesh Hazaraspi. With his brother, 
Mir 'Ali, he had charge of Balkh. See Rauzatu' ?-safa B.M. Add. 23506, f. 2426 ; 
Browne's D.S. p. 432. It may be right to understand a hand-to-hand fight 
between Hazaraspi and Ailchi-bugha. The affair was in 857 AH. (1453 AD.). 

4 yaraq siz, perhaps trusting to fisticuffs, perhaps without mail. Babur's 
summary has confused the facts. Mul;. Ailchi-bflgha was sent by SI. Malmud 
Mirza from Hitar with 1,000" men and did not issue out of Qunduz. (II .S. ii, 
251.) His death occurred not before 895 AH. 

5 See T.R. s.nn. Mir Ayub and Ayub. 

900 AH. OCT. 2ND. 1494 TO SEP. 21ST. 1495 AD. 51 

ester and talkative, nicknamed Impudence, perhaps because 
i Mirza called him so. Fo1 - 2 9 

Wall was another, the younger, full-brother of Khusrau Shah, 
j kept his retainers well. He it was brought about the 
nding of SI. Mas'M Mirza and the murder of Bai-sunghar 
rza. He had an ill-word for every-one and was an evil- 
igued, foul-mouthed, self-pleasing and dull-witted mannikin. 
5 approved of no-one but himself. When I went from the 
induz country to. near Dush! (910 AH.-I503 AD.), separated 
lusrau " Shah from his following and dismissed him, this 
rson (i.e., Wall) had come to Andar-ab and Sir-ab, also in 
r of the Aiizbegs. The Aimaqs of those parts beat and 
Dbed him 1 then, having let me know, came on to Kabul. 
all went to Shaibani Khan who had his head struck off in 
; town of Samarkand. 

Shaikh 'Abdu'1-lah B arias 2 was another; he had to wife one 
the daughters of Shah Sultan Muhammad (BadakhshT) i.e., 
; maternal aunt of Aba-bikr Mirza (Mlrdn-shdhi) and of SI. 
ihmud Khan. He wore his tunic narrow and^w shaqq 3 ; he 
s a kindly well-bred man. 

Mahmiid Barlds of the Barlases of Nundak (Badakhshan) 
s another. He had been a beg also of SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza 
i had surrendered Karman to him when the Mirza took the 
Iq countries. When Aba-bikr Mirza (Mlran-shdhi) came Fol. 30. 
unst Hisar with Mazid Beg Tarkhan and the Black Sheep 
rkmans, and SI. Mahmiid Mirza went off to his elder brother, 
Ahmad Mirza in Samarkand, Mahmiid Barlds did not 
render Hisar but held out manfully. 4 He was a poet and 
t a diwdn together. 

Historical narrative resumed}. 

When SI. Mahmiid Mirza died, Khusrau Shah kept the 
int concealed and laid a long hand on the treasure. But 

This passage is made more clear by f. 1206 and f. 1256. 

He is mentioned in 'All-sher Nawd'i's Majalis-i-nafa'is ; see B.M. Add. 
r 5, f. 278 and Rieu's Turkish Catalogue. 

? full of splits or full handsome. 

This may have occurred after Abu-sa'Id Mirza's death whose son Aba-bikr 
3. Cf. f. 28. If so, over-brevity has obscured the statement. 


how could such news be hidden ? It spread through the town 
at once. That was a festive day for the Samarkand families ; 
soldier and peasant, they uprose in tumult against Khusrau 
Shah. Ahmad Haji Beg and the Tarkhani begs put the rising 
down and turned Khusrau Shah out of the town with an escort 
for I.Iisar. 

As SI. Mahmud Mirza himself after giving Hisar to SI. 
Mas'ud Mirza and Bukhara to Bai-sunghar Mirza, had dis- 
missed both to their governments, neither was present when he 
died. The I.Iisar and Samarkand begs, after turning" Khusrau 
Shah out, agreed to send for Bai-sunghar Mirza from Bukhara, 
brought him to Samarkand and seated him on the throne. 
When he thus became supreme (pathhali), he was 18 (lunar) 
years old. 

At this crisis, SI. Mahmud Khan (Chaghatai), acting on the 
Foi. 30,'*. word of Junaid Barlas and of some of the notables of 
Samarkand, led his army out to near Kan-bai with desire to 
take that town. Bai-sunghar Mirza, on his side, marched out 
in force. They fought near Kan-bai. Haidar Kukuldash, the 
main pillar of the Mughul army, led the Mughul van. He and 
all his men dismounted and were pouring in flights of arrows 
(shiba) when a large body of the mailed braves of Hisar and 
Samarkand made an impetuous charge and straightway laid 
them under their horses' feet. Their leader taken, the Mughul 
army was put to rout without more fighting. Masses (qalln) of 
Mughuls were wiped out ; so many were beheaded in Bai- 
sunghar Mirza's presence that his tent was three times shifted 
because of the number of the dead. 

At this same crisis, Ibrahim Saru entered the fort of Asfara, 
there read Bai-sunghar Mirza's name in the Khutba and took 
up a position of hostility to me. 

(Author's note.} Ibrahim Sam is of the Mingligh people; 1 he had 
served my father in various ways from his childhood but later on had 
been dismissed for some fault. 

Foi. 31. The army rode out to crush this rebellion in the month of 
Sha'ban (May) and by the end of it, had dismounted round 

1 mlngUgh ct'ildln diir, perhaps of those whose hereditary Command was a 
Thousand, the head of a Jilng (Pcrs. Hazara), i.e. of the tenth of a tiiman. 

900 AH OCT. 2ND. 1494 TO SEP. 21sT. 1495 AD. 53 

Asfara. Our braves in the wantonness of enterprise, on the very 
day of arrival, took the new wall 1 that was in building outside, 
the fort. That day Sayyid Qasim, Lord of my Gate, out- 
stripped the rest and got in with his sword ; SI. Ahmad Tawbal 
and Muhammad-dost Taghai got theirs in also but Say}-id 
Qasim won the Champion's Portion. He took it in Shahrukh- 
iya when I v/ent to see my mother's brother, SI. Mahmiid 

(Author's note.) The Championship Portion 2 is an ancient usage of 
the Mughul horde. Whoever outdistanced his tribe and got in with 
his own sword, took the portion at every feast and entertainment. 

My guardian, Khudai-birdi Beg died in that first day's right- 
ing, struck by a cross-bow arrow. As the assault was made 
without armour, several bare braves (ylklt ylldngf perished and 
many were wounded. One of. Ibrahim Saru's cross-bowmen 
was an excellent shot ; his equal had never been seen ,' he it 
was hit most of those wounded. When Asfara had been 
taken, he entered my service. 

As the siege drew on, orders were given to construct head- 
strikes 4 in two or three places, to run mines and to make every y Q i 
effort to prepare appliances for taking the fort. The siege 
lasted 40 days ; at last Ibrahim Sdru had no resource but, 
through the mediation of Khwaja Moulana-i-qazi, to elect to 
serve me. In the month of Shawwal (June 1495 AD.) he came 
out, with his sword and quiver hanging from his neck, waited 
on me and surrendered the fort. 

Khujand for a considerable time had been dependent on 
*Umar Shaikh Mirza's Court (diwan) but of late had looked 
towards SI. Ahmad Mirza on account of the disturbance in 
the Farghana government during the interregnum. 5 As the 

1 qiirghan-mng tashida yangl tarn quparib said dur. I understand, that 
what was taken was a new circumvallation in whole or in part. Such double 
walls are on record. Cf. Appendix A. 

2 bahadurluq aulush, an actual portion of food. ' 

3 i.e. either unmailed or actually naked. 

4 The old English noun strike expresses the purpose of the sar-kob. It is 
" an instrument for scraping off what rises above the top " (Webster, whose 
example is grain in a measure). The sar-kob is an erection of earth or wood, 
as high as the attacked walls, and it enabled besiegers to strike off heads 
appearing above the ramparts. 

B i.e. the dislocation due to 'Urnar Shaikh's death. 


opportunity offered, a move against it also was now made. 
Mir MughuPs father, 'Abdu'l-wahhab Sha-ghdwal 1 was in it ; he 
surrendered without making any difficulty at once on our 

Just then SI. Mahmud Khan was in Shahrukhiya. It has 
been said alre'ady that when SI. Ahmad Mirza came into 
Andijan (899 AH.), he also came and that he laid siege to Akhsi. 
It occurred to me that if since I was so close, I went and 
waited on him, he being, as it were, my father and my elder 
brother, and if bye-gone resentments were laid aside, it would 
be good hearing and seeing for far and near. So said, I 

I waited on The Khan in the garden IJaidar Kukulddsh had 
made outside Shahrukhiya. He was seated in a large four- 
Fol. 32. doored tent set up in the middle of it. Having entered the 
tent, I knelt three times, 2 he for his part, rising to do me 
honour. We looked one another in the eyes; 3 and he re- 
turned to his seat. After I had kneeled, he called me to his 
side and shewed me much affection and friendliness. Two 
or three days later, I set off for Akhsi and Andijan by the 
Kindirlik Pass. 4 At Akhsi I made the circuit of my Father's 

1 Cf. i. 13. The H.S. (ii, 274) places his son, Mir Mughul, in charge, but 
otherwise agrees with the B.N. 

2 Cf, Clavijo, Markham p. 132. Sir Charles Grandison bent the knee on 
occasions but illustrated MSS. e.g. the B.M. Tawankh-i-guzida Nasrat-nama 
show that Babur would kneel down on both knees. Cf. f. 1236 for the fatigue 
of the genuflection. 

3 I have translated kuriishub thus because it appears to me that here and 
in other places, stress is laid by Babur upon the mutual gaze as an episode of 
a ceremonious interview. The verb kurushmak is often rendered by the 
Persian translators as daryaftan and by the L. and E. Memoirs as to embrace. 
I have not found in the B.N. warrant for translating it as to embrace ; 
quchushmalq is Babur's word for this (f. 103). Daryaftan, taken as to grasp or 
see with the mind, to understand, well expresses mutual gaze and its sequel 
of mutual understanding. Sometimes of course, kurush, the interview does 
not imply Ikurush, the silent looking in the eyes with mutual understanding ; 

1 it simply means se voyer e.g. f. 17. The point is thus dwelt upon because the 
frequent mention of an embrace gives a different impression of manners from 
that made by " interview " or words expressing mutual gaze. 

4 daban. This word Reclus (vi, 171) quoting from Fedschenko, explains 
as a difficult rocky defile ; art, again, as a dangerous gap at a high elevation ; 
bel, as an easy low pass ; and kutal, as a broad opening between low hills. 
The explanation of kutal does not hold good for Babur's application of the 
word (f. Bib) to the Sara-taq. 

900 AH. OCT. 2ND. 1494 TO SEP. 21ST. 1495 AD. 55 

tomb. I left at the hour of the Friday Prayer (i.e., about mid- 
day) and reached Andijan, by the Band-i-salar Road between 
the Evening and Bedtime Prayers. This road i.e. the Band-i- 
salar, people call a ninQylghdch road. 1 

One of the tribes of the wilds of Andijan is the Jigrak 2 a 
numerous people of five or six thousand households, dwelling 
in the mountains between Kashghar and Farghana. They have 
many horses and sheep and also numbers of yaks (quids), these 
hill-people keeping yaks instead of common cattle. As their 
mountains are border-fastnesses, they have a fashion of not 
paying tribute. An army was now sent against them under 
(Sayyid) Qasim Beg in order that out of the tribute taken from 
them something might reach the soldiers. He took about 
20,000 of their sheep and between 1000 and 1500 of their 
horses and shared all out to the men. 

After its return from the Jigrak, the army set out for Aura- Fol. 34. 
tipa. Formerly this was held by 'Umar Shaikh Mirza but it 
had gone oat of hand in the year of his death and SI. 'All 
Mirza was now in it on behalf of his elder brother, Bai- 
sunghar Mirza. When SI. 'AH Mirza heard of our coming, he 
went off himself to the Macha hill-country, leaving his guardian, 
Shaikh Zu'n-nun Arghun behind. From half-way between 
Khujand and Aura-tipa, Khalifa 3 was sent as envoy to Shaikh 
u'n-nun but that senseless mannikin, instead of giving him a 
plain answer, laid hands on him and ordered him to death. 
For Khalifa to die cannot have been the Divine will ; he 
escaped and came to me two or three days later, stripped bare 
md having suffered a hundred tumaus (1,000,000) of hardships 
md fatigues. We went almost to Aura-tipa but as, winter 
Deing near, people had carried away their corn and forage, after 
i few days we turned back for Andijan. After our retirement, 
The Khan's men moved on the place when the Aura-tipa 

1 Cf. i. 46 and note. From Babur's special mention of it, it would seem 
iot to be the usual road. 

2 The spelling of this name is uncertain. Variants are many. Concerning 
he tribe see T.R. p. 165 n. 

3 Nizamu'd-dm 'All Barlqs : see Gul-badan's H.N. s.n. He served Babur till 
.he latter's death. 


person 1 unable to make a stand, surrendered and came out. 
The Khan then gave it to Muhammad Husain Kurkdn Dughldt 
and in his hands it remained till 908 AH. (1503). 2 

1 i.e. Zu'n-nun or perhaps the garrison. 

2 i.e. down, to Shaibanl's destruction of Chaghatai rule in Tashkint in 
1503 AD. 

01 AH. SEP. 21ST. 1495 TO SEP. 9'ra. 1496 AD. 1 

%. Sult.dn Husain Mirzd's campaign against Khusrau Shah}. 

In th,e winter of this year, SI. Husain Mirza led his army out 
f Khurasan against Hisar and went to opposite Tirmiz. SI. 
las'ud Mirza, for his part, brought an army (from Hisar) and 
at down over against him in Tirmiz. Khusrau Shah 
trengthened himself in Qunduz and to help SI. Mas'ud Mirza 
ent his younger brother, Wall. They (i.e., the opposed forces) 
pent most of that winter on the river's banks, no crossing 
eing effected. SI. Husain Mirza was a shrewd and experienced 
ommander ; he marched up the river, 2 his face set for Qunduz 
nd by this having put SI. Mas'ud Mirza off his guard, sent 
i\.bdu'l-latif Bakhshl (pay-master) with 5 or 600 serviceable 
ien, down the river to the Kilif ferry. These crossed and had 
ntrenched themselves on the other bank before SI. Mas'iid 
lirza had heard of their movement. When he did hear of it, 
whether because of pressure put upon him by Baqi Chaghdnmni 
D spite (his half-brother) Wall, or whether from his own want 
f heart, he did not march against those who had crossed" but 
isregarding Wall's urgency, at once broke up his camp and 
irned for Hisar. 3 

SI. Husain Mirza crossed the river and then sent, (i) against 
Ihusrau Shah, Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and Ibrahim Husain 
rirza with Muhammad Wall Beg and Zu'n-rmn Arghun, and Fo1 - 

1 Elph. MS. f. 23 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 26 and 217 f. 21 ; Mems. p. 35. 
Babur's own affairs form a small part of this year's record ; the rest is drawn 

om the II. S. which in its turn, uses Babur's f. 34 and f. 376. Each author 
ords the shared material in his own style ; one adding magniloquence, the 
ther retracting to plain statement, indeed summarizing at times to obscurity, 
ach passes his own judgment on events, e.g. here Khwand-amir's is more 
Lvourable to Ilusain Bai-qara's conduct of the Hisar campaign than Babur's. 
/. II. S. ii, 256-60 and 274. 

2 This feint would take him from the Oxus. 

3 Tirmw to Ilisar, g6m. (Reclus vi, 255). 



(2) against Khutlan, Muzaffar Husain Mirza with Muhammad 
Baranduq Barlas. He himself moved for Hisar. 

When those in Hisar heard of his approach, they -took their 
precautions ; SI. Mas'ud Mirza did not judge it well to stay in 
the fort but went off up the Kam Rud valley 1 and by way of 
Sara-taq to his younger brother, Bai-sunghar Mirza in Samar- 
kand. Wall, for his part drew off to (his own district) Khutlan. 
Baqi Chaghanlanl, Mahmud Barlas and Quch Beg's father, SI. 
Ahmad strengthened the fort of Hisar. Hamza $1. and Mahdi 
SI. (Auzbeg) who some years earlier had left ShaibanI Khan for 
(the late) SI. Mahmud Mirza's service, now, in this dispersion, 
drew off with all' their Auzbegs, for Qara-tigin. With them 
went Muhammad Dughldt* and SI. Husain Dughlat and all the 
Mughuls located in the Hisar country. 

Upon this SI. Husain Mirza sent Abu'l-muhsin Mirza after 
SI. Mas'ud Mirza up the Kam Rud valley: They were not 
strong enough for such work when they reached the defile. 3 
There Mirza Beg Firingi-baz 4 got in his sword. In pursuit of 
Hamza SI. into Qara-tigin, SI. Husain Mirza sent Ibrahim 
Tarkhan and Yaq'ub-i-ayub. They overtook the sultans and 
33- fought. The Mirza's detachment was defeated ; most of his 
begs were unhorsed but all were allowed to go free. 

(b. Babuls reception of the Auzbeg s^dt.ans.) 

As a result of this exodus, Hamza SI. with his son, Mamaq 
SI., and Mahdi SI. and Muhammad Dughlat, later known as 
Hisarl and his brother, SI. Husain Dughlat with the Auzbegs 
dependent on the sultans and the Mughuls who had been 
located in Hisar as (the late) SI. Mahmud Mlrza's retainers, 
came, after letting me know (their intention), and waited upon 
me in Ramzan (May-June) at Andijan. According to the 

1 H.S. Wazr-ab valley. The usual route is up the Kam Rud and over the 
Miira pass to Sara-taq. Cf. f. 816. 

2 i.e. the Ilisari mentioned a few lines lower and on f. 996. Nothing on 
f . 996 explains his cognomen. 

3 The road is difficult. Cf. f. 816. 

* Khwand-amlr also singles out one man for praise, SI. Mahmud Mir-i- 
akhwur ; the two names probably represent one person. The sobriquet may 
refer to skill with a matchlock, to top-spinning (firnagi-baz) or to some lost 
joke. (H.S. ii, 257.) 

901 AH SEP. 21sx. 1495 TO SEP. 9m 1496 AD. 59 

custom of Timuriya sulfcans on such occasions, I had seated 
myself on a raised seat (tushdk) ; when Hamza SI. and Mamaq 
SI. and Mahdi SI. entered, I rose and went down to do them 
honour ; we looked one another in the eyes and I placed them 
on my right, baghish da. 1 A number of Mughuls also came, 
under Muhammad Hisdri', all elected for my service. 

(c. SI. Husain Mlrza's affairs resumed). 

SI. Ilusain Mirza, on reaching Hisar, settled down at once to 
besiege it. There was no rest, day nor night, from the labours 
of mining and attack, of working catapults and mortars. Mines 
were run in four or five places. When one had gone well 
forward towards the Gate, the townsmen, countermining, struck 
it and forced smoke down on the Mirza's men ; they, in turn, p ( ,]. 
closed the hole, thus sent the smoke straight back and made the 
townsmen flee as from the very maw of death. In the end, the 
townsmen drove the besiegers out by pouring jar after jar of 
water in on them. Another day, a party dashed out from the 
town and drove off the Mirza's men from their own mine's 
mouth. Once the discharges from catapults and mortars in the 
Mirza's quarters on the north cracked a tower of the fort ; it 
fell at the Bed-time Prayer ; some of the Mirza.' s braves begged 
to assault at once but he refused, saying, " It is night," Before 
the shoot of the nertt day's dawn, the besieged had rebuilt the 
whole tower. That day too there was' no assault ; in fact, for 
the. two to two and a half months of the siege, no attack was 
made except by keeping up 'the blockade, 2 by mining, rearing 
head-strikes, 3 and discharging stones. 

1 This pregnant phrase has been found 'difficult. It may express that 
Babur assigned the suljans places in their due precedence ; that he seated 
them in a row ; and that they sat cross-legged, as men of rank, and were not 
made, as inferiors, to kneel and sit back on their heels. Out of this last 
meaning, I infer comes the one given by dictionaries, " to sit at ease," since 

.the cross-legged posture is less irksome than the genuflection, not to speak of 
the ease of mind produced by.honour received. Of. f . 1 8b and note on Ahmad 's 
posture ; Redhouse s.nn. baghish and baghdash ; and B.M. Tawarlkh-i-guzlda 
nasrat-nama, in the illustrations of which the chief personage, only, sits 

2 siydsat. My translation is conjectural only. 

3 sar-kob. The old English noun strike, " an instrument for scraping off 
what appears above the top," expresses the purpose of the wall-high erections 
of wood or earth (L. agger) raised to reach what shewed above ramparts. C/. 


When BadiVz-zaman Mirza and whatever (ni him] troops 
had been sent with him against Khusrau Shah, dismounted 
some 16 m. (3 to 4 yighacli) below Qunduz, 1 Khusrau Shah 
arrayed whatever men (ni klin] he had, marched out, halted one 
night on the way, formed up to fight and came down upon the 
Mirza and his men. The Khurasanis may not have been twice 
as many as his men but what question is there they were half 
Fol. 35. as many more ? None the less did such Mirzas and such 
Commander-begs elect for prudence and remain in their en- 
trenchments ! Good and bad, small and great, Khusrau Shah's- 
force may have been of 4 or 5,000 men ! 

This was the one exploit of his life, of this man who for the 
sake of this fleeting and unstable world and for the sake of 
shifting and faithless followers, chose such evil and such ill-, 
repute, practised such tyranny and injustice, seized, such wide 
lands, kept such hosts of retainers and followers, latterly he led 
out between 20 and 30,000 and his countries and his districts 
(pargandt) exceeded those of his own ruler and that ruler's sons, 2 
for an exploit such as this his name and the names of his 
adherents were noised abroad for generalship and for this they 
were counted brave, while those timorous laggards, in the 
trenches, won the resounding fame of cowards. 

Badf u'z-zaman Mirza. marched out from that camp and after 
a few stages reached the Alghu Mountain of Taliqan 3 and there 
made halt. Khusrau Shah, in Qunduz, sent his brother, Wall, 
with serviceable men, to Ishkimlsh, Fulul and the hill-skirts 
thereabouts to annoy and harass the Mirza from outside also. 
Muhibb-'ali, the armourer, (qurchi) for his part, came down 
ol. as*.- (from Waifs Khutlan) to the bank of the Khutlan Water, met 
in with some of the Mirza's men there, unhorsed some, cut off 
a few heads and got away. In emulation of this, Sayyidirn 
'All 4 the door-keeper, and his younger brother, Quli Beg and 

1 Presumably lower down the Qunduz Water. 

2 auz pUfLshahi, u mirzalaridin artib. 

3 sic. Ilai. MS. ; Elph. MS. " near Taliqan ; some W.-i-B. MSS. " Great 
Garden." Gul-badan mentions a Taliqan Garden. Perhaps the Mirza went 
so far east because, Z'U'n-nun being with him, he had Qandahar in mind. 
Cf. f. 42b, 

* i.e. Sayyid Muhammad 'AH; See f. 15 n. to Sherim. Khwaja Changal 
lies 14 m. below Taliqan on the Taliqan Water. (Erskine.) 

^901 AH. SEP. 21ST. 1495 TO SEP. 9TH. 1496 AD. 61 

iihlul-i-ayub and a body of their men got to grips with the 
[hurasanis on the skirt of 'Ambar Koh, near Khwaja Changal 
ut, many Khurasanis coming up, Sayyidim 'All and Baba 
teg's (son) Quli Beg and others were unhorsed. 

At the time these various news reached SI. Husain Mirza, 
is army was not without distress through- the spring rains of 
lisar; he therefore brought about a peace; Mahmud B arias 
ame out from those in the fort ; Haji Pir the Taster went from 
hose outside ; the great commanders and what there was (nl 
lm] of musicians and singers assembled and the Mirza took 
Bega Begirn), the eldest 1 daughter of SI. Mahmud Mirza by 
Qian-zada Begim, for Haidar Mirza, his son by Payanda Begim 
.nd through her the grandson -of SI. Abu-sa'Id Mirza. This 
[one, he rose from before Hisar and set his face for Qunduz. 

At Qunduz also SI. Husain Mirza made a few trenches and 
ook up the besieger's position but by Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's 
ntervention peace at length was made, prisoners were ex- 
;hanged and the Khurasanis retired. The twice-repeated 2 
Lttacks made by SI. Husain Mirza on Khusrau Shah and his 
msuccessful retirements were the cause of Khusrau Shah's i'"oi. 3 6 - 
jreat rise and of action of his so much beyond his province. 

When the Mirza reached Balkh, he, in the interests of Ma 
vara'u'n-nahr gave it to Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza, gave Badf u'z. 
saman Mirza's district of Astarabad to (a younger son), Muzaffar 
Husain Mirza and made both kneel at the same assembly, one 
:or Balkh, the other for Astarabad. This offended Badf u'z- 
zaman Mirza and led to years of rebellion and disturbance. 3 

(d. Revolt of the Tarkhanis in Samarkand). 

In Ramzan of this same year, the Tarkhanis revolted in 
Samarkand. Here is the story : Bai-sunghar Mirza was not so 
friendly and familiar with the begs and soldiers of Samarkand 
is he was with those of Ilisar. 4 His favourite beg was Shaikh 

1 f. 2?b, second. 

2 The first was circa 895 AH.-HQO AD. Cf. f. zyb. 

3 Bahv'- .'.-,-; - J --r- ~r.~~ "ts that their common homage was the cause of 
Badl'u.'/ /; i i \ ;' .:. but see f. 41. ^ 

4 The Mirza had grown uj) with ITisarls. Cf. H.S. ii, 270. 


'Abdu'Mah Barlds 1 whose sons were so intimate with the 
Mirza that it made a relation as of Lover and Beloved. These 
things displeased the Tarkhans and the Samarkand! begs ; 
Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan went from Bukhara to Qarshi, 
brought SI. 'AH Mirza to Samarkand and raised him to be 
supreme. People then went to the New Garden where Bai- 

Fol. 36,''. sunghar Mirza was, treated him like a prisoner, parted him 
from his following and took him to the citadel. There they 
seated both mirzas in one place, thinking to send Bal-sunghar 
Mirza to the Guk Sarai close to the Other Prayer. The Mirza, 
however, on plea of necessity, went into one of the palace- 
buildings on the east side of the Bu-stan Sarai. Tarkhanis 
stood outside the door and with him went in Muhammad Qull 
Quchin and Hasan, the sherbet-server. To be brief : A gateway, 
leading out to the back, must have been bricked up for they 
broke down the obstacle at once. The Mirza got out of the 
citadel on the Kafshir side, through the water-conduit (ab-muri), 
dropped himself from the rampart of the water-way (du-tahl), 
and went to Khwajaki Khwaja's 2 house in Khwaja Kafshir. 
When the Tarkhanis, in waiting at the door, took the precau- 
tion of looking in, they found him gone. Next day the Tar- 
khanis went in a large body to Khwajaki Khwaja's gate but the 
Khwaja said, "No !" 3 and did not give him up. Even they could 
not take him by force, the Khwaja's dignity was too great for 
them to be able to use force. A few days later, Khwaja Abu'l- 
makaram 4 and Ahmad Haji Beg and other begs, great and 

Fol. 37. small, and soldiers and townsmen rose in a ' mass, fetched 
the Mirza away from the Khwaja's house 'and besieged 
SI. 'Ali Mirza and the Tarkhans in the citadel. They 
could not hold out for even a day; Muh. Mazid Tarkhan 
went off through the Gate of the Four Roads for Bukhara ; 

1 As the husband of one of the six BadakhsM Begims, he was closely con- 
nected with local ruling houses. See T.R. p. 107. 

2 i.e. Muhammad 'Ubaidu'1-lah the elder of Ahran's two sons. d. 911 AH. 
See Rashakat-i-'ain-alhayat (I.O. 633) f. 269-75 '> an< ^ Khiztnatu'l-asfiya lith. 
ed. i, 597; 

3 BH yuq tur, i.e. This is not to be. 

* d. 908 AH. He was not, it would seem, of the Ahmri family. His own 
had, provided Pontiffs (Shaikhu'l-islam] for Samarkand through 400 years- 
Cf. Shaibain-nama, Vambery, p. 106 ; also, for his character, p. 96. 

901 AH. SEP. 21ST. 1495 TO OCT. QTH. 1496 AD. 63 

1. 'All Mirza and Darwesh Muh. Tarkhan were made 

Bai-sunghar Mirza was in Ahmad Haji Beg's house when 
icople brought Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan in. He put him 

few questions but got no good answer. In truth Darwesh 
duhammad's was a deed for which good answer could not be 
made. He was ordered to death. In his helplessness he clung 

a pillar 1 of the house; would they let him go because he 
dung to a pillar? They made him reach his doom (siydsat) 
.nd ordered SI. 'AH Mirza. to the Guk Sarai there to have the 
ire-pencil drawn across his eyes. 

(Author's note.) The Guk Sarai is one of Timur Beg's great buildings 
in the citadel of Samarkand. It has this singular and special charac- 
terstic, if a Timurid is to be seated on the throne, here he takes his 
seat ; if one lose Ms head, coveting the throne, here he loses it ; therefore 
the name Guk Saral has a metaphorical sense (kindyat) and to say of 
any ruler's son, " They have taken him to the Guk Sarai," means, to 

To the Guk Saral accordingly SI. 'All Mirza was taken but 
jvhen the fire-pencil was drawn across his eyes, whether by the 
surgeon's choice or by his inadvertence, no harm was done. Fol> 
This the Mirza did not reveal at once but went to Khwaja 
ifahya's house and a few days later, to the Tarkhans in 

'Through these occurrences, the sons of his Highness Khwaja 
Ubaidu'1-lah became settled partisans, the elder (Muhammad 
Ubaidu'1-lah, Khwajaki Khwaja) becoming the spiritual guide 
Df the elder prince, the younger (Yahya) of the younger. In a 
few days, Khwaja Yahya followed SI. 'All Mirza to Bukhara. 
Bal-sunghar Mirza led out his army against Bukhara. On 
his approach, SI. 'AH Mirza came out of the town, arrayed for 
battle. There was little fighting; Victory being on the side of 
31. 'All Mirza, Bal-sunghar Mirza sustained defeat. Ahmad 
Haji Beg and a number of good soldiers were taken ; most of 
the men were put to death. Ahmad Haji Beg himself the slaves 
and slave-women of Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan, issuing out 

1 i.e. he claimed sanctuary. 

2 Cf. f. 456 and Petis de la Croix's Histoire de Chlnglz Khan pp. 171 and 227. . 
What TImur's work on the Guk Sara! was is a question for archaeologists. 


of Bukhara, put to a dishonourable death on the charge of their 
master's blood. 

(e. Bdbur moves against Samarkand], 

These news reached us in Andijan in the month of Shawwal 
(mid-June to mid-July) and as we (act. 14} coveted Samarkand, 
we got our men to horse. Moved by a like desire, SI. Mas'iid 
Mirza, his mind and Khusrau Shah's mind set at ease by SI. 
Foi. 38. Husain Mirza's retirement, came over by way of Shahr-i-sabz. 
To reinforce him, Khusrau Shah laid hands (qaptl) on his 
younger brother, Wall. We (three mirzas) beleaguered the 
town from three sides during three or four months; then 
Khwaja Yahya came to me from SI. 'All Mirza to mediate an 
agreement with a common aim. The matter was left at an 
interview arranged (kurushwak) ; I moved my force from Soghd 
to some 8m. below. the town; SI. 'All Mirza from his side, 
brought his own ; from one bank, he, from the other, I crossed 
to the middle of 2 the Kohik water, each with four or five men ; 
we just saw one another (kurushub), asked each the other's 
welfare and went, he his way, I mine. 

I there saw, in Khwaja Yahya's' service, Mulla Bind' I and 
Muhammad Salih ; 3 the latter I saw this once, the former was 
long in my service later on. After the interview (kurushkdn) 
with SI. 'AH Mirza, as winter was near and as there ^was no 
great scarcity amongst the Samarkandis, we retired, he to 
Bukhara, I to Andijan. 

SI. Mas'ud Mirza had a penchant for a daughter of Shaikh 
'Abdu'1-lah Barlds, she indeed was his object in coming to 
Samarkand. He took her, laid world-gripping ambition aside 
Fol. 383. an( } W ent back to Hisar. 

When I was near Shiraz and Kan-bai, Mahdi SI. deserted to 
Samarkand ; Hamza SI. went also from near Zamm but with 
leave granted. 

1 i.e. over the Aitmak Pass. Cf. f . 49. 

2 Ilai. MS. avalighlgha. Elph. MS. aval, island. 

3 See f. 1796 ior Bina'i. Muhammad Salilj Mirza Khwarizml is the author 
of the Shaibani-nama. 

02 AH. SEP. 9TH. 1496 TO AUG. 30TH. 1497 AD. 1 

i. Babiw's second attempt on Samarkand.} 

This winter, Bai-sunghar Mirza's affairs were altogether in a 
ood way. When 'Abdu'l-karim Ushrit came on SI. 'AH Mirza's 
art to near Kufin, Mahdl SI. led out a body of Bai-sunghar 
ilirza's troops against him. The two commanders meeting 
xactly face to face, Mahdi SI. pricked 'Abdu'l-karim's horse 
vith his Chirkas 2 sword so that it fell, and as 'Abdu'l-karim 
vas getting to his feet, struck off his hand at the wrist. Having 
aken him, they gave his men a good beating. 

These (Auzbeg) sultans, seeing the affairs of Samarkand and 
he Gates of the (Timurid) Mlrzas tottering to their fall, went off 
n good time (airta) into the open country (?) 3 for Shaibani. 

Pleased 4 with their small success (over 'Abdu'l-karim), the 
samarkandis drew an army out against SI. 'All Mirza; Bai- 
iunghar Mirza went to Sar-i-pul (Bridge-head), SI. 'AH Mirza 
:o Khwaja Karzun. Meantime, Khwaja Abu'l-makaram, at 
the instigation of Khwaja Munlr of Aush, rode light against FoL 39- 
Bukhara with Wais Lagharl and Muhammad Baqir of the 
\ndijan begs, and Qasim Duldal and some of the Mlrza's 
Household. As the Bukhariots took precautions when the 
nvaders got near the town, they could make no progress. . 
rhey therefore retired. 

1 Elph. MS. f. 27 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 306 and 217 f. 25 ; Mems. p. 42. 

2 i.e. Circassian. Muhammad Salih (Sh.N. Vambery p. 276 1. 58) speaks of 
ath er Auzbegs using Chirkas swords. 

3 alvta yazigha. My translation is conjectural. Alvta implies i.a. fore- 
dght. Yazigha allows a pun at the expense of the sultans ; since it can be 
read both as to the open country and as for their (next, airta) misdeeds. My 
repression is that they took the opportunity of being outside Samarkand 
with their men, to leave Bai-sunghar and make for Shaibani, then in 
Furkistan. Muhammad Salih also marking the tottering Gate of SI. 'All 
Vlirza, left him now, also for Shaibani. (Vambery cap. xv.) 

4 aumaq, to amuse a child in order to keep it from crying. 

65 5 


At the time when (last year) SI. 'All Mirza and I had on 
interview, it had been settled 1 that this summer he shouL 
come from Bukhara and I from Andijan to beleaguer Samar 
kand. To keep this tryst, I rode out in Ramzan (May) fron 
Andijan. Hearing when close to Yar Yilaq, that the '(two 
Mirzas were lying front to front, we sent Tulun Khwaj 
Mughul 2 ahead, with 2 or 300 scouting braves (qdzdq yikitldr] 
Their approach giving Bai-sunghar Mirza news of our advance 
he at once broke up and retired in confusion. That sam 
night our detachment overtook his rear, shot a mass (qdlln) c 
his men and brought in masses of spoil. 

Two days later we reached Shiraz. It belonged to Qasir 
Beg Duldal; his ddrogha (Sub-governor) could not hold it an 
surrendered. 3 It was given into Ibrahim Sdrus charge. Afte 
making there, next day, the Prayer of the Breaking of th 
Fast ('IdtM-fitr), we moved for Samarkand and dismounte 
in the reserve (qurugh) of Ab-i-yar (Water of Might). Ths 
day waited on me with 3 or 400 men, Qasim Dulda 
Foi. 39//. Wais Laghan, Muhammad Signal's grandson, Hasan, 4 and S 
Muhammad Wais. What they said was this : ' Bai-sungta 
Mirza came out and has gone back ; we have left him then 
fore and are here for the padshah's service,' but it was know 
later that they must have left the Mirza. at his request t 
defend Shiraz, and that the Shiraz affair having become whz 
it was, they had nothing for it but to come to us. 

When we dismounted at Qara-bulaq, they brought in sever; 
Mughuls arrested because of senseless conduct to humb! 
village elders coming in to us. 5 Qasim Beg Quchln for discipline 

1 i.e. with Khwaja Yahya presumably. See f. 38. 

2 This man is mentioned also in the Tawarikh-i-guzlda Nasvatnama B.I 
Or. 3222 f. I24&. 

3 II. S., on the last day of Ranuan (June 28th. 1497 AD.). 

4 Muliammad Slghal appears to have been a marked man. I quote fro 
the T.G.N.N. (see supra), f. 12 3d foot, the information that he was the grands< 
of Ya'qub Beg. Zenker explains Slghall as the name of a Chaghatal famil 
An Ayub-i-Ya'qub Begchik Mughul may be an uncle. See f. 43 for anoth 

6 baz'l kirkan-kint-kisakka bash-siz-qllghan Mughullarnl tutub. I take t' 
word klsdk in this highly idiomatic sentence to be a diminutive of Ms, o 
person, on the analogy of mw, mirdk, mard, mardak. [The II .S. uses Kis. 
(ii, 261) as a proper noun.] The alliteration in ftaf and the mighty adjecti 
here are noticeable. 

902 AH. SEP. 9TH. 1496 TO AUG. 30TH. 1497 AD. 67 

ike (siydsat) had two or three of them cut to pieces. It was 
n this account he left me and went to Hi.sar four or five years 
iter, in the guerilla times, (907 AH.) when I was going from 
he Macha country to The Khan. 1 

Marching from Qara-bulaq, we crossed the river (i.e. the 
'ar-afshan) and dismounted near Yam. 2 On that same day, 
ur men got to grips with Bai-sunghar Mirza's at the head of 
lie Avenue. SI. Ahmad Tambal was struck in the neck by 

spear but not unhorsed. Khwajaki Mulla-i-sadr, Khwaja-i- 
:alan's eldest brother, was pierced in the nape of the neck 3 by 
.n arrow and went straightway to God's mercy. An excellent 
oldier, my father before me had favoured him, making him 
deeper of the Seal ; he was a student of theology, had great FoL 4 
Acquaintance with words and a good style ; moreover he under- 
took hawking and rain-making with the jade-stone. 

While we were at Yam, people, dealers and other, came out 
n crowds so that the camp became a bazar for buying and 
.elling. One day, at the Other Prayer, suddenly, a general 
lubbub arose and all those Musalman (traders) were plundered. 
Duch however was the discipline of our army that an order to 
estore everything having been given, the first watch (pahdr) of 
;he next day had not passed before nothing, not a tag of 
;otton, not a broken needle's point, remained in the possession 
)f any man of the force, all was back with its owners. 

Marching from Yarn, it was dismounted in Khan Yurti (The 
Khan's Camping Ground), 4 some 6 m. (3 kuroh) east of Samar- 
<and. We lay there for 40 or 50 days. During the time, men 
from their side and from ours chopped at one another (chdpqu- 
\ashtlldr) several times in the Avenue. One day when Ibrahim 
Begchlk was chopping away there, he was cut on the face ; 

1 Qasim feared to go amongst the Mughuls lest he should meet retaliatory 
death. Cf. i. ggb. 

2 This appears from the context to be Yam (J5m) -bai and not the Djouma 
(Jam) of the Fr. map of 1904, lying farther south. The Avenue named 
seems likely to be Tlnrur's of f. 456 and to be on the direct road for Khujand. 
See Schuyler i, 232. 

3 bughan buyini. W.-i-B. 215, ydn, thigh, and 217 gardan, throat. I am 
in doubt as to the meaning of bughan ; perhaps the two words stand for joint 
at the nape of the neck. Khwaja-i-kalan was one of seven brothers, six died 
in Babur's service, he himself served till Babur's death. 

4 Cf. I. 48. 


thereafter people called him Chapuk (Balafrt). Another time 
this also in the Avenue, at the Maghak (Fosse) Bridge 1 Abu'l 
qasim (Kohbur Chaghatdl] got in with his mace. Once, agair 

Foi. 40*5. in the Avenue, near the Mill-sluice, when Mir Shah Quchln alsc 
got in with his mace, they cut his neck almost half-through ; 
most fortunately the great artery was not severed. 

While we were in Khan Yurti, some in the fort sent the 
deceiving message, 2 ' Come you to-night to the Lovers' Cave 
side and we will give you the fort.' Under this idea, we went 
that night to the Maghak Bridge and from there sent a party 
of good horse and foot to the rendezvous. Four or five of the 
household foot-soldiers had gone forward when the matter got 
wind. They were very active men ; one, known as Haji, had 
served me from my childhood ; another people called Mahmud 
Kundur-sangak? They were all killed. 

While we lay in Khan Yurti, so many Samarkandis came 
out that the camp became a town where everything looked for 
in a town was to be had. Meantime all the forts, Samarkand 
excepted, and the Highlands and the Lowlands were coming in 
to us. As in Aurgut, however, a fort on the skirt of the 
Shavdar (var. Shadwar) range, a party of men held fast 4 , of 
necessity we moved out from Khan Yurti against them. They 
could not maintain themselves, and surrendered, making 

Foi. 41. Khwaja-i-qazi their mediator. Having pardoned their offences 
against ourselves, we went back to beleaguer Samarkand. 

(b. Affairs of SI. Husain Mirzd and his son, Badl'u'z-zaman 

This year the mutual recriminations of SI. Husain Mirza and 
BadiVz-zaman Mirza led on to fighting; here are the par- 

1 Khorochkine (Radlov's R&ceuil ct'Itin&rams p. 241) mentions Pul-i- 
mougak, a great stone bridge thrown across a deep ravine, east of Samarkand. 
For Kul-i-maghak, deep pool, or pool of the fosse, see f . 486. 

2 From Khwand-anur's differing account of this affair, it may be surmised 
that those sending the message were not treacherous ; but the message itself 
was deceiving inasmuch as it did not lead Babur to expect opposition. Cf. 
f. 43 and note. 

3 Of this nick-name several interpretations are allowed by the dictionaries. 

4 See Schuyler i, 268 for an account of this beautiful Highland village. 

5 Here Babur takes up the thread, dropped on f. 36, of the affairs of the 
Khurasan! mirzas. " He draws on other sources than the II. S. ; perhaps on 

902 AH. SEP. 9TH. 1496 TO AUG. BOTH. 1497 AD. 69 

ticulars : Last year, as has been mentioned, Badf u'z-zaman 
Mirza and Muzaffar Husain Mirza had been made to kneel for 
Balkh and Astarabad. From that time till this, many envoys 
had come and gone, at last even 'Ali-sher Beg had gone but 
urge it as all did, Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza would not consent to 
give up Astarabad. ' The Mirza,' he said, ' assigned 1 it to my 
son, Muhammad Mu'min Mirza at the time of his circumcision.' 
A conversation had one day between him and 'Ali-sher Beg 
testifies to his acuteness and to the sensibility of 'AlT-sher Beg's 
feelings. After saying many things of a private nature in the 
Mirza's ear, ' Ali-sher Beg added, ' Forget these matters.' 2 
1 What matters ?' rejoined the Mirza instantly. 'Ali-sher Beg 
was much affected and cried a good deal. 

At length the jarring words of this fatherly and filial dis- 
cussion went so far that his father against his father, and his son 
against his son drew armies out for Balkh and Astarabad. 3 

Up (from Harat) to the Pul-i-chiragh meadow, below 
Garzawan, 4 went SI. Husain Mirza ; down (from Balkh) came Foi. 
Badfu'z-zarnan Mirza. On the first day of Ramzan (May 2nd.) 
A.bu'1-muhsm Mirza advanced, leading some of his father's 
light troops.. There was nothing to call a battle; Badf u'z- 
zaman Mirza was routed and of his braves masses were made 
prisoner. SI. Husain Mirza ordered that all prisoners should 

bis own memory, perhaps on information given by Khurasanis with him in 
Hindustan e.g. Ilusain's grandson. See f. 1676. Cf. H.S. ii, 261. 

1 baghishlab tur. Cf, f . 34 note to baghlsh da. 

2 Bu sozlar aunulung. Some W.-i-B. MSS., Faramosh bakuriid for nahuriid, 
thus making the Mirza not acute but rude, and destroying the point of the 
story i.e. that the Mirza pretended so to have forgotten as to have an empty 
nind. Khwand-amlr states that 'Ali-sher prevailed at first ; his tears 
;herefore may have been of joy at the success of his pacifying mission. 

3 i.e. B.Z.'s father, Ilusain, against Murrain's father, B.Z. and Husain's son, 
VTuzaffar Ilusain against B. Z.'s son Mu'min ; a veritable conundrum. 

4 Garzawan lies west of Balkh. Concerning Pul-i-chiragh Col. Grodekofi's 
Ride to Harat (Marvin p. 103 ff.) gives pertinent information. It has also a 
nap showing the Pul-i-chiragh meadow. The place stands at the mouth of 
i triply-bridged defile, but the name appears to mean Gate of the Lamp 
(cf. Gate of Tlmur), and not Bridge of the Lamp, because the H.S. and also 
nodern maps write bil (bel), pass, where the TurkI text writes pul, bridge, 
larrows, pass. 

The lamp of the name is one at the shrine of a saint, just at the mouth of 
;he defile. It was alight when Col. Grodekoff passed in 1879 and to it, he 
iays, the name is due now as it presumably was 400 years ago and earlier. 


be beheaded; this not here only but wherever he defeated a 
rebel son, he ordered the heads of all prisoners to be struck off. 
And why not? Right was with him. The (rebel) Mirzas 
were so given over to vice and social pleasure that even when a 
general so skilful and experienced as their father was within 
half-a-day's journey of them, and when before the blessed 
month of Ramzan, one night only remained, they busied them- 
selves with wine and pleasure, without fear of their father, 
without dread of God. Certain it is that those so lost (yutkari) 
will perish and that any hand can deal a blow at those thus 
going to perdition (autkan). During the several years of 
Badi'u'z-zaman Mlrza's rule in Astarabad, his coterie and his 
following, his bare (yalang) braves even, were in full splendour 4 
and adornment. He had many gold and silver drinking cups 
and utensils, much silken plenishing and countless tipuchaq 
horses. He now lost everything. . He hurled himself in his 
flight down a mountain track, leading to a precipitous fall. 
He himself got down the fall, with great difficulty, but many 
of his men perished there. 1 

After defeating Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza, SI. Husain Mirza 
moved on to Balkh. It was in charge of Shaikh 'AH Taghai ; 
he, not able to defend it, surrendered and made his submission. 
The Mirza gave Balkh to Ibrahim Husain Mirza, left 
Muhammad Wall Beg and Shah Husain, the page, with him 
and went back to Khurasan. 

Defeated and destitute, with his braves bare and his bare 
foot-soldiers 2 , Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza drew off to Khusrau Shah 
in Qunduz. Khusrau Shah, for his part, did him good service, 
such service indeed, such kindness with horses and camels, 
tents and pavilions and warlike equipment of all sorts, both for 
himself and those with him, that eye-witnesses said between 
this and his former equipment the only difference might be in 
the gold and silver vessels. 

1 Khwand-amir heard from the Mirza on the spot, when later in his service, 
that he was let down the precipice by help of turban-sashes tied together. 

2 yikit yilang u y&yaq yallng ; a jingle made by due phonetic change of 
vowels ; a play too on yalang, which first means stripped i.e. robbed and next 
unmailcd, perhaps sometimes bare-bodied in fight. 

902 AH. SEP. 9TH. 1496 TO AUG. 30ra. 1497 AD. 71 

, Dissension between SI. Mas'ud Mirza and KJwtsrau Shah.} 

Ill-feeling and squabbles had arisen between SI. Mas'ud 

irza and Khusrau Shah because of the injustices of the one 
id the self-magnify ings of the other. Now therefore Khusrau 
lah joined his brothers, Wall and Baqi to Badi'u'z-zaman 
irza and sent the three against Hisar. They could not even Foi. 426, 
;t near the fort, in the outskirts swords were crossed once or 
/ice; one day at the Bird-house 1 on the north of Hisar, 
iuhibb-'ali, the armourer (qurchl], outstripped his people and 
ruck in well ; he fell from his horse but at the moment of his 
ipture, his men attacked and freed him. A few days later a 
imewhat compulsory peace was made and Khusrau Shah's 
my retired. 

Shortly after this, Badfu'z-zaman Mirza drew off by the 
:ountain-road to .Zu'n-nun Arghun and his son, Shuja' Avghun 
i Qandahar and Zamm-dawar. Stingy and miserly as Zu'n- 
iin was, he served the Mirza well, in one single present 
Tering 40,000 sheep. 

Amongst curious happenings of the time one was this : 
Wednesday was the day SI. Husain Mirza beat Badfu'z-zaman 
[irza ; Wednesday was the day Muzaffar Husain Mirza beat 
[uhammad Mu'min Mlrza; Wednesday, more curious still, 
as the nam of the man who unhorsed and took prisoner, 
[uhammad Mu'min Mirza. 2 

1 qush-khana. As the place was outside the walls, it may be a good hawking 
ound and not a falconry. 

2 The II. S., mentions (ii, 222) a SI. AVimad of Char-shamba, a town 
entioned e.g. by Grodekoff p. 123. It also spoils Babur's coincidence by 
ring Tuesday, Shab'an 2gth. for the battle. Perhaps the commencement 
' the Muliammadan day at sunset, allows of both statements. 

903 AH. AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19TH. 
1498 AD. 1 

(a. Resumed account of Babur's second attempt on Samarkand.) 

When we had dismounted in the Qulba (Plough) meadow, 2 
behind the Bagh-i-maidan (Garden of the plain), the Samar- 
kandis came out in great numbers to near Muhammad Chap's 
Foi. 43. Bridge. Our men were unprepared; and before they were ready, 
Baba 'All's (son) Baba Quli had been unhorsed and taken into 
the fort. A few days later we moved to the top of Qulba, at 
the back of Kohik. 3 That day Sayyid Yusuf,* having been 
sent out of the town, came to our camp and did me obeisance. 
The Samarkandis, fancying that our move from the one 
ground to the other meant, ' He has given it up,' came out,, 
soldiers and townsmen in alliance (through the Turquoise 
Gate), as far as the Mirza's Bridge and, through the Shaikh- 
zada's Gate, as far as Muhammad Chap's. We ordered our 
braves to arm and ride out ; they were strongly attacked from 
both sides, from Muhammad Chap's Bridge and from the 
Mirza's, but God brought it right! our foes were beaten. 
Begs of the best and the boldest of braves our men unhorsed 
and brought ia. Amongst them Hafiz DuldaVs (son) Mu- 
liammad Mlskin 5 was taken, after his index-finger had been 
struck off; Muhammad Qasim Nabira also was unhorsed and 
brought in by his own younger brother, Hasan Nabira. There 
were many other such soldiers and known men. Of the town- 

1 Elph. MS. f. 306 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 34 and 217 f. 266 ; Mems. p. 46. 
The abruptness of this opening is due to the interposition of SI. Husain M.'s. 

affairs between Babur's statement on f. 41 that he returned from Aurgut and 
this first of 903 AH. that on return he encamped in Qulba. 

2 See 1486. 

3 i.e. Chupan-ata ; see f. 45 and note. 
* Aughlaqchi, the Grey Wolfer of f . 22. 

5 A sobriquet, the suppliant or perhaps something having connection with. 
m,usk. H.S. ii, 278, son of ILD. 

6 i.e. grandson (of Muljammad Sighal). Cf. f. 39. 


903 AH. AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19TH. 1498 AD. 73 

rabble, were brought in Diwana, the tunic-weaver and Kdl- 
qdshuq, 1 headlong leaders both, in brawl and tumult ; they Fol _ ^ 
were ordered to death with torture in blood-retaliation for our 
foot-soldiers, killed at the Lovers' Cave. 2 This was a com- 
plete reverse for the Samarkandis; they came out no more 
even when our men used to go to the very edge of the ditch 
and bring back their slaves and slave-women. 

The Sun entered the Balance and cold descended on us. 3 I 
therefore summoned the begs admitted to counsel and it was 
decided, after discussion, that although the towns-people were 
so enfeebled that, by God's grace, we should take Samarkand, 
it might be to-day, it might be to-morrow, still, rather than 
suffer from cold in the open, we ought to rise from near it and 
go for winter-quarters into some fort, and that, even if we had 
to leave those quarters later on, this would be done without 
further trouble. As Khwaja Didar seemed a suitable fort, we 
marched there and having dismounted in the meadow lying 
before it, went in, fixed on sites for the winter-houses and 
covered shelters, 4 left overseers and inspectors of the work and 
returned to our camp in the meadow. There we lay during 
the few days before the winter-houses were finished. 

Meantime Bai-sunghar Mirza had sent again and again to 
ask help from 'Shaibani Khan. On the morning of the very 
day on which, our quarters being ready, we had moved into 
Khwaja Didar, the Khan, having ridden light from Turkistan, Fol. 44. 
stood over against our camping-ground. Our men were not 
all at hand; some, for winter-quarters, had gone to Khwaja 
Rabat!, some to Kabud, some to Shiraz. None-the-less, we 
formed up those there were and rode out. Shaibani Khan 
made no stand but drew off towards Samarkand. He 
went right up to the fort but because the affair had not gone as 

1 This seeming sobriquet may show the man's trade. Kal is a sort of 
biscuit ; qashuq may mean a spoon. 

2 The H.S. does not ascribe treachery to those inviting Babur into Samar- 
kand but attributes the murder of his men to others who fell on them when 
the plan of his admission became known. The choice here of " town-rabble " 
for retaliatory death supports the account of H.S. ii. 

3 " It was the end of September or beginning of October " (Erskine). 

4 awl u kipa ywlar. Awl is likely to represent kibitkas. For klpa yir, 
see Zenker p. 782. 


Bai-sunghar Mirza wished, did not get a good reception. H 
therefore turned back for Turkistan a few days later, in dis 
appointment, with nothing done. 

Bai-sunghar Mirza had sustained a seven months' siege ; hi 
one hope had been in Shaibani Khan ; this he had lost and h' 
now with 2 or 300 of his hungry suite, drew off from Samar 
kand, for Khusrau Shah in Qunduz. 

When he was near Tirmiz, at the Amu ferry, the Governo 
of Tirmiz, Sayyid Husain Akbar, kinsman and confidant bot; 
of SI. Mas'ud Mirza, heard of him and went out against him 
The Mirza himself got across the river but Mirim Tarkhan wa 
drowned and all the rest of his people were captured, togethe 
with his baggage and the camels loaded with his persons 
effects ; even his page, Muhammad Tahir, falling into Sayyi 
Husain Akbar's hands. Khusrau Shah, for his part, looke< 
kindly on the Mirza. 

Ft,]. 446. When the news of his departure reached us, we got to hors 
and started from Khwaja Didar for Samarkand. To give u 
honourable meeting on the road, were nobles and braves, on 
after another. It was on one of the last ten days of the firs 
Rabf (end of November 1497 AD.), that we entered the citade 
and dismounted at the Bu-stan Sarai. Thus, by God's favour 
were the town and the country of Samarkand taken an< 

(b. Description of Samarkand.) 1 

Few towns in the whole habitable world are so pleasant a 
Samarkand. It is of the Fifth Climate and situated ii 
lat. 40 6' and long. gg. 2 The name of the town is Samarkand 
its country people used to call Ma wara'u'n-nahr (Transoxania) 

1 Interesting reference may be made, amongst the many books CM 
Samarkand, to Sharafu'd-din 'All Yazdi's Zafar-nama Bib. Ind. ed. i, 300 
781, 799, 800 and ii, 6, 194, 596 etc. ; to Ruy Gonzalves di Clavijo's Embass- 
toTlmur (Markham) cap. vi and vii ; to Ujfalvy's Turkistan ii, 79 and Madam' 
Ujfalvy's De Paris a Samarcande p. 161, these two containing a plan o 
the town ; to Schuyler's Turkistan ; to Kostenko's Tiirkistan Gazetteer i, 345 
to Reclus, vi, 270 and plan ; and to a beautiful work of the St. Petersburi 
Archaeological Society, Les Mosqutes de Samarcande, of which the B.M. has i 

2 This statement is confused in the Elp. and Ilai. MSS. The secoru 
appears to give, by abjad, lat. 40' 6" and long. 99'. Mr. Erskine (p. 48) give 

903 AH. AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19TH. 1498 AD. 75 

They used to call it Baldat-i-mahfuza because no foe laid hands 
on it with storm and sack. 1 It must have become 2 Musalman 
in the time of the Commander of the {Faithful, his Highness 
'Usman. Qusam ibn 'Abbas, one of the Companions 3 must 
have gone there ; his burial-place, known as the Tomb of 
Shah-i-zinda (The Living Shah, i.e., Faqir) is'outside the Iron 
Gate. Iskandar must have founded Samarkand. The Turk 
and Mugrml hordes call it Simiz-klnt. 4 Timur Beg made it 
his capital; no ruler so great will ever have made it a 
capital 'before (qilghan almas dur). I ordered people to pace 
round the ramparts of the walled-town ; it came out at 10,000 
steps.s Samarkandis are all orthodox (swim), pure-in-the 
Faith, law-abiding and religious. The number of Leaders Foi. 45. 
of Islam said to have arisen in Ma wara'u'n-nahr, since the 
days of his Highness the Prophet, are not known to have 
arisen in any other country. From the Matarid suburb of 
Samarkand came Shaikh Abu'l-mansur, one of the Expositors 
of the Word. 7 Of the two sects of Expositors, the Mataridiyah 

lat. 39' 7* and long. 99' 16*. noting that this is according to Clugh Beg's 
Tables and that the long, is calculated from Ferro. The Ency. Br. of 1910-1 1 
gives lat. 39' 39* and long. 66' 45*. 

1 The enigmatical cognomen, Protected Town, is of early date ; it is used 
i.a. by Ibn Batuta in the Hth. century. Babur's. tense refers it to the past. 
The town had frequently changed hands in historic times before he wrote. 
The name may be due to immunity from damage to the buildings in the town. 
Even Chfoigiz Khan's capture (1222 AD.) left the place well-preserved and its 
lands cultivated, but it inflicted great loss of men. Cf. Schuyler i, 236 and 
his authorities, especially Bretschneider. 

2 Herg is a good example of Babur's caution in narrative. He does not 
affirm that Samarkand became Musalman, or (infra) that Qusam ibn 'Abbas 
went, or that Alexander founded but in each case uses the presumptive past 
tense, fesp. bulghan diir,barghdn dur, blna qllghari dur, thus showing that he 
repeats what may be inferred or presumed and not what he himself asserts. 

3 i.e.,oi Mul.iammad. See Z.N. ii, 193. 

* i.e. Fat Village. His text misleading him, Mr. Erskine makes here the 
useful irrelevant note that Persians and Arabs call the place Samar-qand and 
Turks, Samar-kand, the former using qaf (q), the latter kaf (k). Both the 
Elph. and the Ilai. MSS. write Samarqand. 

For use of the name Fat Village, see Clavijo (Markham p. 170), Simes- 
quinte, 2tnd Bretschneider's Mediaval Geography pp. 61, 64, 66 and 163. 

5 qadam. Kostcnko (i, 344) gives 9 m. as the circumference of the old 
walls and 1 1 m. as that of the citadel. See Mde. Ujfalvy p. 175 for a picture 
of the walls. 

6 Ma'lum almas Mm milncha paida bulmish bulghai ; an idiomatic phrase. 

7 d.'sjtf AH. (944 AD.). See D'Herbelot art. Matrkll p. 572. 


and the Ash'ariyah, 1 the first is named from this Shaikh 
Abu'l-mansur. Of Ma wara'u'n-nahr also was Khwaja Isma'ii 
Khartank, the author of the Sahih-i-bukhari? From the Fargh- 
ana district, Marghlnan Farghana, though at the limit of 
settled habitation, is included in Ma wara'u'n-nahr, came the 
author of the Hiddyatfa. book than which few on Jurisprudence 
are more honoured in the sect of Abu Ilanifa. 

On the east of Samarkand are Farghana and Kashghar ; on 
the west, Bukhara and ; on the north, Tashkint and 
Shahrukhiya, in books written Shash and Banakat ; and on 
the south, Balkh and Tirmiz. 

The Kohik Water flows along the north of Samarkand, at 
the distance of some 4 miles (2 kuroh); it is so-called "because 
it comes out from under the upland of the Little Hill (Kohik) 4 ' 
lying between it and the town. The Dar-i-gham Water (canal) 
flows along the south, at the distance of some two miles 
(i sharV). This is a large and swift torrent, 5 indeed it is like a 
large river, cut off from the Kohik Water. All the gardens and 
suburbs and some of the tumans of Samarkand are cultivated 
by it. By the Kohik Water a stretch of from 30 to 40 yighachf 
by road, is made habitable and cultivated, as far as Bukhara 

1 See D'Herbelot art. Aschair p. 124. 

2 Abu 'Abdu'1-lah bin Isma'ilu'l-jausi b. 194 AH. d. 256.AH. (810-870 AD.). 
See D'Herbelot art. Bokhari p. 191, art. Giorag p. 373, and art. .Sahihu'l- 
bokhari p. 722. He passed a short period, only, of his life in Khartank, a 
suburb of Samarkand. 

3 Cf. i. 36 and n. i. 

* This though 2475 ft. above the sea is only some 300 ft. above Samarkand. 
It is the Chupan-ata (Father of Shepherds) of maps and on it Timur built a 
shrine to the local patron of shepherds. The Zar-afshan, or rather, its 
Qara-su arm. flows from the east of the Little Hill and turns round it to 
flow west. Babur uses the name Kohik Water loosely ; e.g. for the whole 
Zar-afshan when he speaks (infra) of cutting off the Dar-i-gham canal but for 
its southern arm only, the Qara-s-u in several places, and once, for the Dar-i- 
gham canal. Sec f. 496 and Kostenko i. 192. 

6 rud. The Zar-afshan has a very rapid current. See Kostenko i, 196, 
and for the canal i, 174. The name Dar,-i-gham is used also for a musical 
note having charm to witch away grief ; and also for a town noted for its 


6 What this represents .can only be guessed ; pernaps 150 to 200 miles. 
Abu'1-fida (Reinaud ii, 213) quotes Ibn Haukal as saying that from Bukhara 
up to " Bottam " (this seems to be where the Zar-afshan emerges into the 
open land) is eight days' journey through an unbroken tangle of verdure and 

903 AH. AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19TH. 1498 AD. 77 

md Qara-kul. Large as the river is, it is not too large for its 
dwellings and its culture ; during three or four months of the Foi. 
year, indeed, its waters do not reach Bukhara. 1 Grapes, 
melons, apples and pomegranates, all fruits indeed, are good 
in Samarkand ; two are famous, its apple and its sahibl (grape). 2 
Its winter is mightily cold ; snow falls but not so much as in 
Kabul; in the heats its climate is good but not so good as 

In the town and suburbs of Samarkand are many fine build- 
ings and gardens of Timur Beg and Aulugh Beg Mfrza. 3 

In the citadel, 4 Timur Beg erected a very fine building, the 
great four-storeyed kiosque, known as the Guk Sarai. 6 In the 
walled-town, again, near the Iron Gate, he built a Friday 
Mosque of stone (sangln) ; on this worked many stone-cutters, 
brought from Hindustan. Round its frontal arch is inscribed 
in letters large enough to be read two miles away, the Qu'ran 
verse, Wa az yerfa' Ibrahim al Qawa'id all akhara. 7 This also 
is a very fine building. Again, he laid out two gardens, on the 

1 See Schuyler i, 286 on the apportionment of water to Samarkand and 

2 It is still grown in the Samarkand region, and in Mr. Erskine's time a 
grape of the same name was cultivated in Aurangabad of the Deccan. 

3 i.e. Shahrukhi, Timur's grandson, through Shahrukh. It may be noted 
here that Babur never gives Timur any other title than Beg and that he 
styles all Timurids, Mirza (Mir-born). 

4 Mr. Erskine here points out the contradiction between the statements 
(i) of Ibn Haukal, writing, in 367 AH. (977 AD.), of Samarkand as having a 
citadel (ark), an outer-fort (qiirghan) and Gates in both circumvallations ; 
and (2) of Sharafu'd-dln Yazdl (.N.) who mentions that when, in Timur's 
iay, the Getes besieged Samarkand, it had neither walls nor gates. See. 
Ouseley's Ibn Haukal p. 253 ; Z.N. Bib. Ind. ed. i, 109 and Petis de la Croix's 
Z.N. (Histoire de Timur Beg) i, 91. 

5 Here still lies the Ascension Stone, the Cub-task, a block of greyish white 
marble. Concerning the date of the erection of the building and meaning 
Df its name, see e.g. Petis de la Croix's Histoire de Chlngiz KhS<n p. 171 ; Mems. 
p. 40 note ; and Schuyler SM. 

6 This seems to be the Bibi Khanim Mosque. The author of Les Mosqu&es 
de Samarcande states that Timur built Bibi Khanim and the G-ur-i-amir 
(Amir's tomb) ; decorated Shah-i-zinda and set up the Chupan-ata shrine. 
Cf. f 46 and note to Jahanglr Mirza, as to the Gur-i-amir. 

7 Cap. II. Quoting from Sale's Qur'an (i, 24) the verse is, " And Ibrahim 
and Isma'Il raised the foundations of the house, saying, ' Lord ! accept it 
from us, for Thou art he who nearest and knowest ; Lord ! make us also 
resigned to Thee, and show us Thy holy ceremonies, and be turned to us, for 
Thou art easy to be reconciled, and merciful.' " 


east of the town, one, the more distant, the Bagh-i-bulandi, 1 
the other and nearer, the Bagh-i-dilkusha. 2 From Dilkusha to 
the Turquoise Gate, he planted aft Avenue of White Poplar,* 
and in the garden itself erected a great kiosque, painted inside 
Fol. 46. with pictures of his battles in Hindustan. He made another 
garden, known as the Naqsh-i-jahan (World's Picture), on the 
skirt of Kohik, above the Qara-su or, as people also call it, the 
Ab-i-rahmat (Water-of-mercy) of Kan-i-gil. 4 It had gone to 
ruin when I saw it, nothing remaining of it except its name. 
His also are the Bagh-i-chanar, 5 near the walls and below the 
town on the south, 6 also the Bagh-i-shamal (North Garden) 
and the Bagh-i-bihisht (Garden of Paradise). His own tomb 
and those of his descendants who have ruled in Samarkand, 
are in a College, built at the exit (cjidqar) of the walled-town, by 
Muhammad Sultan Mirza, the son of Timur Beg's son, 
Jahanglr Mlrjza. 7 

Amongst Aulugh Beg Mirza's buildings inside the town are 
a College and a monastery (Khanqah). The dome of the 
monastery is very large, few so large are shown in the world. 
Near these two buildings, he constructed an excellent Hot 
Bath (hammatn) known as the Mirza's Bath ; he had the pave- 
ments in this made of all sorts of stone (? mosaic) ; such 

1 or, buland, Garden of the Height or High Garden. The Turk! texts have 
what can be read as buldl but the Z.N. both when describing it (ii, 194) 

. and elsewhere (e.g. ii, 596) writes buland. Buldi may be a clerical error for 
bulandi, the height, a name agreeing with the position of the garden. 

2 In the Heart-expanding Garden, the Spanish Ambassadors had their first 
interview with Timur. See Clavijo (Markham, p. 130). Also the Z.N. ii, 6 
for an account of its construction. 

3 Judging from the location of the gardens and of Babur's camps, this- 
appears to be the Avenue mentioned on f . 396 and f. 40. 

4 See infra f. 48 and note. 

5 The Plane-tree Garden. This seems to be Clavijo's Bayginar, laid out 
shortly before he saw it (Markham p. 136). 

6 The citadel of Samarkand stands high ; from it the ground slopes west 
and south ; on these sides therefore gardens outside the walls would lie 
markedly below the outer-fort (tdsh-qurghan) . Here as elsewhere the second 
W.-i-B. reads stone for outer (Cf. index s.n. task). For the making of the 
North garden see Z.N. i, 799. 

7 Timur's eldest son, d. 805 AH. (1402 AD.), before his father, therefore. 
Babur's wording suggests that in his day, the Gur-i-amir was known as the 
Madrasa. See as to the buildings 2.N. i, 713 and ii, 492, 595, 597, 705 ;. 
Clavijo-4Markham p. 164 and p. 166) ; and Les Mosquees de Samarcande. 

903 AH. AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19TH. 1498 AD. 79 

another bath is not known in Khurasan or in Samarkand. 1 Fol. 4 
Again ; to the south of the College is his mosque, known as the 
Masjid-i-maqata' (Carved Mosque) because its ceiling and its 
walls are all covered with isliml^ and Chinese pictures formed 
of segments of wood. 3 There is great discrepancy between the 
qibla of this mosque and that of the College ; that of the 
mosque seems to have been fixed by astronomical observation. 
Another of Aulugh Beg Mirza's fine buildings is an observa- 
tory, that is, an instrument for writing Astronomical Tables. 4 
This stands three storeys high, on the skirt of the Kohik 
upland. By its means the Mirza worked out the Kurkani 
Tables, now used all over the world. Less work is done with 
any others. Before these were made, people used the Ail- 
khani Tables^ put together at Maragha, by Khwaja Nasir Tusl? 
in the time of Hulaku Khan. Hulaku Khan it is, people call 
A tt-khdni. 6 

(Author's note.) Not more than seven or eight observatories seem to 
have been constructed in the world. Mamum Khalifa 7 (Caliph) made 
one with which the Mamumi Tab! es were written . Batalmiis (Ptolemy) 
constructed another. Another was made, in Hindustan, in the time of 
Raja Vikramaditya Hindu, in Ujjain and Dhar, that is, the Malwa 
country, now known as Mandu. The Hindus of Hindustan use the 
Tables of this Observatory. They were put together 1,584 years ago. 8 Fol. 47. 
Compared with others, they are somewhat defective. 

1 Hindustan would make a better climax here than Samarkand does, 

2 These appear to be pictures or ornamentations of carved wood. Red- 
house describes islimi as a special kind of ornamentation in curved lines, 
similar to Chinese methods. 

3 -i.e. the Black Stone (ka'ba) at Makkah to which Musalmans turn in 

4 As ancient observatories were themselves the instruments of astronomical 
observation, Babur's wording is correct. Aulugh Beg's great quadrant was 
180 ft. high ; Abu-muhammad Khujandl's sextant had a radius of 58 ft. 
Ja/I Singh made similar great instruments in Ja'rpur, Dihli has others. Cf. 
Greaves Misc. Works i, 50 ; Mems. p. 51 note ; JUiyin-i-akbari (Jarrett) ii, 5 
and note ; Murray's Hand-book to Bengal p. 331 ; Indian Gazetteer xiii, 400. 

5 b. 597 AH. d. 672 AH. (1201-1274 AD.). See D'Herbelot's art. Nasir-i-din 
p. 662 ; Abu'1-fida (Reinaud, Introduction i, cxxxviii) and Scale's Biographical 
Diet. s.n. 

6 a grandson of Chinglz Khan, d. 663 AH, (1265 AD.). The cognomen 
Ail-khdni (Tl-khani) may mean Khan of the Tribe. 

7 Harfinu'r-rashld's second son ; d. 218 AH. (833 AD.). 

8 Mr. Erskine notes that this remark would seem to fix the date at which 
Babur wrote it as 934 AH. (1527 AD.), that being the 1 584th. year of the era 
of Vikramaditya, and therefore at three years before Babur's death. (The 
Vikramaditya era begun 57 BC.) 


Auliigh Beg Mirza again, made the garden known as the 
Bagh-i-maidan (Garden of the Plain), on the skirt of the 
Kohik upland. In the middle of it he erected a fine building 
they call Chihil Situn (Forty Pillars). On both storeys are 
pillars, all of stone (tashdiri) .* Four turrets, like minarets, 
stand on its four corner-towers, the way up into them being 
through the towers. Everywhere there are stone pillars, some 
fluted, some twisted, some many-sided. On the four sides of 
the upper storey are open galleries enclosing a four-doored 
hall (char-dara) ; their pillars also are all of stone. The raised 
flbor of the building is all paved with stone. 

He made a smaller garden, out beyond Chihil Situn and 
towards Kohik, also having a building in it. In the open 
gallery of this building he placed a great stone throne, some 
14 or 15 yards (qari) long, some 8 yards wide and perhaps 
i yard high. They brought a stone so large by a very long 
road. 2 There is a crack in the middle of it which people say 
must have come after it was brought here. In the same 
Fol. 47(5. garden he also built a four-doored hall, know as the Chini- 
khana (Porcelain House) because its tzara 3 are all of porcelain ; 
he sent to China for the porcelain used in it. Inside the walls 
again, is an old building of his, known as the Masjid-i-laqlaqa 
(Mosque of the Echo). If anyone stamps on the ground under 
the middle of the dome of this mosque, the sound echoes back 
from the whole dome ; it is a curious matter of which none 
know the secret. 

In the time also of SI. Ahmad Mirza the great and lesser 
begs laid out many gardens, large and small. 4 For beauty, and 
air, and view, few will have equalled Darwesh Muhammad 
Tarkhan's Char-bagh (Four Gardens). 5 It .lies overlooking 
the whole of Qulba Meadow, on the slope below the Bagh-i- 

1 Cf. index s.. tash. 

2 This remark may refer to the 34 "miles between the town and the quarries 
of its building stone. See f . 49 and note to Artmak Pass. 

3 Steingass, any support for the back in sitting, a low wall in front of a 
house. See Vullers p. 148 and Burhan-i-qati' ; p. 119. Perhaps a dado. 

* beg u begat, ba^gh u baghcha. 

5 Four Gardens, a quadrilateral garden, laid out in four plots. The use 
of the name has now been extended for any well-arranged, large garden, 
especially one belonging to a ruler (Erskine). 

903 AH. AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19TH. 1498 AD. 81 

maidan. Moreover it is arranged symmetrically, terrace above 
terrace, and is planted with beautiful ndrwdn 1 and cypresses 
and white poplar. A most agreeable sojourning place, its one 
defect is the want of a large stream. 

Samarkand is a wonderfully beautified town. One of its 
specialities, perhaps found in few other places, 2 is that the 
different trades are not mixed up together in it but each has its 
own bazar, a good sort of plan. Its bakers and its cooks are 
good. The best paper in the world is made there ; the water 
for the paper-mortars 3 all comes from Kan-i-gil, 4 a meadow on 
the banks of the Qara-su (Blackwater) or Ab-i-rahmat (Water Foi. 
of Mercy). Another article of Samarkand trade, carried to all 
.sides and quarters, is crarnoisy velvet. 

Excellent meadows lie round Samarkand. One is the 
famous Kan-i-gil, some 2 miles east and a little north of the 
town. The Qara-su or Ab-i-rahmat flows through it, a stream 
(with driving power) for perhaps seven or eight mills. Some 
say the original name of the meadow must have been 
Kan-i-abgir (Mine of Quagmire) because the river is bordered 
by quagmire, but the histories all write Kan-i-gil (Mine of clay). 
It is an excellent meadow. The Samarkand sultans always 
made it their reserve, 5 going out to camp in it each year for a 
month or two. 

1 As two of the trees mentioned here are large, it may be right to translate 
nartodn, not by pomegranate, but as the hard-wood elrn, Madame Ujfalvy's 
' karagatche ' (p. 168 and p. 222). The name qara-yighach (kamgatch), 
dark tree, is given to trees other than this elm on account of their deep 

2 Now a common plan indeed ! See Schuyler i, 173. 

3 juwaz-i-kaghazlar (mng) su'l, i.e. the water of the paper- (pulping) -mortars. 
Owing to the omission from some MSS. of the word su, water, juwaz has been 
mistaken for a kind of paper. See Mems. p. 53 and Mims. i, 102 ; A.Q.R. 
July 1910, p. 2, art. Paper-mills of Samarkand (H.B.) ; and Madame Ujfalvy 
p, 188. Kostenko, it is to be noted, does not include paper in his list (i, 346) 
of modern manufactures of Samarkand. 

* Mine of mud or clay. My husband has given me support for reading gil, 
and not gul, rose; (i) In two good MSS. of the W.-i-B. the word is pointed 
with kasra, i.e. as for gil, clay ; and (2) when describing a feast held in the 
garden by Timnir, the 3?.N. eays the mud-mine became a rgse-mine, sliuda 
Kan-i-gil Kan-i-gul. [Mr. Erskine refers here to Petis de la Croix's Histoire 
de TlniuY Beg (i.e. g.N.) i, 96 and ii, 133 and 421.] 

5 quvugh. Vullers, classing the word as Arabic, Zenker, classing it as 
Eastern Turkl, and Erskine (p. 42 n.) explain this as land reserved for the 



Higher up (on the river) than Kan-i-gil and to the s.e. 
of it is a meadow some 4 miles east of the town, known as 
Khan Yurti (Khan's Camping-ground). The Qara-su flows 
through this meadow before entering Kan-i-gil. When it 
comes to Khan Yurti it curves back so far that it encloses, 
with a very narrow outlet, enough ground for a camp. .-Having 
noticed these advantages, we camped there for a time during 
Fol. 48^. the siege of Samarkand. 1 

Another meadow is the Budana Qurugh (Quail Reserve), 
lying between Dil-kusha and the town. Another is the Kul-i- 
maghak (Meadow of the deep pool) at some 4 miles from the 
town. This also is a round 2 meadow. People call ijt Kul-i- 
maghak meadow because there is a large pool on one si<jle of it. 
SI. 'All Miirza lay here during the siege, when I was in Khan 
Yurti. Another and smaller meadow is Qulba (Plough); it 
has Qulba Village and the Kohik Water on the north, the 
Bagh-i-maidan and Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan's ChSr-bagh 
on the south, and the Kohik upland on the west. 

Samarkand has good districts and tumdns. Its .largest 
district, and one that is its equal, is Bukhara, 25 yighach? to 
the west. Bukhara in its turn, has several tumdns ; it is a fine 
town; its fruits are many and good, its melons excellent; 
none in Ma wara'u'n-nahr matching them for quality and 
quantity. Although the Mir Timiiri melon of Akhsi 4 is sweeter 
and more delicate than any Bukhara melon, still in Bukhara 
many kinds of melon are good and plentiful. The Bukhara 
plum is famous; no other equals it. They skin it, 5 dry it and 
Fol. 49. carry it from land to land with rarities (tabarruklar bila) ; it is 
an excellent laxative medicine. Fowls and geese are much 

summer encampment of princes. Shaw (Voc. p. 155), deriving it from 
qurumaq, to frighten, explains it as a fenced field of growing grain. 

1 Cf. f. 40. There it is located at one yighach and here at 3 kurohs from the 

2 tarn. Cf. Zenker s.n. I understand it to lie, as Khan Yurti did, in a curve 
of the river. 

3 162 m. bv rail. 
* Cf. f. 3. ' 

6 tlrislni suiub. The verb suimak, to despoil, seems to exclude the common, 
plan of stoning the fruit. Cf. f . 36, danasim allp, taking out the stones. 

903 AH. AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19m 1498 AD. - 83 

looked after (parwari) in Bukhara. Bukhara wine is the strongest 
made in Ma wara'u'n-nahr ; it was what I drank when drink- 
ing in those countries at Samarkand. 1 

Kesh is another district of Samarkand, 9 ytghdch* by road 
to the south of the town. A range called the Aitmak Pass 
(Daban}* lies between Samarkand and Kesh; from this are 
taken all the stones for building. Kesh is called also Shahr- 
i-sabz (Green-town) because its barren waste (salir) and roofs 
and walls become, beautifully green in spring. As it was Timur 
Beg's birth-place, he tried hard to make it his capital. He 
erected noble buildings in it. To seat his own Court, he built 
a great arched hall and in this seated his Commander-begs and 
his Diwan-begs, on his right and on his left. For those 
attending the Court, he built two smaller halls, and to seat 
petitioners to his Court, built quite small recesses on the four 
sides of the Court-house. 4 Few arches so fine can be shown in 
the world. It is said to be higher than the Kisri Arch. 5 
Timur Beg also built in Kesh a college and a mausoleum, 
in which are the tombs of Jahangir Mirza and others of his 
descendants. 6 As Kesh did not offer the same facilities as Fol. 49*- 

1 Min Samarkandta aul (or auwal) alchkanda Bukhara chaghirlar f alchar 
aidlm. These words have been understood to refer o Babur's initial drinking 
of wine but this reading is negatived by his statement (f. 189) that he first 
drank wine in Harat in 912 AH. I understand his meaning to be that the 
wine he drank in Samarkand was Bukhara wine. The time cannot have been 
earlier than 917 AH. The two words aul alchkanda, I read as parallel to aul 
(baghri qara) (f. 280) ' that drinking,' ' that bird, 1 i.e. of those other countries, 
not of Hindustan where he wrote. 

It may be noted that Babur's word for wine, chaghlr, may not always 
represent wine of the grape but may include wine of the apple and pear (cider 
and perry), and other fruits. Cider, its name seeming to be a descendant of 
chaghir, was introduced into England by Crusaders, its manufacture having 
been learned from Turks in Palestine. 

2 48 m. 3 fur. by way of the Aitmak Pass (mod. Takhta Qarachi), and, 
Reclus (vi, 256) Buz-gala-khana, Goat-house. 

3 The name Aitmak, to build, appears to be due to the stone quarries on 
the range. The pass-head is 34 m. from Samarkand and 3000 ft. above it. 
See Kostenko ii, 115 and Schuyler ii, 61 for details of the route. 

* The description of this hall is difficult to translate. Clavijo (Markham 
124) throws light on the small recesses. Cf. Z.N. i, 781 and 300 and Schuyler 

'* The Taq-i-kisri, below Baghdad, is 105 ft. high, 84 ft. span and 150 ft. 
in depth (Erskine). . , 

e Cf f 46 Babur does not mention that Timur's father was buried at 
Kesh. ' Clavijo (Markham p. 123) says it was TImur's first intention to be 
buried near his father, in Kesh. 


Samarkand for becoming a town and a capital, he at last made 
clear choice of Samarkand. 

Another district is Qarshi, known also as Nashaf and Nakh- 
shab. 1 Qarshi is a Mughul name. In the Mughul tongue they 
call a kur-khana Qarshi. 2 The name must have come in after 
the rule of Chinglz Khan. Qarshi is somewhat scantily sup- 
plied with water ; in spring it is very beautiful and its grain 
and melons are good. It lies 18 ylghdch* by road south and a 
little inclined to west of Samarkand. In the district a small 
bird, known as the qll-quylrugh and resembling the baghri qard, 
is found in such countless numbers that it goes by the name of 
the Qarshi birdie (murghak) . 4 

Khozar is another district ; Karmina another, lying between 
Samarkand and Bukhara ; Qara-kul another, 7 yighach 5 n.w. 
of Bukhara and at the furthest limit of the water. 

Samarkand has good tumdns. One is Soghd with its de- 
pendencies. Its head Yar-yilaq, its foot Bukhara, there may 
be not one single yighdch of earth without its village and its 
cultivated lands. So famous is it that the saying attributed to 
Timur Beg, e I have a garden 30 yighdch long, 6 must have been 
spoken of Soghd. Another tumdn is Shavdar (var. Shadwar), 
an excellent one adjoining the town-suburbs. On one side it 
has the range (Aitmak Daban), lying between Samarkand and 
Foi. 50. Shahr-i-sabz, on the skirts of which are many of its villages. 
On the other side is the Kohik Water (i.e. the Dar-i-gham 
canal). There it lies ! an excellent tumdn, with fine air, full 
of beauty, abounding in waters, its good things cheap. 
Observers of Egypt and Syria have not pointed out its match. 

1 Abu'l-fida (Reinaud II, ii, 21) says that Nasaf is the Arabic and Nakhshab 
the local name for Qarshi. Ibn Haukal (Ouseley p. 260) writes Nakhshab. 

2 This word has been translated burial-place and cimetiere but Qarshi means 
castle, or royal-residence. The Z.N. (i; 1 1 1) says that Qarshi is an equivalent 
for Ar. qaff, palace, and was so called, from one built there by Qublai Khan 
(d. 1294 AD.). Perhaps Babur's word is connected with Gurkhan, the title 
of sovereigns in Khutan, and means great or royal-house, i.e. palace. 

3 94 m. 6\ fur. via Jam (Kostenko i, 115.) 
* See Appendix B. 

5 some 34 m. (Kostenko i, 196). Schuyler mentions that he heard in 
Qara-kul a tradition that the district, in bye-gone days, was fertilized from 
the Sir. 

C/.f. 4 5. 

903 AH. AUG. 80TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19TH. 1498 AD. 85 

Though Samarkand has other tumans, none rank with those 
enumerated ; with so much, enough has been said. 

Tlmur Beg gave the government of Samarkand to his eldest 
son, Jahangir Mirza (in 776 AH. -1375 AD.) ; when Jahangir 
Mirza died (805 AH. -1403 AD.), he gave it to the Mirza's eldest 
ion, Muhammad Sultan-i-jahangir ; when Muhammad Sulfcan 
tfirza died, it went to Shah-rukh Mirza, Timiir Beg's youngest 
ion. Shah-rukh Mirza gave the whole of Ma wara'u'n-nahr 
in 872 AH. -1467 AD.) to his eldest son, Aurugh Beg Mirza. 
?rom him his own son, 'Abdu'l-latif Mirza took it, (853 AH.- 
449 AD.), for the sake of this five days' fleeting world martyr- 
ag a father so full of years and knowledge. 

The following chronogram gives the date of Aulugh Beg 
dirza's death : 

Aulugh Beg, an ocean of wisdom and science, 

The pillar of realm and religion, 

Sipped from the hand of 'Abbas, the mead of martyrdom, 

And the date of the death is 'Abbas kasht ('Abbas slew). 1 

Though 'Abdu'l-latif Mirza did not rule more than five or six 
lonths, the following couplet was current about him : 

111 does sovereignty befit the parricide ; 

Should he rule, be it for no more than six months. 2 

This chronogram of the death" of 'Abdu'l-latif Mirza is also 
'ell done : 

'Abdu'l-latif, in glory a Khusrau and Jamshid, Fol. 

In his train a Faridun and Zardusht, 
Baba Husain slew on the Friday Eve, 

With an arrow. Write as its date, Baba Husain kasht (Baba 
Husain slew) . 3 

After 'Abdu'l-latif Mirza's death, (Jumada I, 22, 855 AH.- 
ane 22nd. 1450 AD.), (his cousin) 'Abdu'1-lah Mirza, the grand- 
>n of Shah-rukh- Mirza through Ibrahim Mirza, seated him- 

1 By abjad the words 'Abbas kasht yield 853. The date of the murder was 
arman 9, 853 AH. (Oct. 2/th. 1449 AD.). 

2 This couplet is quoted in the Rauzatu' 's-safa (lith. ed. vi, f. 234 foot) and 
the II. S. ii, 44. It is said, in the R.S. to be by Nixami and to refer to the 

[ling by Shiruya of his father, Khusrau Parwiz in 7 AH. (628 AD.). The 
,S. says that 'Abdu'l-lai.If constantly repeated the couplet, after he had 
urdered his father. [See also Daulat Shah (Browne p. 356 and p. 366.) H.B. 

3 By abjad, Baba Husain kasht yields 854. The death was on Rabi' I, 26, 

4 AH. (May gth. 1450 AD.). See R.S. vi, 235 for an account of this death. 


self on the throne and ruled for 18 months to two years. 1 
From him SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza took it (855 AH. -1451 AD.). He 
in his life-time gave it to his eldest son, SI. Ahmad Mirza ; 
SI. Ahmad Mirza continued to rule it after his father's death 
(873 AH.-I469 AD.). On his death (899 AH. -1494 AD.) SI. Mahmud 
Mirza was seated on the throne and on his death (900 AH.- 

1495 AD.) Bal-sunghar Mirza. Bai-sunghar Mirza was made 
prisoner for a few days, during the Tarkhan rebellion (901 AH.- 

1496 AD.), and his younger brother, SI. 'AH Mirza was seated on 
the throne, but Bai-sunghar Mirza, as has been related in this 
history, took it again directly. From Bai-sunghar Mirza I 
took it (903 AH.-I497 AD.). Further details will be learned 
from the ensuing history. 

(c. Bdbur's rule in Samarkand.} 

When I was seated on the throne, I shewed the Samarkand 
begs precisely the same favour and kindness they had had 
before. I bestowed rank and favour also on the begs with me, 
Foi. 51. to eac h according to his circumstances, the largest share falling 
to SI. Ahmad Tanibal; he had been in the household begs' 
circle ; I now raised him to that of the great begs. 

We had taken the town after a seven months' hard siege. 
Things of one sort or other "fell to our men when we got in. 
The whole country, with exception of Samarkand itself, had 
come in earlier either to me or to SI. 'All Mirza and conse- 
quently had not been over-run. In any case however, what 
could have been taken from districts so long subjected to raid 
and rapine? The booty our men had taken, such as it was, 
came to an end. When we entered the town, it was in such 
distress that it needed seed-corn and money-advances; what 
place was this to take anything from ? On these accounts our 
men suffered great privation. We ourselves could give them 
nothing. Moreover they yearned for their homes and, by ones 
and twos, set their faces for flight. The first to go was Bayan 
Quli's (son) Khan Quli; Ibrahim Begchlk was another; all the 
Mughuls went off and, a little later, SI. Ahmad Tambal. 
Auzun Hasan counted himself a very sincere and faithful 
1 This overstates the time ; dates shew i yr. i mth. and a few days. 

903 AH. AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19m 1498 AD. 87 

lend of Khwaja-i-qazi; we therefore, to put a stop to these 
ssertions, sent the Khwaja to him (in Andijan) so that they, Fo1 - 5 
. agreement, might punish some of the deserters and send 
:hers back to us. But that very Auzun Hasan, that traitor to 
s salt, may have been the stirrer-up of the whole trouble and 
ie spur-to-evil of the deserters from Samarkand. Directly SI. 
hmad Tambal had gone, all the rest took up a wrong position. 

. Andijan demanded o/Bdbur by The Khan, and also forjahdngir 

Although, during the years in which, coveting Samarkand, I 
id persistently led my army out, SI. Mahmud Khan 1 had 
ovided me with no help whatever, yet, now it had been taken, 
: wanted Andijan. Moreover, Auzun Hasan and SI. Ahmad 
imbal, just when soldiers of ours and all the Mughuls had 
iserted to Andijan and Akhsi, wanted those two districts for 
.hangir Mirza. For several reasons, those districts could not 
i given to them. One was, that though not promised to The 
ban, yet he had asked for them and, as he persisted in asking, 
. agreement with him was necessary, if they were to be given 

Jahangir Mirza. A further reason was that to ask for them 
st when deserters from us had fled to them, was very like a 
mmand. If the matter had been brought forward earlier, 
me way of tolerating a command might have been found. At Fol. 52. 
* moment, as the Mughuls and the Andijan army and several 
sn of my household had gone to Andijan, I had with me in 
.markand, beg for beg, good and bad, somewhere about 1000 

When Ailzun Hasan and SI. Ahmad Tawibal did not get what 
2y wanted, they invited all those timid fugitives to join them, 
st such a happening, those timid people, for their own sakes, 
d been asking of God in their terror. Hereupon, Auzun 
tsan and SI. Ahmad Tambal, becoming openly hostile and 
jellious, led their army from Akhsi against Andijan. 
rulun Khwaja was a bold, dashing, eager brave of the Barm 
ugmils). My father had favoured him and he was still in 
our, I myself having raised him to the rank of beg. In 

1 i.e. The KMn of the Mughuls, Babur's uncle. 


truth he deserved favour, a wonderfully bold and dashing brave ! 
He, as being the man I favoured amongst the Mughuls, was 
sent (after them) when they began to desert from Samarkand, tc 
counsel the clans and to chase fear from their hearts so thai 
Fol. 526. they might not turn their heads to the wind. 1 Those twc 
traitors however, those false guides, had so wrought on the 
clans that nothing availed, promise or entreaty, counsel 01 
threat. Tulun Khwaja's march lay through Aild-su-arasiy 
known also as Rabatik-aiirchini. Auzun Hasan sent 
skirmishing party against him; it found him off his guard 
seized and killed him. This done, they took Jahangir Mirzs 
and went to besiege Andijan. 

(e. Bdbur loses Andijan.) 

In Andijan when my army rode out for Samarkand, I hac 
left Auzun Hasan and 'All-dost Taghal (Ramzan go2AH.-Ma;$ 
1497 AD.). Khwaja-i-qazi had gone there later on, and there 
too were many of my men from Samarkand. During the siege 
the Khwaja, out of good- will to me, apportioned 18,000 of hi; 
own sheep to the garrison and to the families of the men stil 
with me. While the siege was going on, letters kept coming t( 
rne from my mothers 3 and from the Khwaja, saying in effect 
' They are besieging us in this way ; if at our cry of distress yoi 
do not come, things will go all to ruin. Samarkand was takei 
F l- S3- by the strength of Andijan; if Andijan is in your hands, Go< 
willing, Samarkand can be had again.' One after anothe 
came letters to this purport. Just then I was recovering fron 
illness but, not having been able to take due care in the days o 
convalescence, I went all to 'pieces again and this time, becam< 
so very ill that for four days my speech was impeded and the; 

1 Elph. MS. aurmaghailar , might not turn ; Ilai. and Kehr's MSS. (say b 
bad) birmaghallcM', might not give. Both metaphors seem drawn from th 
protective habit of man and beast of turning the back to a storm-wind. 

2 i.e. betwixt two waters, the Miyan-i-du-ab of India. Here, it is the mos 
fertile triangle of land in Turkistan (Reclus, vi, 199), enclosed by the easter 
mountains, the Narin and the Qara-su ; Rabat.ik-aurchim, its alternativ> 
name, means Small Station sub-district. From the uses of aurcJiln I infe 
that it describes a district in which there is no considerable head-quartci 

3 i.e. his own, Qutiuq-nigar Khanim and hers , Alsan-daulat Begim, wit 
perhaps other widows of his father, probably Shah Sultan Begun. 

903 AH. AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19TH. 1498 AD. 89 

ed to drop water into my mouth with cotton. Those with 

2, begs and bare braves alike, despairing of my life, began 

ch to take thought for himself. While I was in this condition, 

s begs, by an error of judgment, shewed me to a servant of 

izun Hasan's, a messenger come with wild proposals, and 

sn dismissed him. In four or five days, I became somewhat 

tter but still could not speak, in another few days, was 

^self again. 

Such letters! so anxious, so beseeching, coming from my 

>thers, that is from my own and hers, Aisan-daulat Begim, 

d from my teacher and spiritual guide, that is, Khwaja-i- 

iulana-i-qa.xi, with what heart would a man not move ? We 

t Samarkand for Andijan on a Saturday in Rajab (Feb.- 

irch), when I had ruled 100 days in the town. It was Fol. 53* 

turday again when we reached Khujand and on that day a 

rson brought news from Andijan, that seven days before, that 

Dn the very day we had left Samarkand, 'All-dost Tagha! had 

^rendered Andijan. 

These are the particulars ; The servant of Auzun Hasan who, 

er seeing me, was allowed to leave, had gone to Andijan and 

ire said, ' The pddshah cannot speak and they are dropping 

ter into his mouth with cotton.' Having gone and made 

;se assertions in the ordinary way, he took oath in 'All-dost 

ghai's presence. 'All-dost Taghai was in the Khakan Gate. 

coming without footing through this matter, he invited the 

:>osite party into the fort, made covenant and treaty with 

im, and surrendered Andijan. Of provisions and of fighting 

n, there was no lack whatever; the starting point of the 

render was the cowardice of that false and faithless 

nikin ; what was told him, he made a pretext to put him- 

r in the right. 

kVhen the enemy, after taking possession of Andijan, heard 

my arrival in Khujand, they martyred Khwaja-i-maulana-i- 

;i by hanging him, with dishonour, in the Gate of the citadel. Fol. 54. 

had come to be known as Khwaja-maulana-i-qa?i but his 
n name was 'Abdu'1-lah. On his father's side, his line went 
;k to Shaikh Burhanu'd-din 'All Qillch, on his mother's to 

Ailik Mdzl. This family had come to be the Religious 


Guides (muqtada) and pontiff (Shaikhu'l-isldin) and Judge (qazi) 
in the Farghana country. 1 He was a disciple of his Highness 
'Ubaidu'1-lah (Ahrdri) and from him had his, upbringing. I 
have no doubt he was a saint (wall) ; what better witnesses' to 
his sanctity than the fact that within a short time, no sign or 
trace remained of those active for his death ? He was a 
wonderful man ; it was not in him to be afraid ; in no other 
man was seen such courage as his. This quality is a further 
witness to his sanctity. Other men, however bold, have 
anxieties and tremours ; he had none. When they had killed 
him, they seized and plundered those connected with him, 
retainers and servants, tribesmen and followers. 

In anxiety for Andijan, we had given Samarkand out of our 
hands ; then heard we had lost Andijan. It was like the saying, 
' In ignorance, made to leave this place, shut out from that ' 
(Ghafil az In ja rdnda, az an ja mdnda). It was very hard and 
vexing to me ; for why ? never since I had ruled, had I' been cut 
Foi. 546. off like this from my retainers and my country ; never since I 
had known myself, had I known such annoyance and such 

(/. Babuls action from Khujand as his base.) 

On our arrival in Khujand, certain hypocrites, not enduring 
to see Khalifa in my Gate, had so wrought on Muhammad 
Husain Mirza Dughlat and others that he was dismissed 
towards Tashkmt. To Tashkmt also Qasim Beg Quchln had 
been sent earlier, in order to ask The Khan's help for a move 
on Andijan. The Khan consented to give it and came himself 
by way of the Ahangaran Dale, 2 to the foot of the Kindirlik 
Pass. 3 There I went also, from Khujand, and saw my Khan 
dada.* We then crossed the pass and halted on the Akhsi side. 
The enemy for their part, gathered their men and went to 

1 Cf. f. 1 6 for almost verbatim statements. 

2 Blacksmith's Dale. Ahangaran appears corrupted in modern maps to 
Angren. See H.S. ii, 293 for Khwand -amir's wording of this episode. 

3 Cf. f. ib and Kostenko i, 101. 

* i.e. KhSn Uncle (Mother's brother). 

903 AH. AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19TH. 1498 AD. 91 

Just at that time, the people in Pap 1 sent me word they had 
made fast the fort but, owing to something misleading in The 
Khan's advance, the enemy stormed and took it. Though 
The Khan had other good qualities and was in other ways 
businesslike, he was much without merit as a soldier and 
commander. Just when matters were at the point that if he 
made one more march, it was most probable the country would 
be had without fighting, at such a time ! he gave ear to what 
the enemy said with alloy of deceit, spoke of peace and, as his 
messengers, sent them Khwaja Abu'l-makaram and his own Fol. 55. 
Lord of the Gate, Beg Tilba (Fool), Tambal's elder brother. 
To save themselves those others (i.e. Hasan and Tambal) mixed 
something true with what they fabled and agreed to give gifts 
md bribes either to The Khan or to his intermediaries. With 
:his, The Khan retired. 

As the families of most of my begs and household and braves 
vere in Andijan, 7 or 800 of the great and lesser begs and bare 
craves, left us in despair of our taking the place. Of the begs 
vere 'Ali-darwesh Beg, 'Ali-mazid Quchln, Muhammad Baqir 
3eg, Shaikh 'Abdu'1-lah, Lord of the Gate and Mirim Laghari. 
Df men choosing exile and hardship with me, there may have 
>een, of good and bad, between 200 and 300. Of begs there 
vere Qasim Quchin Beg, Wais Ldghari Beg, Ibrahim Sdru 
tfingllgh Beg, Shirim Taghai, Sayyidi Qara Beg ; and of my 
lousehold, Mir Shah Quchin, Sayyid Qasim Jalair, Lord of the 
jate, Qasim-'ajab, 'All-dost Taghai's (son) Muhammad-dost, 
vluhammad-'ali Mubashir* Khudal-birdi Tughchi Mughul, Yank 
Taghai, Baba 'All's (son) Baba Qull, Pir Wais, Shaikh Wais, Fol. SS&- 
far-'all Balal* Qasim Mir Akhwuy (Chief Equerry) and Haidar 
likabdar (stirrup-holder). 

It came very hard on me ; I could, not help crying a good 
.eal. Back I went to Khujand and thither they sent me my 

1 n.w. of the Sang ferry over the Sir. 

2 perhaps, messenger of good tidings. 

3 This man's family connections are interesting. He was 'Ali-shukr Beg 
aharlu's grandson, nephew therefore of Pasha Begun ; through, his son, 
aif-'all Beg, he was the grandfather of Bairam Khan-i-khanan and thus the 
g.f. of 'Abdu'r-rahim Mlrza, the translator of the Second Waqi'St-i-baburl. 
ee Firishta lith. ed. p. 250. 


mother and my grandmother and the families of some of the 
men with me. 

That Ramzan (April- May) we spent in Khujand, then 
mounted for Samarkand. We had already sent to ask The 
Khan's help ; he assigned, to act with us against Samarkand, 
his son, SI. Muhammad (Sultanim) Khanika and (his son's 
guardian) Ahmad Beg with 4 or 5000 men and rode himself as 
far as Aura-tipa. There I saw him and from there went on 
by way of Yar-yilaq, past the Burka-yilaq Fort, the head- 
quarters of the sub-governor (ddrogha) of the district. SI.. 
Muhammad Sultan and Ahmad Beg, riding light and by 
another road, got to Yar-yilaq first but on their hearing that 
Shaiban! Khan was raiding Shiraz and thereabouts, turned 
back. There was no help for it ! Back I too had to go. Again 
I went to Khujand ! 

As there was in me ambition for rule and desire of conquest, 
I did not sit at gaze when once or twice an affair had made no* 
progress. Now I myself, thinking to make another move for 
FoL 56. Andijan, went to ask The Khan's help. Over and above this,, 
it was seven or eight years since I had seen Shah Begim 1 and 
other relations; they also were seen under the same pretext. 
After a few days, The Khan appointed Sayyid Muhammad 
Jlusain (Dughlat) and Ayub Begchik and Jan-hasan Bdrln with 
7 or 8000 men to help us. With this help we started, rode 
Hght, through Khujand without a halt, left Kand-i-badam on 
the left and so to Nasukh, 9 or 10 ylghach of road beyond 
Khujand and 3 yighach (12-18 m.) from Kand-i-badam, there 
set our ladders up and took the fort. It was the melon season; 
one kind grown here, known as Isma/il Shaikhi, has a yellow 
rind, feels like shagreen leather, has seeds like an apple's and 
flesh four fingers thick. It is a wonderfully delicate melon ; no 
other such grows thereabout. Next day the Mughul begs 
represented to me, ' Our fighting men are few ; to what would 
holding this one fort lead on?' In truth they were right; of 
what use was it to make that fort fast and stay there ? Back 
once more to Khujand ! 

1 Babur's (step-) grandmother, co-widow with Aisan-daulat of Yunas Khan 
and mother of Ahmad and Malimud Chaghatai. 

903 AH. AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19TH. 1498 AD. 93 

Affairs of Khusrau Shah and the Timurid Mtrzds). 1 

This year Khusrau Shah, taking Bai-sunghar Mirza with 

m, led his army (from Qunduz) to Chaghanian and with false 

d treacherous intent, sent this message to Hisar for SI. 

as'ud Mirza, ' Come, betake yourself to Samarkand ; if Fol. 560. 

Lttiarkand is taken, one Mlrza may seat himself there, the 

her in Hisar.' Just at the time, the Mirza's begs and house- 

Jd were displeased with him, because he had shewn excessive 

/our to his father-in-law, Shaikh 'Abdu'1-lah Barlds who from 

il-sunghar Mirza had gone to him. Small district though 

isar is, the Mirza had made the Shaikh's allowance 1,000 

mam of fuliis 2 and had given him the whole of Khutlan in 

lich were the holdings of many of the Mirza's begs and 

tusehold. All this Shaikh 'Abdu'1-lah had ; he and his sons 

ok also in whole and in part, the control of the Mirza's gate. 

lose angered began, one after the other, to desert to Bai- 

nghar Mirza. 

By those words of false alloy, having put SI. Mas'ud Mirza 

: his guard, Khusrau Shah and Bai-sunghar Mirza moved 

^ht out of Chaghanian, surrounded Hisar and, at beat of 

Drning-drum, took possession of it. SI. Mas'ud Mirza was in 

aulat Sarai, a house his father had built in the suburbs. Not 

ing able to get into the fort, he drew off towards Khutlan 

th Shaikh 'Abu'1-Iah Barlds, parted from him half-way, 

ossed the river at the Aubaj ferry and betook himself to SI. 

usain Mirza. Khusrau Shah, having taken Hisar, set Bai- Fol. 5. 

nghar Mirza on the throne, gave Khutlan to his own younger 

other, Wall and rode a few days later, to lay siege to Balkh 

lere, with many of his father's begs, was Ibrahim liusain 

irza (Bdi-qara), He sent Nazar Bahadur, his chief retainer, 

i in advance with 3 or 400 men to near Balkh, and himself 

king Bai-sunghar Mirza with him, followed and laid the siege. 

1 Here the narrative picks up the thread of Khusrau Shah's affairs, dropped 
f. 44- 

1 mlng tumanfuluSf i.e. a thousand sets-of-ten-thousand small copper coins. 
. Erskine (Mems. p. 61) here has a note on coins. As here the tutndn does ' 
t seem to be a coin but a number, I do not reproduce it, valuable as it is 
' se. 


Wall he sent off with a large force to besiege Shabarghan and 
raid and ravage thereabouts. Wall, for his part, not being 
able to lay close siege, sent his men off to plunder the clans 
and hordes of the Zardak Chul, and they took him back 
over 100,000 sheep and some 3000 camels. He then came, 
plundering the San-chink country on his way, and raiding and 
making captive the clans fortified in the hills, to join Khusrau 
Shah before Balkh. 

One day during the siege, Khusrau Shah sent the Nazar 
~ Bahadur already mentioned, to destroy the water-channels 1 of 
Foi. 57<5. Balkh. Out on him sallied Tingri-birdi Samdnchi, 2 SI. Husain 
Mirza's favourite beg, with 70 or. 80 men, struck him down, cut 
off his head, carried it off, and went back into the fort. A very 
bold sally, and he did a striking deed. 

(g. Affairs of SI. Husain Mirza and BadVu'z-zaman Mlrzd.) 

This same year, SI. Husain Mirza led his army out to Bast 
and there encamped, 8 for the purpose of putting down Zu'n- 
nun Arghun and his son, Shah Shuja', because they had become 
Badf u'z-zaman Mirza's retainers, had given him a daughter of 
Zu 'n-min in marriage and taken up a position hostile to himself.. 
No corn for his army coming in from any quarter, it had begun 
to be distressed with hunger when the sub-governor of Bast 
surrendered. By help of the stores of Bast, the Mirza got back 
to Khurasan. 

Since such a great ruler as SI. Husain Mirza had twice led a. 
splendid and well-appointed army out and twice retired, with- 
out taking Qunduz, or Hisar or Qandahar, his sons and his 
begs waxed bold in revolt and rebellion. In the spring of this 
year, he sent a large army under Muhiammad Wall Beg to put 
down (his son) Muhammad Husain Mirza who, supreme in 
Astarabad, had taken up a position hostile to himself. While 
SI. Husain Mirza. was still lying in the Nishin meadow (near 

1 ariqlar ; this the annotator of the Elph. MS. has changed to dshllq 
provisions, corn. 

2 Saman-chl may mean Keeper of the Goods . Tlngri-blrdl, Theodore, is the 
purely TurkI form of the Khudal-birdi, already met with several times in the 

3 Bast (Bost) is on the left bank of the Halmand. 

903 AH. AUG. 30m 1497 TO AUG. 12TH. 1498 AD. 95 , 

Harat), he was surprised by Badfu'z-zaman Mirza and Shah 
Shuja' Beg (Arghun). By unexpected good-fortune, he had been Fol. 58. 
joined that very day by SI. Mas'M Mirza, a refugee after 
bringing about the loss of Hisar, 1 and also rejoined by a force 
of his own returning from Astarabad. There was no question 
of fighting. Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and Shah Beg, brought 
face to face with these armies, took to flight. 

SI. Husain Mirza looked kindly on SI. Mas'ud Mirza, made 
him kneel as a son-in-law and gave him a place in his favour 
and affection. None-the-less SI. Mas'ud Mirza, at the instiga- 
tion of Baqi Chaghdniani, who had come earlierjnto SI. Husain 
Mirza's service, started off on' some pretext, without asking 
leave, and went from the presence of SI. Husain Mirza to that 
of Khusrau Shah ! 

Khusrau Shah had already invited and brought from Hisar, 
Bai-sunghar Mirza; to him had gone Aulugh Beg Mirza's son, 2 
Miran-shah Mirza who, having gone amongst the Hazara in 
rebellion against his father, had been unable to remain amongst 
them because of his own immoderate acts. Some short-sighted 
persons were themselves ready to kill these three (Timiirid) 
Mirzas and to read Khusrau Shah's name in the khutba but h.6 
himself did not think this combination desirable. The ungrate- Fol. 580. 
ful manikin however, for the sake of gain in this five days' 
fleeting world, it was not true to him nor will it be true to any 
man soever, seized that SI. Mas'ud Mirza whom he had seen 
grow up in his charge from childhood, whose guardian he had 
been, and blinded him with the lancet. 

Some of the Mirza's foster-brethren and friends of affection 
and old servants took him to Kesh intending to convey him to 
his (half)-brother SI. 'AH Mirza in Samarkand but as that 
party also (i.e. 'All's) became threatening, they fled with him, 
crossed the river at the Aubaj ferry and went to SI. Ilusam 

1 Cf. f. 566. 

2 known, as Kdbull. He was a son of Abu-sa'id and thus an uncle of Babur. 
He ruled Kabul and Ghazm from a date previous to his father's death in 
873 AH. (perhaps from the time 'Umar Shaikh was not sent there, in 870 AH. 
See f. 66) to his death in 907 AH. Babur was his virtual successor in Kabul, 
in 910 AH. 


A hundred thousand curses light on him who planned and 
did a deed so horrible ! Up to the very verge of Resurrection, 
let him who hears of this act of Khusrau Shah, curse him ; and 
may he who hearing, curses not, know cursing equally deserved ! 

This horrid deed done, Khusrau Shah made Bal-sunghar 
Mirza ruler in Hisar and dismissed him ; Miran-shah Mfrza he 
despatched for Barman with Sayyid Qasim to help him. 

904 AH. AUG. 19TH. 1498 TO AUG. STH. 1499 AD> 

(a. Bdbur borrows Pashdghar and leaves Khujand.) 

Twice we had moved out of Khujand, once for Andijan, once 
for Samarkand, and twice we had gone back to it because our 
work was not opened out. 2 Khujand is a poor place; a man 
with 2 or 300 followers would have a hard time there ; with Foi. 59, 
what outlook would an ambitious man set himself down in it ? 

As it was our wish to return to Samarkand, we sent people to 
confer with Muhammad Husain Kurkdn Dughldt in Aura-trpa 
and to ask of him the loan for the winter of Pashaghar where 
we might sit till it was practicable to make a move on 
Samarkand. He consenting, I rode out from Khujand for 
Pashaghar. * 

(Author's note on Pashaghar,} Pashaghar is one of the villages of 
Yar-yilaq ; it had belonged to his Highness the Khwaja, 3 but during 
recent interregna/ it had become dependent on Muhammad Irlusain 

I had fever when we reached Zamin, but spite of my 
fever we hurried off by the mountain road till we came 
over against Rabat-i-khwaja, the head-quarters of the sub- 
governor of the Shavdar tumdn, where we hoped to take the 
garrison at unawares, set our ladders up and so get into the 

1 Elph. MS. f. 42 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 476 and 217 f. 38 ; Mems. p. 63. 
Babur here resumes his own story, interrupted on f . 56. 

2 alsh achllmadl, a phrase recurring on f. 596 foot. It appears to imply, 
of trust in Providence, what the English " The way was not opened," does. 
Cf. f . 606 for another example of trust, there clinching discussion whether to 
go or not to go to Marghlnan. 

3 i.e. Ahrdri. He had been dead some 10 years. The despoilment of his 
family is mentioned on f . 236. 

* fatratlar, here those due to the deaths of Ahmad and Malimud with their 
sequel of unstable government in Samarkand. 

97 7 


fort. We reached it at dawn, found its men on guard, turned 
back and rode without halt to Pashaghar. The pains and 
misery of fever notwithstanding, I had ridden 14 or i.$yfghach 
(70 to 80 miles). 

After a few days in Pashaghar, we appointed Ibrahim Saru, 
Foi. 59*. Wais Laghari, Sherlm Taghai and some of the household and 
braves to make an expedition amongst the Yar-yilaq forts and 
get them into our hands. Yar-yilaq, at that time was Sayyid 
Yusuf Beg's, 1 he having remained in Samarkand at the exodus 
and been much favoured by SI. 'Ali Mlrza. To manage the 
forts, Sayyid Yusuf had sent his younger brother's son, Ahmad- 
i-yusuf, now 2 Governor of Sialkot, and Ahmad-i-yusuf was then 
in occupation. In the course of that winter, our begs and 
braves made the round, got possession of some of the forts 
peacefully, fought and took others, gained some by ruse and 
craft. In the whole of that district there is perhaps not a 
single village without its defences because of the Mughuls and 
the Auzbegs. Meantime SI. 'All Mirza became suspicious of 
Sayyid Yusuf and his nephew on my account and dismissed 
both towards Khurasan. 

The winter passed in this sort of tug-of-war; with the on- 
coming heats, 3 they sent Khwaja Yahya to treat with me, while 
they, urged on by the (Samarkand) army, marched out to near 
Shiraz and Kabud. I may have had 200 or 300 soldiers 
(sipdhi) ; powerful foes were on my every side; Fortune had 
Foi. 60. not favoured me when I turned to Andijan ; when I put a hand 
out for Samarkand, no work was opened out. Of necessity, 
some sort of terms were made and I went back from Pashaghar. 
Khujand is a poor place ; one beg would have a hard time in 
it ; there we and our families and following had been for half a 

1 Aughlaqchi, the player of the kid -game, the gray-wolf er. Yar-yilaq will 
have gone with the rest of Samarkand into 'All's hands in Rajab 903 AH. 
(March 1498). Contingent terms between him and Babur will have been 

made ; Yusuf may have recognized some show of right under them, for 

allowing Babur to occupy Yar-yilaq. 

2 i.e. after 933 AH. Cf. f. 466 and note concerning the Bikramaditya era. 
See index s.n. Ahmad-i-yusuf and H.S. ii, 293. 

3 This plural, unless ironical, cannot be read as honouring 'All ; Babur 
uses the honorific plural most rarely and specially, e.g. for saintly persons, 
for The Khan and for elder women-kinsfolk. 

904 AH. AUG. 19TH. 1498 TO AUG. STH. 1499 AD. 99 

year 1 and during the time the Musalmans of the place had 
not been backward in bearing our charges and serving us to the 
best of their power. With what face could we go there again ? 
and what, for his own part, could a man do there ? ' To what 
home to go ? For what gain to stay ?' 2 

In the end and with the same anxieties and uncertainty, we 
went to the summer-pastures in the south of Aura-tipa. There 
we spent some days in amazement at our position, not knowing 
where to go or where to stay, our heads in a whirl. On one of 
those days, Khwaja Abu'l-makaram came to see me, he like 
me, a wanderer, driven from his home. 3 He questioned us 
about our goings and stayings, about what had or had not been 
done and about our whole position. He was touched with 
compassion for our state and recited the fatiha for me before he 
left. I also was much touched ; I pitied him. 

(b. BabuY recovers Marghlnan.) 

Near the Afternoon Prayer of that same day, a horseman 
appeared at the foot of the valley. He was a man named 
Yul-chuq, presumably 'Ali-dost Taghai's own servant, and had 
been sent with this written message, * Although many great 
misdeeds have had their rise in me, yet, if you will do me the Foi. 6o/5. 
favour and kindness of coming to me, I hope to purge my 
offences and remove my reproach, by giving you Marghlnan 
and by my future submission and single-minded service.' 

Such news ! coming on such despair and whirl-of-mind ! 
Off we hurried, that very hour, it was sun-set, without 
reflecting, without a moment's delay, just as if for a sudden 
raid, straight for Marghlnan. From where we were to Mar- 
ghlnan may have been 24 or 25 yighach of road. 4 Through 
that night it was rushed without delaying anywhere, and on 

1 bir yarim yll. Dates shew this to mean six months. It appears a 
parallel expression to Pers. hasht-yak, one-eighth. 

2 H.S. ii, 293, in place of these two quotations, has a misra', Na ray safar 
Jtavdan u na riiy iqamat, (Nor resolve to march, nor face to stay). 

3 i.e. in Samarkand. 

4 Point to point, some 145 rn. but much further by the road . Tang-ab seems 
likely to be one of the head-waters of Khwaja Bikargan-water. Thence the 
route would be by unfrequented hill-tracks, each man '. 


next day till at the Mid-day Prayer, halt was made at Tang-ab 
(Narrow- water), one of the villages of Khujand. There we 
cooled down our horses and gave them corn. We rode out 
again at beat of (twilight-) drum 1 and on through that night 
till shoot of dawn, and through the next day till sunset, and on 
through that night till, just before dawn, we were one ytghdch 
from Marghinan. Here Wais Beg and others represented to 
me with some anxiety what sort of an evil-doer 'Ali-dost was. 
' No-one,' they said, ' has come and gone, time and again, 
between him and us ; no terms and compact have been made ; 
trusting to what are we going ?' In truth their fears were 
just! After waiting awhile to consult, we at last agreed that 
Foi. 61. reasonable as anxiety was, it ought to have been earlier; that 
there we were after coming three nights and two days without 
rest or halt ; in what horse or in what man was any strength 
left ? from where we were, how could return be made ? and, 
if made, where were we to go ? that, having come so far, on 
we must, and that nothing happens without God's will. At 
this we left the matter and moved on, our trust set on Him. 

At the Sunnat Prayer 2 we reached Fort Marghinan. 'All- 
dost Taghai kept himself behind (arqd) the closed gate and 
asked for terms; these granted,- he opened it. He did me 
obeisance between the (two) gates. 3 After seeing him, we 
dismounted at a suitable house in the walled-town. With me, 
great and small, were 240 men. 

As Aiizun Hasan and Tambal had been tyrannical and 
oppressive, all the clans of the country were asking for me. 
We therefore, after two or three days spent in "Marghinan, 
joined to Qasim Beg over a hundred. men of the Pashagharis, 
the new retainers of Marghinan and of 'Ali-dost's following, 
and sent them to bring over to me, by force or fair words, such 

1 tun yarimt naqdra waqtlda. Tun yariml seems to mean half-dark, 
twilight. Here it cannot mean mid-night since this would imply a halt of 
twelve hours and Babur says no halt was made. The drum next following 
mid-day is the one beaten at sunset. 

2 The voluntary prayer, offered when the sun has well risen, fits the 

3 I understand that the obeisance was made in the Gate-house, between 
the inner and outer doors. 

904 AH. AUG. 19TH. 1498 TO AUG. STH. 1499 AD. 101 

hill-people of the south of Andijan as the Ashpari, Turuqshar, Fol. &i 
Chikrak and others roundabout. Ibrahim Saru and Wais 
Ldghari and Sayyidi Qara were also sent out, to cross the 
Khujand-water and, by whatever means, to induce the people 
on that side to turn their eyes to me. 

Auzun Hasan and Tambal, for their parts, gathered together 
what soldiers and Mughuls they had and called up the men 
accustomed to serve in the Andijan and Akhsi armies. Then, 
bringing Jahangir Mirza with them, they came to Sapan, a 
village 2rn. east of Marghman, a few days after our arrival, and 
dismounted there with the intention of besieging Marghinan. 
They advanced a day or two later, formed up to fight, as far as 
the suburbs. Though after the departure of the Commanders, 
Qasim Beg, Ibrahim Saru and Wais Ldghari, few men were 
left with me, those there were formed up, sallied out and pre- 
vented the enemy from advancing beyond the suburbs. On 
that day, Page Khalil, the turban -twister, went well forward 
and got his hand into the work. They had come ; they could 
do nothing ;- on two other days they failed to get near the fort. Koi. 62. 

When Qasim Beg went into the hills on the south of Andijan, 
all the Ashpari, Turuqshar, Chikrak, and the peasants and 
highland and lowland clans came in for us. When the Com- 
manders, Ibrahim Saru and Wais Laghari, crossed the river to 
the Akhsi side, Pap and several other forts came in. 

Auzun Hasan and Tambal being the heathenish and vicious 
tyrants they were, had inflicted great misery on the peasantry ' 
and clansmen. One of the chief men of Akhsi, Hasan-dikcha 
by name, 1 gathered together his own following and a body of 
the Akhsi mob and rabble, black-bludgeoned 2 Auzun Hasan's 
and Tambal's men in the outer fort and drubbed them into the 
citadel. They then invited the Commanders, Ibrahim Saru, 
Wais Laghari and Sayyidi Qara and admitted them into the fort. 

SI. Mahmud Khan had appointed to help us, Haidar 
Kukulddsh's (son) Banda-'ali and Haji Ghazi Manghlt? the latter 

1 This seeming sobriquet may be due to eloquence or to good looks. 

2 qara tlyaq. Cf. f . 63 where black bludgeons are used by a red rabble. 

3 He was head-man of his clan and again with Shaibam in 909 AH. (Sh. N. 
Vambery, p. 272). Erskine (p. 67) notes that the Manghits are the modern 


just then a fugitive from Shaibanf Khan, and also the Barm 
tuman with its begs. They arrived precisely at this time. 
Foi. 62/1. These news were altogether upsetting to Auzun Hasan ; 
he at once started off his most favoured retainers and most 
serviceable braves to help his men in the citadel of Akhsi. His 
force reached the brow of the river at dawn. Our Commanders, 
and the (Tashkmt) Mughuls had heard of its approach and had 
made some of their men strip their horses and cross the river 
(to the Andijan side). Auzun Hasan's men, in their haste, did 
not draw the ferry-boat up-stream; 1 they consequently went 
right away from the landing-place, could not cross for the fort 
and went down stream. 2 Here-upon, our men and the 
(Tashkint) Mughuls began to ride bare-back into the water 
from both banks. Those in the boat could make no fight at 
all. Qarlughach (var. Qarbughach) Bakhshl (Pay-master) 
called one of MughuhBeg's sons to him, took him by the 
hand, chopped at him and killed him. Of what use was it ? 
The affair was past that ! His act was the cause why most of 
those in the boat went to their death. Instantly our men 
seized them all (artq) and killed all (but a few). 3 Of Auzun 
Hasan's confidants escaped Qarlughach Bakhshl and Khalll 
Diwan and Qa?i GJmldm, the last getting off by pretending to 
be a slave (ghulam) ; and of his trusted braves, Sayyid 'All, 
now in trust in my own service, 4 and Haidar-i-quli and Qilka 

Kashgharl escaped. Of his 70 or 80 men, no more than this 
Fol. 63. same p 0or fi ve or s j x g 0t f ree> 

On hearing of this affair, Auzun Ilasan and Tambal, not 
being able to remain near Marghman, marched in haste and 
disorder for Andijan. There they had left Nasir Beg, the 
husband of Auzun Hasan's sister. He, if not Auzun Hasan's 
second, what question is there he was his third ? 5 He was an 

1 i.e. in order to allow for the here very swift current. The U.S. varying a 
good deal in details from the B.N. gives the useful information that Auzun 
Hasan's men knew nothing of the coming of the Tashkmt Mughuls. 

2 Cf. f . 46 and App. A. as to the position of AkhsT. 

3 bdrinl qirdilar. After this statement the five exceptions are unexpected ; 
Babur's wording is somewhat confused here. 

* i.e. in Hindustan. 

5 Tambal would be the competitor for the second place. 

904 AH. AUG. 19TH. 1498 TO AUG. STH. 1499 AD. 103 

tperienced man, brave too; when he heard particulars, he 
new their ground was lost, made Andijan fast and sent a man 
> me. They broke up in disaccord when they found the fort 
lade fast against them ; Auzun Hasan drew off to his wife in 
khsi, Tambal to his district of Aush. A few of Jahangir 
[irza's household and braves fled with him from Auzun Hasan 
id joined Tambal before he had reached Aush. 

. Bdbur recovers Andijan.} 

Directly we heard that Andijan had been made fast against 
lem, I rode out, at sun-rise, from Marghlnan and by mid-day 
as in Andijan. 1 There I saw Nasir Beg and his two sons, 
lat is to say, Dost Beg and Mirim Beg, questioned them and 
plifted their heads with hope of favour and kindness. In this 
ay, by God's grace, my father's country, lost to me for two 
;ars, was regained^and re-possessed, in the month Zu'1-qa'da of Fol. 
ie date 904 (June I4g8). 2 

SI. Ahmad Tambal, after being joined by Jahangir Mirza, 
ew away for Aush. On his entering the town, the red rabble 
Izil aydq] there, as in Akhsi, black-bludgeoned (qara tlydq qilib] 
id drubbed his men out, blow upon blow, then kept the fort 
r me and sent me .a man. Jahangir and Tambal went off 
mfounded, with a few followers only, and entered Auzkmt 

Of Auzun Hasan news came that after failing to get into 
cidijan, he had gone to Akhsi and, it was understood, had 
itered the citadel. He had been head and chief in the re- 
illion ; we therefore, on getting this news, without more than 
ur or five days' delay in Andijan, set out for Akhsi. On our 
rival, there was nothing for him to do but ask for peace and 
cms, and surrender the fort. 
We stayed in Akhsi 3 a few days in order to settle its affairs 

1 47 m. 4 fur. 

2 Babur had been about two lunar years absent from Andijan but his 
is of rule was of under 16 months. 

3 A scribe's note entered here on the margin of the Ilai. MS. is to the 
Bet that certain words are not in the noble archetype (nashka shanf) ; this 
sports other circumstances which make for the opinion that this Codex is 
iirect copy of Babur's own MS. Sec Index s.n. Hai. MS. and JRAS 1906, 


and those of Kasan and that country-side. We gave the 
Mughuls who had come in to help us, leave for return (to 
Tashkmt), then went back to Andijan, taking with us Auzun 
Hasan and his family and dependants. In Akhsl was left, 
for a time, Qasim-i-'ajab (Wonderful Qasim), formerly one of 
the household circle, now arrived at beg's rank. 

(d. Renewed rebellion of the Mughuls.} 

As terms had been made, Auziin Hasan, without hurt to life 
Fol. 64. or goods, was allowed to go by the Qara-tigin road for Hisar. 
A few of his retainers went with him, the rest parted from him 
and stayed behind. These were the men who iri the throne- 
less times had captured and plundered various Musalman 
dependants of my own and of the Khwaja. In agreement 
with several begs, their affair was left at this ; ' This very 
band have been the captors and plunderers of our faithful 
Musalman dependants j 1 what loyalty have they shown to 
their own (Mughul) begs that they should be loyal to us ? If 
we had them seized and stripped bare, where would be the 
wrong "? and this especially because they might be .going about, 
before our very eyes, riding our horses, wearing our coats, 
eating our sheep. Who could put up with that ? If, out of 
humanity, they are not imprisoned and not plundered, they 
certainly ought to take it as a favour if they get off with the 
order to give back to our companions of the hard guerilla 
times, whatever goods of theirs are known to be here.' 

In truth this seemed reasonable ; our men were ordered to 
take what they knew to be theirs. Reasonable and just though 
the order was, (I now) understand that it was a little hasty. 
Fol. 646. With a worry like Jahangir seated at my side, there was no 
sense in frightening people in this way. In conquest and 
government, though many things may have an outside appear- 
ance of "reason and justice, yet 100,000 reflections are right and 
necessary as to the bearings of each one of them. From this 
single incautious order of ours, 2 what troubles ! what rebellions 

1 Musalman here seems to indicate mental contrast with Pagan practices 
or neglect of Musalman observances amongst Mughuls. 

2 i.e. of Ms advisors and himself. 

904 AH. AUG. 19TH. 1498 TO AUG. 8TH. 1499 AD. 105 

irose ! In the end this same ill-considered order was the cause 
)f our second exile from Andijan. Now, through it, the 
Mughuls gave way to anxiety and fear, marched through 
Rabatik-aurchini, that is, Aiki-su-arasi, for Auzkint and sent a 
nan to Tambal. , 

In my mother's service were 1500 to 2000 Mughuls from the 
lorde ; as many more had come from Hisar with Hamza 
51. and Mahdi SI. and Muhammad Dughldt Hisdri. 1 Mischief 
.nd devastation must always be expected from the Mughul 
lorde. Up to now 2 they have rebelled five times against me. 
t must not be understood that they rebelled through not 
;etting on with me ; they have done the same thing with their 
wn Khans, again and again. SI. Quli Chundq 3 brought me 
he news. His late father, Khudai-birdi Buqdq 4 * I had favoured 
mongstthe Mughuls; he was himself with the (rebel) Mughuls foi. 65. 
nd he did well in thus leaving the horde and his own family 
D bring me the news. Well as he did then however, he, as will 
e told, 5 did a thing so shameful later on that it would hide 

hundred such good deeds as this, if he had done them. His 
iter action was the clear product of his Mughul nature". When 
lis news came, the begs, gathered for counsel, represented to 
le, ' This is a trifling matter ; what need for the padshah to " 
!de out ? Let Qasim Beg go with the begs and men assembled 
ere.' So it was settled ; they took it lightly ; to do so must 
ave been an error of judgment. Qasim Beg led his force out 
lat same day; Tambal meantime must have joined the 
[ughiils. Our men crossed the Ailaish river 6 early next morn- 
ig by the Yasi-kijit (Broad-crossing) and at once came face to 

1 Cf. f. 34. 

2 circa 933 AH. All the revolts chronicled by Babur as made against himself 
;re under Mughul leadership. Long Hasan, Tanibal and 'Ali-dost were all 
ughuls. The worst was that of 914 AH. (1518 AD.) in which Quli Chunaq 
sgraced himself (T.R. p. 357). , 

3 Chunaq may indicate the loss of one ear. 

* Buqaq, amongst other meanings, has that of one who lies in ambush. 
5 This remark has interest because it shews that (as Babur planned to write 
ire than is now with the B.N. MSS.) the first gap in the -book (914 AH. to 
5 AH.) is accidental. His own last illness is the probable cause of this gap. 
. JRAS 1905, p. 744. Two other passages referring to unchronicled matters 
3 one about the Bagh-i-safa (f, 224, and one about SI. 'AH Taghal (f. 242). 
5 I surmise Ailaish to be a local name of the Qara-darya affluent of the Sir. . 


face with the rebels. Well did they chop at one another 
(chapqulashwlar} \ Qasim Beg himself came face to face with 
Muhammad Argliun and did not desist from chopping at him 
in order to cut off his head. 1 Most of our braves exchanged 
Foi. 65^. good blows but in the end were beaten. Qasim Beg, 'All-dost 
Taghal, Ibrahim Sdru, Wais Lagharl, Sayyidi Qara and three 
or four more of our begs and household got away but most of 
the rest fell into the hands of the rebels. Amongst them were 
'Ali-darwesh Beg and Mirim Ldghari and (Sherim ?) Taghai 
Beg's (son) Tuqa 2 and 'Ali-dost's son, Muhammad-dost and 
Mir Shah Quchm and Mirim. Diwan. 

Two braves chopped very well at one another ; on our side, 
Samad, Ibrahim Sdru's younger brother, and on their side,. 
Shah-suwar, one of the Hisari Mughuls. Shah-suwar struck 
so that his sword drove through Samad's helm and seated 
itself well in his head ; Samad, spite of his wound, struck so 
that his sword cut off Shah-suwar's head a piece of bone as 
large as the palm of a hand. Shah-suwar must have worn no 
helm ; they trepanned his head and it healed ; there was no 
one to trepan Samad's and in a few days, he departed simply 
through the wound. 3 

Amazingly unseasonable was this defeat, coming as it did 

just in the respite from guerilla fighting and just when we had 

regained the country. One of our great props, Qambar-'all 

Mughul (the Skinner) had gone to his district when Andijan 

Foi. 66. was occupied and therefore was not with us. 

(e. Tambal attempts to take Andijan.) 

Having effected so much, Tambal, bringing Jahangir Mirza 
with him, came to the east of Andijan and dismounted 2 miles 
off, in the meadow lying in front of the Hill of Pleasure ('Aish). 4 

1 aiki auch naubat chapqulab bash chlqarghali quimas. I cannot feel so sure 
as Mr. E, and M. de C. were that the man's head held fast, especially as for 
it to fall would make the better story. 

2 Tuqa appears to have been the son of a Taghal, perhaps of Sherim ; his. 
name may imply blood-relationship. 

3 For the verb awimdq, to trepan, see f . 67 note 5. 

* The Pr. map of 1904 shews a hill suiting Babur's" location of this Hill of 

904 AH. AUG. 19TH. 1498 TO AUG. STH. 1499 AD. 107 

)nce or twice he advanced in battle-array, past Chihil- 
ukhteran 1 to the town side of the hill but, as our braves went 
ut arrayed to fight, beyond the gardens and suburbs, he could 
ot advance further and returned to the other side of the hill. 
)n his first coming to those parts, he killed two of the begs he 
ad captured, Mirirn Ldgharl and Tuqa Beg. For nearly a 
lonth he lay round-about without effecting anything; after 
lat he retired, his face set for Aush. Aush had been given to 
Drahim Sdru and his man in it now made it fast. 

1 A place near Kabul bears the same name ; in both the name is explained 
r a legend that there Earth opened a refuge for forty menaced daughters. 

905 AH. AUG. STH. 1499 TO JULY 28TH. 1500 AD. 1 

(a. Bdbttr's campaign against A hmad Tambal Mughul.) 

Commissaries were sent gallopping off at once, some to call 
up the horse and foot of the district- armies, others to urge 
return on Qambar-'ali and whoever else was away in his own 
district, while energetic people were told off to get together 
mantelets (turn}, shovels, axes and the what-not of war-material 
and stores for the men already with us. 

As soon as the horse and foot, called up from the various 

districts to join the army, and the soldiers and retainers who 

had been scattered to this and that side on their own affairs, 

, were gathered together, I went out, on Muharram i8th. 

(August 25th.), putting my trust in God, to Han? Beg's Four- 

Koi. 665. gardens and there stayed a few days in order to complete our 

equipment. This done, we formed up in array of right and 

left, centre and van, horse and foot, and started direct for Aush 

against our foe. 

On approaching Aush K news was had 'that Tambal, unable to 
make stand in that neighbourhood, had drawn off to the north, 
to the Rabat-i-sarhang sub-district, it was understood. That 
night we dismounted in Lat-kint. Next day as we were passing 
through Aush, news came that Tambal was understood to have 
gone to Andijan. We, for our part, marched on as for Auzkint, 
detaching raiders ahead to over-run those parts. 2 Our opponents 
went to Andijan and at night got into the ditch but being dis- 
covered by the garrison when they set their ladders up against 
the ramparts, could effect no more and retired. Our raiders 

1 Elph. MS. f. 476 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 53 and 217 f. 43 ; Mems. p. 70. 

2 From Andijan to Aush i& a little over 33 miles. Tambal's road was east 
of Babur's and placed him between Andijan and Auzkint where was the force 
protecting his family. 


906 AH. AUG. STH. 1499 TO JULY 28TH. 1500 AD. 109 

stired also after over-running, round about Auzkmt without 
etting into their hands anything worth their trouble. 
Tambal had stationed his younger brother, Khalil, with 200 
r 300 men, in Madu, 1 one of the forts of Aush, renowned in 
lat centre (am) for its strength. We turned back (on the Fol. 67. 
.uzkint road) to assault it. It is exceedingly strong. Its 
orthern face stands very high above the bed of a torrent; 
rrows shot from the bed might perhaps reach the ramparts. 
>n this side is the water-thief, 2 made like a lane, with ramparts 
n. both sides carried from the fort to the water. Towards the 
sing ground, on the other sides of the fort, there is a ditch, 
he torrent being so near, those occupying the fort had carried 
ones in from it as large as those for large mortars. 3 From no 
>rt of its class we have ever attacked, have stones been thrown 
) large as those taken into Madu. They dropped such a large 
le on 'Abdu'l-qasim Kohbur, Kitta (Little) Beg's elder brother, 4 
hen he went up under the ramparts, that he spun head over 
jels and came rolling and rolling, without once getting to his 
et, from that great height down to the foot of the glacis 
bak-rez}. He did not trouble himself about it at all but just 
>t on his horse and rode off. Again, a stone flung from the 
)uble water-way, hit Yar-'ali Balal so hard on the head that 

the end it had to be trepanned. 5 Many of our men perished 
r their stones. The assault began at dawn ; the water-thief Fol. 67^ 
id been taken before breakfast-time ; 6 fighting went on till 

ening ; next morning, as they could not hold out after losing 
e water-thief, they asked for terms and came out. We took 
> or 70 or 80 men of KhallFs command and sent them to 
idijan for safe-keeping; as some of our begs and household 

jre prisoners in their hands, the Madu affair fell out very well. 1 

1 mod. Mazy, on the main Aush-Kashghar road. 

! ab-duzd, ; de C. i, 144, prise d'eau. 

1 This simile seems the fruit of experience in Hindustan. See f. 333, 

icerning Chanderi. 

1 These two Mughuls rebelled in 914 AH. with SI. Qull Chundq (T.R. s.n.). 

' awtdi. The head of Captain Dow, fractured at Chunar by a stone flung 

it, was trepanned (Saiyar^i-muta'akhirin, p. 577 and Irvine I.e. p. 283). 

r-'ali was alive in 910 AH. He seems to be the father of the great Bairam 

.an-i-khanan of Akbar's reign. 

chasht-gah ; midway between, sunrise and noon. 

tauri ; because providing prisoners for exchange. 


From there we went to Unju-tupa, one of the villages of 
Aiish, and there dismounted. When Tambal retired from 
Andijan and went into the Rabat-i-sarhang sub-district, he 
dismounted in a village called Ab-i-khan. Between him and 
me may have been on&yighdch (5 m. ?). At such a time as this, 
Qambar-'ali (the Skinner) on account of some sickness, went 
into Aiish. 

It was lain in Unju-tupa a month or forty days without a 
battle, but day after day our foragers and theirs got to grips. 
All through the time our carnp was mightily well watched at 
night ; a ditch was dug ; where no ditch was, branches were set 
close together; 1 we also made our soldiers go out in their mail 
Fci. 6S. along the ditch. Spite of such watchfulness, a night-alarm was 
given every two or three days, and the cry to arms went up. 
One day when Sayyidi Beg Tagha! had gone out with the 
foragers, the enemy came up suddenly in greater strength and 
took him prisoner right out of the middle of the fight. 

(b. Bai-sunghar Mlrzd murdered by Khusrau Shah.} 

Khusrau Shah, having planned to lead an army against Balkh, 
in this same year invited Bai-sunghar Mirza to go with him, 
brought him 2 to Qunduz and rode out with him for Balkh. 
But when they reached the Aubaj ferry, that ungrateful infidel, 
Khusrau Shah, in his aspiration to sovereignty, and to what 
sort of sovereignty, pray, could such a no-body attain ? a person 
of no merit, no birth, no lineage, no judgment, no magnanimity, 
no justice, no legal-mindedness, laid hands on Bai-sunghar 
Mirza with his begs, and bowstrung the Mirza. It was upon 
the loth, of the month of Muharram (August I7th.) that he 
martyred that scion of sovereignty, so accomplished, so sweet- 
natured and so adorned by birth and lineage. He killed also a 
few of the Mirza's begs and household. 

(c, Bai-sunghar Mirza's birth and descent.} 

He was born in 882 (1477 AD.), in the Hisar district, He 
was SI. Mahmud Mlrza's second son, younger than SI. Mas'ud 

1 shakh tutulw Idl, perhaps a palisade. 

3 i.e. from llisar where he had placed him in 903 AH. 

905 AH. AUG. 8TH. 1499 TO JULY 28TH. 1500 AD. in 

M. and older than SI. 'All M. and SI. Husain M. and SI. Wais 

M. known as Khan Mirza. His mother was Pasha Begim. Foi. 686. 

(d. His appearance and characteristics.} 

He had large eyes, a fleshy face 1 and Turkman features, was 
of middle height and altogether an elegant young man (aet. 22). 

(e. His qualities and manners.} 

He was just, humane, pleasant-natured and a most accom- 
plished scion of sovreignty. His tutor, Sayyid Mahmud, 2 pre- 
sumably was a Shi'a ; through this he himself became infected 
>y that heresy. People said that latterly, in Samarkand, he 
everted from that evil belief to the pure Faith. He was much 
xidicted to wine but on his non-drinking days, used to go 
hrough the Prayers. 3 He was moderate in gifts and liberality, 
le wrote the naskh-ta'llq character very well ; in painting also 
is hand was aot bad. He made 'Adili his pen-name and 
omposed good verses but not sufficient to form a dlwdn. Here 
; the opening couplet (matla') of one of them 4 ; 

Like a wavering shadow I fall here and there ; 

If not propped by a wall, I drop flat on the ground. 

In such repute are his odes held in Samarkand, that they are 
) be found in most houses. 

r . His battles.} 

He fought two ranged battles. One, fought when he was 
st seated on the throne (900 AH. -1495 AD.), was with SI. 
ahmud Khan 5 who, incited and stirred up by SI. Junaid 
zrlas and others to desire Samarkand, drew an army out, Fol. 69. 
ossed the Aq-kutal and went to Rabat-i-soghd and Kan-bal. 
ii-sunghar Mirza went out from Samarkand, fought him near 

L quba yiizluq (i. 6b and note 4). The Turkman features would be a maternal 


! He is " SaifiMaulana 'Aruzi " of Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 525. Cf. H.S. ii, 341. 

5 book, 'Aruz-i-saiji has been translated by Blochmann and by-Ranking. 

1 namaz autav idi. I understand some irony from this (de Meynard's Diet. 

, atittnag). 

The matla' of poems serve as an index of first lines. 

Cf. f . 30. 


Kan-bai, beat him and beheaded 3 or 4000 Mugtmls. In this 
fight died Haidar Kukuldash, the Khan's looser and binder 
(hall u'aqdt). His second battle was fought near Bukhara with 
SI. 'All Mirza (901 AH.-I4Q6 AD.) ; in this he was beaten. 1 

(g. His countries.) 

His father, SI. Mahmud Mirza, gave him Bukhara; when 
SI. Mahmud M. died, his begs assembled and in agreement 
made Bai-sunghar M. ruler in Samarkand. For a time, Bukhara 
was included with Samarkand in his jurisdiction but it went 
out of his hands after the Tarkhan rebellion (901 AH. -1496 AD.). 
When he left Samarkand to go to Khusrau Shah and I got 
possession of it (903 AH.-I497 AD.), Khusrau Shah took Hisar and 
gave it to him. 

(h. Other details concerning him.} 

He left no child. He took a daughter of his paternal uncle, 
SI. Khalil Mirza, when he went to Khusrau Shah ; he had no 
other wife or concubine. 

He never ruled with authority so independent that any beg 
was heard of as promoted by him to be his confidant ; his begs 
Foi. 69/5. were just those of his father and his paternal uncle (Ahmad). 

(i. Resumed account of Babur's campaign against Tambal.) 

After ,Bai-sunghar Mirza's death, SI. Ahmad Qarawal* the 
father of Quch (Quj) Beg, sent us word (of his intention) and 
came to us from Hisar through the Qara-tigin country, together 
with his brethren, elder and younger, and their families and 
dependants. From Aush too came Qambar-'all, risen from his 
sickness. Arriving, as it did, at such a moment, we took the 
providential help of SI. Ahmad and his party for a happy omen. 
Next day we formed up at dawn and moved direct upon our 
foe. He made no stand at Ab-i-khan but marched from his. 

1 Cf. f. 37t>. 

2 i.e. scout and in times of peace, huntsman. On the margin of the Elph, 
Codex here stands a note, mutilated in rebinding ; SI. Ahmad pidr-i-Quch 
Beg ast * * * pidr-i-Sher-afgan u Sher-afgan * * * u SI. Husain Khan * * * 
Quch Beg ast. Hanfesha * * * dar khana Shaham Khan * * * . 

905 AH. AUG. STH. 1499 TO JULY 28TH. 1500 AD. 113 

ground, leaving many tents and blankets and things of the 
baggage for our men. We dismounted in his camp. 

That evening Tambal, having Jahangir with him, turned our 
left and went to a village called Khuban (var. Khunan), some 
3 ylghach from us (15 m. ?) and between us and Andijan. 
Next day we moved out against him, formed up with right and 
left, centre and van, our horses in their mail, our men in theirs, 
and with foot-soldiers, bearing mantelets, flung to the front. 
Our right was 'All-dost and his dependants, our left Ibrahim 
Sdru, Wais Ldgharl, Sayyidi Qara, Muhammad- 'all Mubashir, 
and Khwaja-i-kalan's elder brother, Kichik Beg, with several of Fol. 70. 
the household. In the left were inscribed 1 also SI. Ahmad 
Qardwal and Quch Beg with their brethren. With me in the 
centre was Qasim Beg Quchln ; in the van were Qambar-'ali 
(the Skinner) and some of the household. When we reached 
Saqa, a village two miles east of Khuban, the enemy came out 
of Khuban, arrayed to fight. We, for our part, moved on the 
faster. At the time of engaging, our foot-soldiers, provided 
how laboriously with the mantelets ! were quite in the rear ! 
By God's grace, there was no need of them ; our left had got 
hands in with their right before they came up. Kichik Beg 
chopped away very well ; next to him ranked Muhammad 'AH 
Mubashir. Not being able to bring equal zeal to oppose us, the 
enemy took to flight. The fighting did not reach the front of 
our van or right. Our men brought in many of their braves ; 
we ordered the heads of all to be struck off. Favouring caution 
and good generalship, our begs, Qasim Beg and, especially, 
'All-dost did not think it advisable to send far in pursuit ; for Fol. 70?. 
this reason, many of their men did not fall into our hands. We 
dismounted right in Khuban village. This was my first ranged 
battle; the Most High God, of His own favour and mercy, 
made it a day of victory and triumph. We accepted the omen. 

On the next following day, my father's mother, my grand- 
mother, Shah Sultan Begim 2 arrived from Andijan, thinking to 
beg off Jahangir Mirza if he had been taken. 

1 pltildl ; W.-i-B. navishta shud, words indicating the use by Babur of a 
written record. 

2 Cf. f. 6b and note and f. 17 and note. 


(j. JSdbur goes into winter-quarters in Between-the-two-rivers.) 

As it was now almost winter and no grain or fruits 1 remained 
in the open country, it was not thought desirable to move 
against (Tambal in) Auzkint but return was made to Andijan. 
A few days later, it was settled after consultation, that for us 
to winter in the town would in no way hurt or hamper the 
enemy, rather that he would wax the stronger by it through 
raids and guerilla fighting; moreover on our own account, it 
was necessary that we should winter where our men would not 
become enfeebled through want of grain and where we could 
straiten the enemy by some sort of blockade. For these de- 
Foi. 71. sirable ends we marched out of Andijan, meaning to winter 
near Armiyan and Nush-ab in the Rabatik-aurchini, known 
also as Between-the-two-rivers. On arriving in the two villages 
above-mentioned, we prepared winter-quarters. 

The hunting-grounds are good in that neighbourhood ; in the 
jungle near the Ailaish river is much bughu-mardl 2 and pig; the 
small scattered clumps of jungle are thick with hare and 
pheasant; and on the near rising-ground, are ma,ny foxes 3 of 
fine colour and swifter than those of any other place. While 
we were in those quarters, I used to ride hunting every two or 
three days ; we would beat through the great jungle and hunt 
bughu-mardl, or we would wander about, making a circle round 
scattered clumps and flying our hawks at the pheasants. The 
pheasants are unlimited 4 there; pheasant-meat was abundant 
as long as we were in those quarters. 

While we were there, Khudai-birdi Tughchl, then newly- 
favoured with beg's rank, fell on some of Tambal's raiders and 
brought in a few heads. Our braves went out also from Aush 
and Andijan and raided untiringly on the enemy, driving in his 

1 tuluk ; i.e. other food than grain. Fruit, fresh or preserved, being a 
principal constituent of food in Central Asia, tuluk will include several, but 
chiefly melons. " Les melons constituent presque seuls vers le fin d'ete, la 
nourriture des classes pauvres (Th. RadlofL I.e. p. 343). 

2 Cf. f. 6b and note. 

3 tulkl var. tulku, the yellow fox. Following this word the Hai.- MS. has 
u dar kamtn dur instead of u rangin dur, 

* bl hadd ; with which I.O. 215 agrees but I.O. 217 adds farbih, fat, which 
is right in fact (f . zb) but less pertinent here than an unlimited quantity. 

905 AH. AUG. 8TH. 1499 TO JULY 28TH. 1500 AD. .115 

erds of horses and much enfeebling him. If the whole winter 

ad been passed in those quarters, the more probable thing is Fol. ;i 

lat he would have broken up simply without a fight. 

;. Qambar-all again asks leave.} 

It was at such a time, just when our foe was growing weak 
id helpless, that Qambar-'ali asked leave to go to his district, 
he more he was dissuaded by reminder of the probabilities of 
le position, the more stupidity he shewed. An amazingly 
ckle and veering manikin he was ! It had to be ! Leave for 
is district was given him. That district had been Khujand 
irmerly but when Andijan was taken this last time, Asfara 
id Kand-i-badam were given him in addition. Amongst our 
sgs, he was the one with large districts and many followers ; 
>one's land or following equalled his. We had been 40 or 50 
lys in those winter-quarters. At his recommendation, leave 
as given also to some of the clans in the army. We, for our 
irt, went into Andijan. 

, SI. Mahmud Khan sends Mughuls to help Tambal.) 

Both while we were in our winter-quarters and later on in 
ndijan, TambaPs people came and went unceasingly between 
m and The Khan in Tashkmt. His paternal uncle of the full- 
ood, Ahmad Beg, was guardian of The Khan's son, SI. 
u^iammad SI. and high in favour; his elder brother of the 
11-blood, Beg Tilba (Fool), was The Khan's Lord of the Gate, 
fter all the comings and goings, these two brought The Khan 

the point of reinforcing Tambal. Beg Tilba, leaving his wife 
id domestics and family in Tashkint, came on ahead of the Fo1 - 72. 
inforcement and joined his younger brother, Tambal, Beg 
[Iba ! who from his birth up had been in Mughulistan, had 
own up amongst Mughuls, had never entered a cultivated 
>untry or served the rulers of one, but from first to last had 
rved The Khans ! 

Just then a wonderful ('ajab) thing happened; 1 Qasim-i-'ajab 
'onderful Qasim) when he had been left for a time in Akhsi, 

1 Here a pun on 'ajab may be read. 


went out one day after a few marauders, crossed the Khujand- 
water by Bachrata, met in with a few of Tanibal's men and 
was made prisoner. 

When Tambal heard that our army was disbanded and was 
assured of The Khan's help by the arrival of his brother, Beg 
Tilba, who had talked with The Khan, he rode from Auzkint 
into Between-the-two-rivers. Meantime safe news had come 
to us from Kasan that The Khan had appointed his son, SI. 
Muh. Khanika, commonly known as Sultanlm, 1 and Ahmad 
Beg, with 5 or 6000 men, to help Tambal, that they had crossed 
by the Archa-kint road 2 and were laying siege to Kasan. Here- 
upon we, without delay, without a glance at our absent men, 
just with those there were, in the hard cold of winter, put our 
Fol. 725. trust in God and rode off by the Band-i-salar road to oppose 
them. That night we stopped no-where ; on we went through 
the darkness till, at dawn, we dismounted in Akhsi. 3 So 
mightily bitter was the cold that night that it bit the hands 
and feet of several men and swelled up the ears of many, each 
ear like an apple. We made no stay in Akhs! but leaving there 
Yarak Taghai, temporarily also, in Qasim-i-'ajab's place, passed 
on for Kasan. Two miles from Kasan news came that on 
hearing of our approach, Ahmad Beg and Sultanlm had hurried 
off in disorder. 

(m. Babur and Tambal again opposed.} 

Tambal must have had news of our getting to horse for he 
had hurried to help his elder brother. 4 Somewhere between 
the two Prayers of the day, 5 his blackness 6 became visible 
towards Nii-kint. Astonished and perplexed by his elder 
brother's light departure and by our quick arrival, he stopped 
short. Said we, ' It is God has brought them in this fashion ! 
here they have come with their horses' necks at full stretch; 7 

1 Cf. f . 1 5, note to Taghai. 

2 Apparently not the usual Kmdlr-lflc pass but one n.w. of Kasan. 

3 A ride of at least 40 miles, followed by one of 20 to Kasan. 

* Cf. f. 72 and f . 726. Tilba would seem to have left Tambal. 
6 Tainbalntng qaro-si. 

6 i.e. the Other (Mid-afternoon) Prayer. 

7 alining buinlrit qailb. Qatmaq has also the here-appropriate meaning of 
to stiffen. 

905 AH. AUG. STH. 1499 TO JULY 28TH. 1500 AD. 117 

if we join hands 1 and go out, and if God bring it right, not a 
man of them will get off.' But Wais Lagharl and some others 
said, ' It is late in the day ; even if we do not go out today, 
where can they go tomorrow ? Wherever it is, we will meet Fol. 73. 
them at dawn.' So they said, not thinking it well to make the 
joint effort there and then ; so too the enemy, come so oppor- 
tunely, broke up and got away without any hurt whatever. 
The (Turk!) proverb is, * Who does not snatch at a chance, 
will worry himself about it till old age.' 

(Persian) couplet. Work must be snatched at betimes, 

Vain is the slacker's mistimed work. 

Seizing the advantage of a respite till the morrow, the enemy 
slipped away in the night, and without dismounting on the road, 
went into Fort Archian. When a morrow's move against a foe 
was made, we found no foe ; after him we went and, not think- 
ing it well to lay close siege to Archian, dismounted two miles 
off (one shar'l) in Ghazna-namangan. 2 We were in camp there 
for 30 or 40 days, Tambal being in Fort Archian. Every now 
and then a very few would go from our side and come from 
theirs, fling themselves on one another midway and return. 
They made one night-attack, rained arrows in on us and retired. 
As the camp was encircled by a ditch or by branches close-set, 
and as watch was kept, they could effect no more. 

{n. Qambar-'ali, Hie, Skinner, again gives trouble.) 

Two or three times while we lay in that camp, Qambar-'all, Fol. 73*5. 
in ill-temper, was for going to his district ; once he even had 
got to horse and started in a fume, but we sent several begs 
after him who, with much trouble, got him to turn back. 

1 allik qushmaq, i.e. Babur's men with the Kasan garrison. But the two 
W.-i-B. write merely dasibwd and dast kardan. 

2 The meaning of Ghazna here is uncertain. The Second W.-i-B. renders it 
by ar. qaryat but up to this point Babur has not used qaryat for village. 
Shazna-namangan cannot be modern Namangan. It was 2 m. from Archian 
ivhere Tambal was, and Babur went to Bishkharan to be between Tambal and 
VfachamI, coming from the south. Archian and Ghazna-namangan seem 
Doth to have been n. or n.w. of Blshkaran (see maps). 

It may be mentioned that at Archian, in 909 AH. the two Chaghatai Khans 
und Babur were defeated by Shaibam. 


(o.. Further action against Tambal and an accommodation made. 1 ) 

Meantime Sayyid Yusuf of Macham had sent a man to 
Tambal and was looking towards him. He was the head-man 
of one of the two foot-hills of Andijan, Macham and Awighun 
Latterly he had become known in my Gate, having outgrown 
the head-man and put on the beg, though no-one ever had 
made him a beg. He was a singularly hypocritical manikin, 
of no standing whatever. From our last taking of Andijan 
(June 1499) till then (Feb. 1500), he had revolted two or three 
times from Tambal and come to me, and two or three times 
had revolted from me and gone to Tambal. This was his last 
change of side. With him were many from the (Mughul) horde 
and tribesmen and clansmen. 'Don't let him join Tambal,' 
we said and rode in between them. We got to Bishkharan with 
one night's halt. Tambal's men must have come earlier and 
entered the fort. A party of our begs, 'AH-darwesh Beg and 
Quch Beg, with his brothers, went close up to the Gate of 
Fol. 74- Bishkharan and exchanged good blows with the enemy. Quch 
Beg and his brothers did very well there, their hands getting in 
for most of the work. We dismounted on a height some two 
miles from Bishkharan; Tambal, having Jahangir with him, 
dismounted with the fort behind him. 

Three or four days later, begs unfriendly to us, that is to say, 
'All-dost and Qambar-'ali, the Skinner, with their followers and 
dependants, began to interpose with talk of peace. I and my 
well-wishers had no knowledge of a peace and we all 1 were 
utterly averse from the project. Those two manikins however 
were our two great begs ; if we gave no ear to their words and 
if we did not make peace, other things from them were probable! 
It had to be ! Peace was made in this fashion ; the districts 
on the Akhsi side of the Khujand-water were to depend on 
Jahangir, those on the Andijan side, on me ; Auzkint was to 
be left in my jurisdiction after they had removed their families 
from it ; when the districts were settled and I and Jahangir had 

1 blzlar. The double plural is rare with Babur ; he writes biz, we, when, 
action is taken in common. ; he rarely uses mln, I, with autocratic force ; his. 
phrasing is largely impersonal, e.g. with rare exceptions, he writes the 
impersonal passive verb. 

905 AH. AUG. STH. 1499 TO JULY 28TH. 1500 AD. 119 

iade our agreement, we (biz) should march together against 
amarkand; and when I was in possession of Samarkand, 
ndijan was to be given to Jahangir. So the affair was settled. Fol. 74*- 
ext day, it was one of the last of Rajab, (end of Feb. 1500) 
ihangir Mirza and Tambal came and did me obeisance ; the 
irms and conditions were ratified as stated above; leave for 
khsi was given to Jahangir and I betook myself to Andijan. 
On our arrival, Khalil-of-Tambal and our whole band of 
risoners were released ; robes of honour were put on them and 
ave to go was given. They, in their turn, set free our begs 
id household, viz. the commanders 1 (Sherim?) Taghai Beg, 
Muhammad-dost, Mir Shah Quchln, Sayyidi Qara Beg, Qasim- 
ajab, Mir Wais, Mirim Diwdn, and those under them. 

. The self-aggrandizement of 'All-dost Taghai.) 

After our return to Andijan, 'AH-dost's manners and be- 
iviour changed entirely. He began to live ill with my com- 
mions of the guerilla days and times of hardship. First, he 
smissed Khalifa; next seized and plundered Ibrahim Sdru 
id Wais Laghari, and for no fault or cause deprived them of 
ieir districts and dismissed them. He entangled himself with 
asim Beg and he was made to go ; he openly declared, ' Khalifa 
id Ibrahim are in sympathy about Khwaja-i-qazi ; they will 
r enge him on me.' 2 His son, Muhammad-dost set himself up 
i a regal footing, starting receptions and a public table and a Fol. 75. 
Durt and workshops, after the fashion of sultans. Like father, 
:e son, they set themselves up in this improper way because 
ey had Tambal at their backs. No authority to restrain their 
treasonable misdeeds was left to me; for why? Whatever 
eir hearts desired, that they did because such a foe of mine 
Tambal was their backer. The position was singularly 
licate; not a word was said but many humiliations were 
dured from that father and that son alike. 

L Mshlighlar. Teufel was of opinion that this word is not used as a noun 
the B.N. In this he is mistaken ; it is so used frequently, as here, in 
position. See ZDMG, xxxvii, art. Babur und Abu'l-fa?l. 
i Cf. f. 54 foot. 

120 F ARC HAN A 

(q. Babur's first marriage.) 

'Ayisha-sultan Begim whom my father and hers, i.e. my uncle, 
SI. Ahmad Mirza had betrothed to me, came (this year) to 
Khujand 1 and I took her in the month of Sha'ban. Though I 
was not ill-disposed towards her, yet, this being my first 
marriage, out of modesty and bashfulness, I used to see her 
once in 10, 15 or 20 days. Later on when even my first 
inclination did not last, my bashfulness increased. Then my 
mother Khanim used to send me, once a month or every 40 
Fol. 7s<5. days, with driving and driving, dunnings and worryings. 

(r. A personal episode and some verses by Bdbur.} 

In those leisurely days I discovered in myself a strange 
inclination, nay ! as the verse says, ' I maddened and afflicted 
myself for a boy in the camp-bazar, his very name, Baburi, 
fitting in. Up till then I had had no inclination for any-one, 
indeed of love and desire, either by hear-say or experience, I had 
not heard, I had not talked. At that time I composed Persian 
couplets, one or two at a time ; this is one of the them : 

May none be as I, humbled and wretched and love-sick ; 
No beloved as thou art to me, cruel and careless. 

From time to time Baburi used to come to my presence but 
out of modesty and bashfulness, I could never look straight at 
him ; how then could I make conversation (ikhtildt) and recital 
(hikayat) ? In my joy and agitation I could not thank him (for 
coming); how was it possible for me to reproach him with 
going away? What power had I to command the duty of 
service to myself? 2 One day, during that time of desire and' 
passion when I was going with companions along a lane and 
suddenly met him face to face, I got into such a state of con- 
fusion that I almost went right off. To look straight at him 
Fol. 76. or to put words together was impossible. With a hundred 
torments and shames, I went on. A (Persian) couplet of 
Muhammad Salih's 3 came into my mind : 

* Cf. f. 20. She may have come- from Samarkand and 'All's household or 
from Kesh and the Tarkhan households. 

2 Cf. f . 26 1. 2 for the same phrase, 

3 He is the author of the Shaibam-nama. 

905 AH. AUG. 8TH. 1499 TO JULY 28TH. 1500 AD. 121 

I am abashed with shame when I see my friend ; 
My companions look at me, I look the other way. 

at couplet suited the case wonderfully well. In that frothing- 
of desire and passion, and under that stress of youthful folly, 
sed to wander, bare-head, bare-foot, through street and lane, 
hard and vineyard. I shewed civility neither to friend nor 
inger, took no care for myself or 'others. 

(Turk!) Out of myself desire rushed me, unknowing 
That this is so with the lover of a fairy-face. 

netimes like the madmen, I used to wander alone over hill 
i plain; sometimes I betook myself to gardens and the 
urbs, lane by lane. My wandering was not of my choice, 
I decided whether to go or stay. 

(Turkl) Nor power to go was mine, nor power to stay ; 

I was just what you made me, o thief of my heart. 

SI. 'All Mwzd's quarrels with the Tarkhans.) 

n this same year, SI. 'All Mirza fell out with Muframmad 
zid Tarkhan for the following reasons ; The Tarkhans had 
n to over-much predominance and honour ; Baqi had taken 
whole revenue of the Bukhara Government and gave not a Fui. 
-penny (dang} 1 to any-one else; Muhammad Mazid, for his 
:, had control in Samarkand and took all its districts for his 
5 and dependants ; a small sum only excepted, fixed by them, 
a farthing (fils) from the town reached the Mirza by any 
nnel. SI. 'All Mirza was a grown man ; how was he to 
rate such conduct as theirs ? He and some of his household 
led a design against Muh. Mazid Tarkhan ; the latter came 
now of it and left the town with all his following and with 
lever begs and other persons were in sympathy with him, 2 
i as SI. Husain Arghun, Pir Ahmad, Atizun Hasan's younger 
:her, Khwaja fjusain, Qara JBarlas, Salih Muhammad 8 and 
e other begs and braves. 

fang and fits (infra) are small copper coins. 

Of. f . 25 1. i and note i. 

Probably the poet again ; he had left Harat and was in Samarkand (Sh 

amb6ry, p. 34 1. 14). v 


At the time The Khan had joined to Khan Mirza a number 
of Mughul begs with Muh. Husain Dughlat and Ahmad Beg, 
and had appointed them to act against Samarkand. 1 Khan 
Mirza's guardians were Hafiz Beg Duldai and his son, Tahir 
Beg; because of relationship to them, (Muh. Signal's) grandson, 
Hasan and Hindu Beg fled with several braves from SI. 'All 
Foi. 77. Mirza's presence to Khan Mirza's. 

Muhammad Mazld Tarkhan invited Khan Mirza and the 
Mughul army, moved to near Shavdar, there saw the Mirza. 
and met the begs of the Mughuls. No small useful friendli- 
nesses however, came out of the meeting between his begs and 
the Mughuls ; the latter indeed seem to have thought of making 
him a prisoner. Of this he and his begs coming to know, 
separated themselves from the Mughul army. As without him 
the Mughuls could make no stand, they retired. Here-upon,. 
SI. 'All Mirza hurried light out of Samarkand with a few men 
and caught them up where they had dismounted 'in Yar-yilaq. 
They could not even fight but were routed and put to flight. 
This deed, done in his last days, was SI. 'AH Mirza's one good 
little affair. 

Muh. Mazld Tarkhan and his people, despairing both of the 
Mughuls and of these Mirzas, sent MTr Mughul, son of 'Abdu'l- 
wahhab Shaghdwal 2 to invite me (to Samarkand). Mir Mughul 
had already been in my service ; he had risked his life in good 
accord with Khwaja-i-qazi during the siege of Andijan (903 AH.~ 
1498 AD.). 

This business hurt us also 3 and, as it was for that purpose 

we had made peace (with Jahangir), we resolved to move on 

Samarkand. We sent Mir Mughul off at once to give rendezvous 4 

bl. 77<v. to Jahangir Mirza and prepared to get to horse. We rode out 

1 From what follows, this Mughul advance seems a sequel to a Tarkhan 

2 By omitting the word Mir the Turkl text has caused confusion between 
this father and son (Index s.nn.). 

3 biz khud kharab bu mu'amla aiduk. These words have been understood 
earlier, as referring to the abnormal state of Babur's mind described under 
Sec. Y. They better suit the affairs of Samarkand because Babur is able to 
resolve on action and also because he here writes biz, we, and not mln, I as in 
Sec. r. 

* For bulghdr, rendezvous, see also f . 78 1. 2 fr. ft. 

905 AH. AUG. 8TH. 1499 TO JULY 28TH. 1500 AD. 123 

i the month of Zu'1-qa'da (June) and with two halts on the 
ay, came to Qaba. and there dismounted. 1 At the mid-after-. 
Don Prayer of that day, news came that TambaPs brother, 
halil had taken Aush by surprise. 

The particulars are as follows; As has been mentioned, 

halil and those under him were set free when peace was made. 

ambal then sent Khalil to fetch away their wives and families 

om Auzkint. He had gone and he went into the fort on this 

retext. He kept saying untruthfully, ' We will go out today/ 

1 * We will go out tomorrow,' but he did not go. When we 

>t to horse, he seized the chance of the emptiness of Aush to 

> by night and surprise it. For several reasons it was of no 

Ivantage for us to stay and entangle ourselves with him ; we 

ent straight on therefore. One reason was that as, for the 

irpose of making ready military equipment, all my men of 

ime had scattered, heads of houses to their homes, we had no 

ws of them because we had relied on the peace and were by 

is off our guard against the treachery and falsity of the other 

irty. Another reason was that for some time, as has been Fol> 

id, the misconduct of our great begs, 'Ali-dost and Qambar- 

li had been such that no confidence in them was left. A 

rther reason was that the Samarkand begs, under Muh. Mazid 

irkhan had sent Mir Mughul to invite us and, so long as a 

pital such as Samarkand stood there, what would incline a 

an to waste his days for a place like Andijan ? 

From Qaba we moved on to Marghinan (20 m.). Marghman 

id been given to Quch Beg's father, SI. Ahmad Qarawal, and 

s was then in it. As he, owing to various ties and attach- 

ents, could not attach himself to me, 2 he stayed behind while 

s son, Quch Beg and one or two of his brethren, older and 

unger, went with me. 

Taking the road for Asfara, we dismounted in one of, its 
llages, called Mahan. That night there came and joined us 

Mahan, by splendid chance, just as if to a rendezvous, Qasim 
2g Quchln with his company, 'All-dost with his, and Sayyid 

1 25 m. only ; the halts were due probably to belated arrivals. 

2 Some of his ties would be those of old acquaintance in Hisar with 'All's 
:her's begs, now with him in Samarkand. 


Qasim with a large body of braves. We rode from Mahan by 
the Khasban (var. Yasan) plain, crossed the Chupan (Shepherd)- 
bridge and so to Aura-tipa. 1 

(t. Qambar-'ali punishes himself.) 

Trusting to Tambal, Qambar-'ali went from his own district 
(Khujand) to Akhsi in order to discuss army-matters with him. 
Fol. 78 ' Such an event happening, 2 Tambal laid hands on Qambar-'ali, 
marched against his district and carried him along. Here the 
(Turk!) proverb fits, ' Distrust your friend ! he'll stuff your hide 
with straw.' While Qambar-'ali was being made to go to 
Khujand, he escaped on foot and after a hundred difficulties 
reached Aura-tipa. 

News came to us there that Shaibani Khan had beaten Baqi 
Tarkhan in Dabusi and was moving on Bukhara. We went 
on from Aura-tipa, by way of Burka-yilaq, to Sangzar 3 which 
the sub-governor surrendered. There we placed Qambar-'ali, 
as, after effecting his own capture and betrayal, he had come 
to us. We then passed on. 

(u. Affairs of Samarkand and the end of 'A ll-dost.) 

On our arrival in Khan-yurti, the Samarkand begs under 
Muh. Mazid Tarkhan came and did me obeisance. Conference 
was held with them as to details for taking the town ; they said, 
'Khwaja Yahya also is wishing for the fiddshah;* with his 
consent the town may be had easily without fighting or dis- 
turbance.' The Khwaja did not say decidedly to our 
messengers that he had resolved to admit us to the town but at 
the same time, he said nothing likely to lead us to despair. 

Leaving Khan-yurti, we moved to the bank of the Dar-i-gham 

(canal) and from there sent our librarian, Khwaja Muhammad 

Foi. 79. 'Ali to Khwaja Yahya. He brought word back, ' Let them 

come; we will give them the town.' Accordingly we rode 

from the Dar-i-gham straight for the town, at night-fall, but 

1 Point to point, some 90 m. but further by road. 

2 Bu waqi' bulghach, manifestly ironical. 

3 Sangzar to Aura-tipa, by way of the hills, some 50 miles. 

4 The Sh. N. Vambery, p. 60, confirms this. 

905 AH. AUG. STH. 1499 TO JULY 28TH. 1500 AD. 125 

r plan came to nothing because SI. Muhammad Dulddi's 
:her, SI. Mahmud had fled from our camp and given such 
Formation to (SI. 'All's party) as put them on their guard, 
ick we went to the Dar-i-gham bank. 

While I had been in Yar-yilaq, one of my favoured begs, 
rahim Sdru who had been plundered and driven off by 'Ali- 
ist, 1 came and did me obeisance, together with Muh. Yusuf, 
e elder son of Sayyid Yusuf (Aughldqchl). Coming in by 
,es and twos, old family servants and begs and some of the 
>usehold gathered back to me there. All were enemies of 
H-dost ; some he had driven away ; others he had plundered ; 
hers again he had imprisoned. He became afraid. For why ? 
2cause with Tambal's backing, he had harassed and perse- 
ted me and my well-wishers. As for me, my very nature 
rted ill with the manikin's ! From shame and fear, he could 
ly no longer with us ; he asked leave ; I took it as a personal 
pour; I gave it. On this leave, he and his son, Muhammad- 
ist went to Tambal's presence. They became his intimates, Fol. ^gl>. 
id from father and son alike, much evil and sedition issued, 
li-dost died a few years later from ulceration of the hand, 
uhammad-dost went amongst the Auzbegs; that was not 
together bad but, after some treachery to his salt, he fled 
Dm them and went into the Andijan foot-hills. 2 There he 
irred up much revolt and trouble. In the end he fell into the 
.nds of Auzbeg people and they blinded him. The meaning 
' The salt took his eyes,' is clear in his case. 3 
After giving this pair their leave, we sent Ghuri Barlds toward 
iikhara for news. He brought word that Khan had 
ken Bukhara and was on his way to Samarkand. Here-upon, 
eing no advantage in staying in that neighbourhood, we set 
it for Kesh where, moreover, were the families of most of the 
imarkand begs. 

When we had been a few weeks there, news came that SI. 
.11 Mirza had given Samarkand to Shaibani Khan. The 
irticulars are these ; The Mlrza's mother, Zuhra Begi Agha 

1 Cf. L 74b. 

2 Macham and Awighur, presumably. 

3 guzlar iuz tutl, i.e. he was blinded for some treachery to bis hosts. 


(Auzbeg), in her ignorance and folly, had secretly written to 
Foi. 80. Shaibani Khan that if he would take her (to wife) her son 
should give him Samarkand and that when Shaibani had taken 
(her son's) father's country, he should give her son a country. 1 
Sayyid Yusuf Arghun must have known of this plan, indeed 
will have been the traitor inventing it. 

1 Muh. Salih's well-informed account of this episode has much interest, 
filling out and, as by Shaibani's Boswell, balancing Babur's. Babur is 
obscure about what country was to be given to 'All. Payanda-hasan para- 
phrases his brief words ; Shaibani was to be as a father to 'All and when he 
had taken 'All's father's wilayat, he was to give a country to 'All. It has 
been thought that the gift to 'AH was to follow Shaibani's recovery of his own 
ancestral camping-ground (y&rt) but this is negatived, I think, by the word, 
wilayat, cultivated land. 

906 AH.JULY 28TH. 1500 TO JULY 17'ra. 
1501 AD. 1 

i. Samarkand in the hands of the Auzbegs.) 

When, acting on that woman's promise, Shaibani Khan 
ent to Samarkand, he dismounted in the Garden of the Plain- 
Lbout mid-day SI. 'AH Mirza went out to him through the 
r our-roads Gate, without a word to any of his begs or un- 
lailed braves, without taking counsel with any-one soever and 
ccompanied only by a few men of little consideration from his 
>wn close circle. The Khan, for his part, did not receive him 
r ery favourably; when they had seen one another, he seated 
lim on his less honourable hand. 2 Khwaja Yahya, on hearing 
if the Mlrza's departure, became very anxious but as he could 
ind no remedy, 3 went out also. The Khan looked at him with- 
>ut rising and said a few words in which blame had part, but 
vhen the Khwaja rose to leave, showed him the respect 
>f rising. 

As soon as Khwaja ' All 4 Bay's 5 son, Jan-'ali heard in Rabafc- 

1 Elp. MS. f. 576; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 636 and I.O. 217 f. 52 ; Mems. p. 82. 

Two contemporary works here supplement the B.N. ; (i) the (Tawdrtkh-i- 
luzlda) Nasrat-nama, dated 908 AH. (B.M. Turk! Or. 3222) of which Bcrezin's 
Sbaibani-nama is an abridgment ; (2) Muh. Salih Mir-ea's Shaibanl-nSma 
(Vambery trs. cap. xix et seq.). The U.S. (Bomb. ed. p. 302, and Tehran ed. 
p. 384) is also useful. 

3 i.e. on his right. The II.S. ii, 302 represents that 'AH was well-received. 
Alter Shaibaq had had Zuhra's overtures, he sent an envoy to 'AH and Yahya ; 
the first was not won over but the second fell in with his mother's scheme. 
This difference of view explains why 'All slipped away while Yahya was 
engaged in the Friday Mosque. It seems likely that mother and son alike 
expected their Auzbeg blood to stand them in good stead with Shaibaq. 

3 He tried vainly to get the town defended. " Would to God Babur Mirza 
were here !" he is reported as saying, by Muh. Kalih. 

4 Perhaps it is for the play of words on 'AH and 'All's life (fan) that this 
man makes his sole appearance here. 

8 i.e. rich man or merchant, but El (infra) is an equivalent of Beg. 



i-khwaja of the Mirza's going to Shaibani Khan, he also went. 
As for that calamitous woman who, in her folly, gave her son's 

iol. 80*. house and possessions to the winds in order to get herself a 
husband, Shaibani Khan cared not one atom for her, indeed 
did not regard her as the equal of a mistress or a concubine. 1 
. Confounded by his own act, SI. 'All Mirza's repentance was 
extreme. Some of his close circle, after hearing particulars, 
planned for him to escape with them but to this he would 
not agree ; his hour had come ; he was not to be freed. He 
had dismounted in Tirnur Sultan's quarters ; three or four days 
later they killed him in Plough-meadow. 2 For a matter of this 
five-days' mortal life, he died with a bad name ; having entered 
into. a woman's affairs, he withdrew himself from the circle of 
men of good repute. Of such people's doings no more should 
be written ; of acts so shameful, no more should be heard. 

The Mirza having been killed, Shaibani Khan sent Jan-'alt 
after his Mirza. He had apprehensions also about Khwaja 
Yahya and therefore dismissed him, with his two sons, Khwaja 
Muh. Zakariya and Khwaja Baqi, towards Khurasan. 3 A few 
Auzbegs followed them and near Khwaja Kardzan martyred 
both the Khwaja and his two young sons. Though Shaibani's 

Foi. Si. worc j s W ere, ' Not through me the Khwaja's^affair ! Qanibar Bi 
and Kiipuk Bi did it,' this is worse than that ! There is a 
proverb, 4 ' His excuse is worse than his fault,' for if begs, out 
of their own heads, start such deeds, unknown to their Khans, 
or Padshahs, what becomes of the authority of khanship and. 
and sovereignty ? 

(b. Babur leaves Kesh and crosses the Mura pass.) 

Since the Auzbegs were in possession of Samarkand, we left 
Kesh and went in the direction of Hisar. With us started off 

1 Muh. Salih, invoking curses on such a mother, mentions that Zuhra was 
given to a person of her own sort. 

2 The Sh. N. and Nasrat-nama attempt to lift the blame of 'All's death 
from Shaibaq ; the second saying that he fell into the Kohik-water when 

3 Harat might be his destination but the II.S. names Makka. Some,- 
dismissals towards Khurasan may imply pilgrimage to Meshhed. 

* Used also by Babur's daughter, Gul-badan (I.e. f. 31). 

906 AH. JULY 28TH. 1500 TO JULY 17TH. 1501 AD. 129 

uh. Mazid Tarkhan and the Samarkand begs under his 
nrmand, together with their wives and families and people, 
t when we dismounted in the Chultii meadow of Chaghanlan, 
ey parted from us, went to Khusrau Shah and became his 

Cut off from our own abiding-town and country, 1 not know- 
where (else) to go or where to stay, we were obliged to 
iverse the very heart of Khusrau Shah's districts, spite of 
tat measure of misery he had inflicted on the men of our 
nasty ! 

One of our plans had been to go to my younger Khan dada, 
. Alacha Khan, by way of Qara-tlgm and the Alai, 2 but this 
.s not managed. Next we were for going up the valley of 
5 Kam torrent and over the Sara-taq pass (dabdn). When 
were near Nundak, a servant of Khusrau Shah brought 
s one set of nine horses 8 and one of nine pieces of cloth. 
hen we dismounted at the mouth of the Kam valley, Sher- Fol. 
!, the page, deserted to Khusrau Shah's brother, Wall and, 
ft day, Qiich Beg parted from us and went to JJisar. 4 
We entered the valley and made bur way up it. On its 
ep and narrow roads and at its sharp and precipitous 
Idles 5 many horses and camels were left. Before we reached 
i Sara-taq pass we had (in 25 m.) to make three or .four 
ht-halts. A pass ! and what a pass ! Never was such a 
ep and narrow pass seen ; never were traversed such ravines 
1 precipices. Those dangerous narrows and sudden falls, 
'se perilous heights and knife-edge saddles, we got through 
h much difficulty and suffering, with countless hardships 
1 miseries. Amongst the Fan mountains is a large lake 
kandar) ; it is 2 miles in circumference, a beautiful lake and 
: devoid of marvels. 8 

Cut ofi by alien lands and weary travel. 

The Pers. annotator of the Elph. Codex has changed Alai to wMyat, and 

In (pass) to yan, side. Forthe difficult route see Schuyler, i, 275, Kostenko, 

.9 and Rickmers, JRGS, 1907, art. Fan Valley. 

Amongst Turks and Mughuls, gifts were made by nines. 

Hisar was his earlier home. 

Many of these will have been climbed in order to get over places impassable * 

ie river's level. 

Schuyler quotes a legend of the lake. He and Kostenko make it larger. 



News came that Ibrahim Tarkh&n had strengthened Fort 
Shiraz and was seated in it ; also that Qambar-'ali (the Skinner) 
and Abu'l-qasim Kohbur, the latter not being able to stay in 
Khwaja Didar with the Auzbegs in Samarkand, had both 
come into Yar-yilaq, strengthened its lower forts and occupied 

Leaving Fan on our right, we moved on for Keshtiid. The 
head-man of Fan had a reputation for hospitality, generosity, 
Fol. 82. serviceableness and kindness. He had given tribute of 70 or 
80 horses to SI. Mas'iid Mirza at the time the Mirza, when 
SI. Husain Mirza made attack on Hisar, went through Fan on 
his way to his younger brother, Bai-sunghar Mirza in Samar- 
kand. He did like service to others. To me he sent one 
second-rate horse; moreover he did not wait on me himself. 
So it was ! Those renowned for liberality became misers when 
they had to do with me, and the politeness of the polite was 
forgotten. Khusrau Shah was celebrated for liberality and 
kindness ; what service he did BadiVz-zaman Mirza. has been 
mentioned; to Baqi Tarkhan and other begs he shewed great 
generosity also. Twice I happened to pass through his 
country j 1 not to speak of courtesy shewn to my peers, what he 
shewed to my lowest servants he did not shew to me, indeed 
he shewed less regard for us than for them. 

(Turkfj Who, o my heart ! has seen goodness from worldlings ? 
Look not for goodness from him who has none. 

Under the impression that the Auzbegs were in Keshtiid, we 
made an excursion to it, after passing Fan. Of itself it seemed 
Fol. 82*5. to have gone to ruin ; no-one seemed to be occupying it. We 
went on to the bank of the Kohik-water (Zar-afshan) and there 
dismounted. From that place we sent a few begs under 
Qasim Quchin to surprise Rabafc-i-khwaja ; that done, we 
crossed the river by a bridge from opposite Yari, went through 
Yar! and over the Shunqar-khana (Falcons'-home) range into 
Yar-yilaq. Our begs went to Rabafc-i-khwaja and had set up 
ladders when the men within came to know about them and 

1 The second occasion was when he crossed from Sukh for Kabul in 910 AH. 
(fol. 120). 

906 AH. JULY 28TH. 1500 TO JULY 17TH. 1501 AD. 131 

ced them to retire. As they could not take the fort, they 
oined us. 

Babur renews attack on Samarkand,} 

Qambar-'ali (the Skinner) was (still) holding Sangzar; he 
ne and saw us ; Abu'l-qasim Kohbur and Ibrahim Tarkhan 
rwed loyalty and attachment by sending efficient men for 
r service. We went into Asfidik (var. Asflndik), one of the 
r-yilaq villages. At that time Shaibaq Khan lay. near 
iwaja Dldar with 3 or 4000 Aiizbegs and as many more 
diers gathered in locally. He had given the Government of 
markand to Jan-wafa, and Jan-wafa was then in the fort 
& 500 or 600 men. Hamza SI. and Mahdi SI. were lying 

ir the fort, in the Quail-reserve. Our men, good and bad 

Fol. 83 

re 240. 

Having discussed the position with all my begs and unmailed 
ives, we left it at this ; that as Shaibani Khan had taken 
ssession of Samarkand so recently, the Samarkandis would 
t be attached to him nor he to them ; that if we made an 
Drt at once, we might do the thing ; that if we set ladders up 
d took the fort by surprise, the Samarkandis would be for 
; how should they not be ? even if they gave us no help, 
3y would not- fight us for the Aiizbegs ; and that Samarkand 
ce in our hands, whatever was God's will, would happen. 
Acting on this decision, we rode out of Yar-yilaq after the 
id-day Prayer, and on through the dark till mid-night when 
5 reached Khan-yurti. Here we had word that the Samar- 
ndis knew of our coming ; for this reason we went no nearer 
the town but made straight back from Khan-yurtL It was 
wn when, after crossing the Kohik-water below Rabat-i- 
iwaj'a, we were once more in Yar-yilaq. 

One day in Fort Asfidik a household party was sitting in my 
esence ; Dost-i-nasir and Nuyan 1 Kukulddsh and Khan-quli- 
Carlm-dad and Shaikh Darwesh and Mirlm-i-nasir were ^ all 
ere. Words were crossing from all sides when (I said), 
;ome now! say when, if God bring it right, we shall take Fol. 8 3 t>. 
This name appears to indicate a Command of 10,000 (Bretschneider's 
:dicsval Researches, i, 112). 


Samarkand.' Some said, ' We shall take it in the heats.' 
was then late in autumn. Others said, ' In a month,' ' For 
days/ 'Twenty days.' Nuyan Kukulddsh said, 'We shs 
take it in 14.' God shewed him right ! we did take it i 
exactly 14 days. 

Just at that time I had a wonderful dream ; His Highne: 
Khwaja 'Ubaid'1-lah (Ahrdri) seemed to come; I seemed 1 
go out to give him honourable meeting ; he came in and seate 
himself; people seemed to lay a table-cloth before hir 
apparently without sufficient care and, on account of thi 
something seemed to come into his Highness Khwaja's min< 
Mulla Baba (? Pashdghari) made me a sign; I signed bac 
' Not through me ! the table-layer is in fault !' The Khwa 
understood and accepted the excuse. 1 When he rose, 
escorted him out. In the hall of that house he took hold < 
either my right or left arm and lifted me up till one of my fe' 
was off the ground, saying, in Turki, ' Shaikh Maslahat hi 
given (Samarkand.)' 2 I really took Samarkand a few da] 

(d. Babur takes Samarkand by surprise.) 

In two or three days move was made from Fort Asfidik 1 
Fort Wasmand. Although by our first approach, we had li 
Foi. 84. our plan be known, we put our trust in God and made anoth< 
expedition to Samarkand. It was after the Mid-day Pray< 
that we rode out of Fort Wasmand, Khwaja Abu'l-makara] 
accompanying us. By mid-night we reached the Deep-foss< 
bridge in the Avenue. From there we sent forward a detacl 
ment of 70 or 80 good men who were to set up ladders opposii 
the Lovers'-cave, mount them and get inside, stand up to thoj 
in the Turquoise Gate, get possession of it and send a ma 

1 It seems likely that the cloth was soiled. Cf. f. 25 and Hughes Diet, i 
Islam s.n. Eating. 

2 As, of the quoted speech, one word only, of three, is Turki, others may ha'' 
been dreamed . Shaikh Maslahat's tomb is in Khujand where Babur had four 
refuge in 903 AH. ; it had been circumambulated by TImu'r in 790 AH. (1390 AD 

. and is still honoured. 

This account of a dream compares well for naturalness with that in tl 
seemingly-spurious passage, entered with the Ilai. MS. on f. .118. F< 
examination of the passage see JRAS, Jan. 1911, and App. D. 

906 AH. JULY 28TH. 1500 TO JULY 17TH. 1501 AD. 133 


> me. Those braves went, set their ladders up opposite the 
overs'-cave, got in without making anyone aware, went to the 
ate, attacked Fazi! Tarkhan, chopped at him and his few 
:tainers, killed them, broke the lock with an axe and opened 
le Gate. At that moment I came up and went in. 

(Author's note on Fazil Tarkhan.) He was not one of those (Samar- 
kand) Tarkhans ; he was a merchant -tarkhan of Turkistan. He had 
served Shaibani Khan in Turkistan and had found favour with him. 1 

Abu'l-qasim Kohbur himself had not come with us but had 
;nt 30 or 40 of his retainers under his younger brother, Ahmad- 
qasim. No man of Ibrahim Tarkhan's was with us; his 
Dunger brother, Ahmad Tarkhan came with a few retainers 
fter I had entered the town and taken post in the Monastery. Foi. 

The towns-people were still slumbering; a few traders 
eeped out of their shops, recognized me and put up prayers. 
Vhen, a little later, the news spread through the town, there 
p as rare delight and satisfaction for our men and the towns- 
>lk. They killed the Auzbegs in the lanes and gullies with 
lubs and stones like mad dogs ; four or five hundred were 
illed in this fashion. Jan-wafa, the then governor, was living 
i Khwaja Yahya's house ; he fled and got away to Shaibaq 
[han. 2 

On entering the Turquoise Gate I went straight to the 
College and took post over the arch of the Monastery. There 
'as a hubbub and shouting of ' Down ! down !' till day-break, 
ome of the notables and traders, hearing what was happening, 
ame joyfully to see me, bringing what food was ready and 
utting up prayers for me. At day-light we had news that the 
.uzbegs were fighting in the Iron Gate where they had made 
lemselves fast between the (outer and inner) doors. With 
o, 15 or 20 men, I at once set off for the Gate but before I 
ame up, the town-rabble, busy ransacking every corner of the 
ewly-taken town for loot, had driven the Auzbegs out through 

1 He was made a Tarkhan by diploma of Shaiban! (IT. S. ii, 306, 1. 2). 

2 Here the Ilai. MS. begins to use the word Shaibaq in place of its previously 
aiform Shaibani. As has been noted (f.' 56 n. 2), the Elph. MS. writes 
haibaq. It may be therefore that a scribe has changed the earlier part 
i the Ilai. MS. and that Babur wrote Shaibaq. From this point my text 
ill follow the double authority of the Elph. and Hai. MSS. 



Fol. 85. it. Shaibaq Khan, on hearing what was happening, hurried at 
sun-rise to the Iron Gate with 100 or 140 men. His coming 
was a wonderful chance but, as has been said, my men were 
very few. Seeing that he could do nothing, he rode off at once. 
From the Iron Gate I went to the citadel and there dismounted, 
at the Bii-stan palace. Men of rank and consequence and 
various head-men came to me there, saw me and invoked 
blessings on me. 

Samarkand for nearly 140 years had been the capital of 
our dynasty. An alien, and of what stamp ! an Auzbeg foe, 
had taken possession of it ! It had slipped from our hands ; 
God gave it again ! plundered and ravaged, our own returned 
to us. 

SI. Husain Mirza took Harat 1 as we took Samarkand, by 
surprise, but to the experienced, and discerning, and just, it- 
will be clear that between his affair and mine there are dis- 
tinctions and differences, and that his capture and mine are 
things apart. 

Firstly there is this; He had ruled many years, passed 
through much experience and seen many affairs. 

Secondly ; He had for opponent, Yadgar Muh. Nasir Mirza, 
Foi. 85*, an inexperienced boy of 17 or 18. 

Thirdly; (Yadgar Mirza' s) Head-equerry, Mir 'AH, a person 
well-acquainted with the particulars of the whole position, sent 
a man out from amongst SI. Ilusain Mirza's opponents to bring 
him to surprise them. 

Fourthly ; His opponent was not in the fort but was in the 
Ravens'-garden. Moreover Yadgar Muh. Nasir Mirza and his 
followers are said to have been so prostrate with drink that 
three men only were in the Gate, they also drunk. 

Fifthly ; he surprised and captured Harat the first time he- 
approached it. 

On the other hand : firstly ; I was 19 when I took Samarkand. 

Secondly ; I had as my opponent, such a man as Shaibaq 
Khan, of mature age and an eye-witness of many affairs. 

1 In 875 AH. (1470 AD.). Husain was then 32 years old. Babur might 
have compared his taking of Samarkand with Timur's capture of Qarshi, 
also with 240 followers (?.N. i, 127). Firishta (lith. ed. p. 196) ascribes his 
omission to do so to reluctance to rank himself with his great ancestor. 

906 AH. JULY 28TH. 1500 TO JULY 17TH. 1501 AD. 135 

Thirdly; No-one came out of Samarkand to me; though 
s heart of its people was towards me, no-one could dream of 
ming, from dread of Shaibaq Khan. 

Fourthly; My foe was in the fort; not only was the fort 
ken but he was driven off. 

Fifthly ; I had come once already ; my opponent was on his 
.ard about me. The second time we came, God brought it 
sjht ! Samarkand was won. 

In saying these things there is no desire to be-little the 
putation of any man ; the facts were as here stated. In Fol. 86. 
riting these things, there is no desire to magnify myself ; the 
uth is set down. 

The poets composed chronograms on the victory ; this one 
mains in my memory ; Wisdom answered, ' Know that its 
ite is the Victory (Path] of Babur Bahadur.' 
Samarkand being taken, Shavdar and Soghd and the tumdns 
id nearer forts began, one after another, to return to us. 
rom some their Auzbeg commandants fled in fear and 
caped ; from others the inhabitants drove them and came in 
us; in some they made them prisoner, and held the forts 
r us. 

Just then the wives and families of Shaibaq Khan and his 
uzbegs arrived from Turkistan ;* he was lying near Khwaja 
idar and 'Ali-abad but when he saw the forts and people 
turning to me, marched off towards Bukhara. By God's 
ace, all the forts of Soghd and Miyan-kal returned to me 
ithin three or four months. Over and above this, Baqi 
a.rkhan seized this opportunity to occupy Qarshi; Khuzar 
id Qarshi (? Kesh) both went out of Auzbeg hands ; Qara-kul Fol. 86', 
so was taken from them by people of Abu'l-muhsin Mirza 
lai-qara), coming up from Merv. My affairs were in a very 
x)d way. 

. Birth of Itabur's first child.) 

After our departure (last year) from Andijan, my mothers 
id my wife and relations came, .with a hundred difficulties and 

1 This arrival shews that Shaibani expected to stay in Samarkand. He 
ad been occupying Turkistan under The (Jhaghatal Khan. 


hardships, to Auratipa. We now sent for them to Samarkand. 
Within a few days after their arrival, a daughter was born to 
me by 'Ayisha-sultan Begim, my first wife, the daughter of 
SI. Ahmad Mirza. They named the child Fakhru'n-nisa" 
(Ornament of women) ; she was my first-born, I was 19. In a 
month or 40 days, she went to God's mercy. 

(/. Bdbur in Samarkand.) 

On taking Samarkand, envoys and summoners were sent off 
at once, and sent again and again, with reiterated request for 
aid and reinforcement, to the khans and sultans and begs and 
marchers on every side. Some, though experienced men, made 
foolish refusal ; others whose relations towards our family had 
been discourteous and unpleasant, were afraid for themselves 
and took no notice ; others again, though they sent help, sent 
it insufficient. Each such case will be duly mentioned. 

When Samarkand was taken the second time, 'Ali-sher Beg 
FoL 87. was alive. We exchanged letters once ; on the back of mine 
to him I wrote one of my Turk! couplets. Before his reply 
reached me, separations (tafarqa) and disturbances (ghughd) 
had happened. 1 Mulla Bina'i had been taken iuto Shaibaq 
Khan's service when the latter took possession of Samarkand ; 
he stayed with him until a few days after I took the place, 
when he came into the town to me. Qasim Beg had his 
suspicions about him and consequently dismissed him towards 
Shahr-i-sabz but, as he was a man of parts, and as no fault of 
his came to light, I had him fetched back. He constantly 
presented me with odes (qaida u ghazal). He brought me a 
song in the Nawa mode composed to my name and at the 
same time the following quatrain ; 2 

1 'Ali-sher died Jan. 3rd. 1501. It is not clear to what disturbances Babur 
refers. He himself was at ease till after April aoth. 1502 and his defeat at 
Sar-i-pul. Possibly the reference is to the quarrels between Bina'i and 
'Ali-sher. Cf. Sam Mirza's Anthology, trs. S. de Sa9y, Notices et Extraits iv, 
287 et seq. 

2 I surmise a double play-of -words in this verse. One is on two rhyming 
"words, ghala and mallah and is illustrated by rendering them as oat and coat. 
The other is on pointed and unpointed letters, i.e. ghala and 'ala. We cannot, 
find however a Persian word 'ala, meaning garment. 

906 AH. JULY 28m 1500 TO JULY 17TH. 1501 AD. 137 

No grain (ghala) have I by which I can be fed (noshtd) ', 

No rhyme of grain (mallah, nankeen) wherewith I can be clad (poshid) ', 

The man wha lacks both food and clothes, 

In art or science where can he compete (koshid) ? 

In those days of respite, I had written one or two couplets 
>ut had not completed an ode. As an answer to Mulla Bina'i 
made up and set this poor little Turk! quatrain ; l 

As is the wish of your heart, so shall it be (bulghusidiir) ; 

For gift and stipend both an order shall be made (buyurulghusidur) ; 

I know the grain and its rhyme you write of ; 

The garments, you, your house, the corn shall fill (ttilghusidiir). 

The Mulla in return wrote and presented a quatrain to me in Foi. 875. 
vhich for his refrain, he took a rhyme to (the tulghusidur of) 
ny last line and chose another rhyme ; 

Mirza-of-mine, the Lord of sea and land shall be (ylr bulghiistdur) ; 

His art and skill, world o'er, the evening tale shall be (satnar bulghusidur) ; 

If gifts like these reward one rhyming (or pointless) word ; 

For words of sense, what guerdon will there be (nilar bulghusldftr) ? 

Abu'l-barka, known as Fardqi (Parted), who just then had 
come to Samarkand from Shahr-i-sabz, said Bina'i ought to 
have rhymed. He made this verse ; 

Into Time's wrong to you quest shall be made (swulghusldur) ', 
Your wish the Sultan's grace from Time shall ask (qulghiisidur) ; 
O Ganymede ! our cups, ne'er filled as yet, 
In this new Age, brimmed-up, filled full shall be (tulghiisidur). 

Though this winter our affairs were in a very good way and 
Shaibaq Khan's were on the wane, one or two occurrences were 
somewhat of a disservice; (i) the Merv men who had taken 
Qara-kul, could not be persuaded to stay there and it went 
back into the hands of the Aiizbegs ; (2) Shaibaq Khan besieged 
Ibrahim Tarkhan's younger brother, Ahmad in Dabusi, stormed 
the place and made a general massacre of its inhabitants before 
the army we were collecting was ready to march. 

With 240 proved men I had taken Samarkand ; in the next Foi. 88>, 
five or six months, things so fell out by the favour of the Most 
High God, that, as will be told, we fought the arrayed battle of 
Sar-i-pul with a man like Shaibaq Khan. The help those 

1 Babur's refrain is ghusldur, his rhymes bul, (buyur)ul and tul. Bina'i 
makes bitlghiisidur his refrain but his rhymes are not true viz. yir, (sa)ntar 
and lar. 


round-about gave us was as follows; From The Khan had 
come, with 4 or 5000- Banns, Ayub Begchlk and Qashka 
Mahmud ; from Jahanglr Mirza had come Khalil, Tambal's 
younger brother, with 100 or 200 men ; not a man had come 
from SI. Husain Mirza, that experienced ruler, than whom 
none knew better the deeds and dealings of Shaibaq Khan ; none 
came from Badfu'z-zaman Mirza; none from Khusrau Shah 
because he, the author of what evil done, as has been told, 
to our dynasty ! feared us more than he feared Shaibaq Khan. 

(g. JBabur defeated at Sar-i-pul.) 

I marched out of Samarkand, with the wish of fighting 
Shaibaq Khan, in the month of Shawwal 1 and went to the 
New-garden where we lay four or five days for the convenience 
of gathering our men and completing our equipment. ' We 
took the precaution of fortifying our camp with ditch and 
branch. From the New-garden we advanced, march by march, 
to beyond Sar-i-pul (Bridge-head) and there dismounted. 
Fol. 88/5. Shaibaq Khan came from the opposite direction and dis- 
mounted at Khwaja Kardzan, perhaps one ylghdch away 
(? 5 m.). We lay there for four or five days. Every day our 
people went from our side and his came from theirs and fell on 
one another. One day when they were in unusual force, there 
was much fighting but neither side had the advantage. Out of 
that engagement one of our men went rather hastily back into 
the entrenchments; he was using a standard; some said it 
was Sayyidi Qara Beg's standard who really was a man of 
strong words but weak sword. , Shaibaq Khan made one 
night-attack on us but could do nothing because the camp was 
protected by ditch and close-set branches. His men raised 
their war-cry, rained in arrows from outside the ditch and then 

In the work for the coming battle I exerted myself greatly 
and took all precautions ; Qambar-'ali also did much. In 
Kesh lay Baq! Tarkhan with 1000 to 2000 men, in a position 
to join us after a couple of days. In Diyul, 4 ylghdch off 

1 Shawwal 906 AH. began April zoth. 1501. 

906 AH. JULY 28TH. 1500 TO JULY 17TH. 1501 AD. 139 

1 20 m.), lay Sayyid Muh. Mirza Dughldt, bringing me 1000 to 
DOO men from my Khan dada ; he would have joined me at Foi. 
awn. With matters in this position, we hurried on the fight ! 

Who lays -with haste his hand on the sword, 
Shall lift to his teeth the back-hand of regret. 1 

The reason I was so eager to engage was that on the day of 
attle, the Eight stars 2 were between the two armies; they 
r ould have been in the enemy's rear for 13 or 14 days if the 
ght had been deferred. I now understand that these consider- 
"ions are worth nothing and that our haste was without reason. 
As we wished to fight, we marched from our camp at dawn, 
e in our mail, our horses in theirs, formed up in array of right 
nd left, centre and van. Our right was Ibrahim Sdru, Ibrahim 
ini, Abu'l-qasim Kohbnr and other begs. Our left was Muh. 
tazid Tarkhan, Ibrahim Tarkhan and other Samarkand! begs, 
iso SI. Husain Arghun, Qara (Black) B arias, Pir Ahmad and 
^hwaja Husain. Qasim Beg was (with me) in the centre and 
.so several of my close circle and household. In the van were 
iscribed Qambar-'ali the Skinner, Banda-'all, Khwaja 'AH, 
[ir Shah Quchln, Sayyid Qasim, Lord of the Gate, Banda- 
,l!'s younger brother Khaldar (mole-marked) and Haidar-i- 
Isim's son Quch, together with all the good braves there 
ere, and the rest of the household 

Thus arrayed, we marched from our camp ; the enemy, also 
array, marched out from his. His right was Mahmud and 
in! and Timur Sultans ; his left, Hamza and Mahdi and some Foi. 
;her sultans. When our two armies approached one another, 
i wheeled his right towards our rear. To meet this, I 
.rned ; this left our van, in which had been inscribed what 
)t of our best braves and tried swordsmen ! to our right and 
ired our front (i.e. the front of the centre). None-the-less we 
ught those who made the front-attack on us, turned them 
id forced them back on their own centre. So far did we 
.rry it that some of Shaibaq Khan's old chiefs said to him, 
>Ve must move off! It is past a stand.' He however held 
st. His right beat our left, then wheeled (again) to our rear. 

1 From the BU-stan, Graf ed. p. 55, 1. 246. 

3 Siklz Yflduz. See Chardin's Voyages, v, 136 and Table; also Stanley 

me Poole's Bdbur, p. 56. 


(As has been said), the front of our centre was bare through 
our van's being left to the right. The enemy attacked us front 
and rear, raining in arrows on us. (Ayub Begchik's) Mughul 
army, come for our help ! was of no use in fighting ; it set to 
work forthwith to unhorse and plunder our men. Not this 
Foi. 90. once only ! This is always the way with those ill-omened 
Mughuls ! If they win, they grab at booty ; if they lose, they 
unhorse and pilfer their own side! We drove back the 
Auzbegs who attacked our front by several vigorous assaults, 
but those who had wheeled to our rear came up and rained 
arrows on our standard. Falling on us in this way, from the 
front and from the rear, they made our men hurry off. 

This same turning-movement is one of the great merits of 
Auzbeg righting; no battle of theirs is ever without it. Another 
merit of theirs is that they all, begs and retainers, from their 
front to their rear, ride, loose-rein at the gallop, shouting as they 
come and, in retiring, do not scatter but ride off, at the gallop, 
in a body. 

Ten or fifteen men were left with me. The Kohik-water 
was close by, the point of our right had rested on it. We 
made straight for it. It was the season when it comes down in 
flood. We rode right into it, man and horse in mail. It was 
just fordable for half-way over; after that it had to be swum. 
For more than an arrow's flight 1 we, man and mount in mail ! 
made our horses swim and so got across. Once out of the 
water, we cut off the horse-armour and let it lie. By thus 
Foi. go/5, passing to the north bank of the river, we were free of our foes, 
but at once Mughul wretches were the captors and pillagers of 
one after another of my friends. Ibrahim Tarkhan and some 
others, excellent braves all, were unhorsed and killed by 
Mughuls. 2 We moved along the north bank of the Kohik-river, 

1 In 1791 AD. Muh. Effendi shot 482 yards from a Turkish bow, before 
the R. Tox. S. ; not a good shot, he declared. Longer ones are on record. 
See Payne-Gallwey's Cross-bow and AQR. 1911, H. Beveridge's Oriental 

2 In the margin of the Elph. Codex, here, stands a Persian verse which 
appears more likely to be Humayun's than Babur's. It is as follows : 

Were the Mughul race angels, they would be bad ; 
Written in gold, the name Mughul would be bad ; 

906 AH. JULY 28TH. 1500 TO JULY 17TH. 1501 AD. 141 

scrossed it near Qulba, entered the town by the Shaikh-zada's 
rate and reached the citadel in the middle of the afternoon. 

Begs of our greatest, braves of our best and many men 
erished in that fight. There died Ibrahim Tarkhan, Ibrahim 
*aru and Ibrahim Jam; oddly enough three great begs named 
brahim perished. There died also Haidar-i-qasirn's eldest 
on, Abu'l-qasim Kohbur,a.nd Khudai-birdi Tughchl and Khalil, 
?ambal's younger brother, spoken of already several times, 
lany of our men fled in different directions; Muh. Mazid 
"arkhan went towards Qunduz and Hisar for Khusrau Shah. Foi. 91. 
!ome of the household and of the braves, such as Karim-dad-i- 
Chudai-birdi Turkman and Janaka Kukulddsh and Mulla Baba 
f Pashaghar got away to Aura-tfpa. Mulla Baba at that time 
/as not in my service but had gone out with me in a guest's 
a.shion. Others again, did what Shenm Taghai and his band 
lid; though he had come back with me into the town and 
hough when consultation was had, he had agreed with the 
est to make the fort fast, looking for life or death within it, 
r et spite of this, and although my mothers and sisters, elder 
,nd younger, stayed on in Samarkand, he sent off their wives 
.nd families to Aura-tfpa and remained himself with just a few 
nen, all unencumbered. Not this once only ! Whenever hard 
rork had to be done, low and double-minded action was the 
hing to expect from him ! 

h. Bdbur besieged in Samarkand.) 

Next day, I summoned Khwaja Abu'l-makaram, Qasim and 
he other begs, the household and such of the braves as were 
.dmitted to our counsels, when after consultation, we resolved 
o make the fort fast and to look for life or death within it. 

and Qasim Beg with my close circle and household were the 

Pluck not an ear from the Mughal's corn-land, 
What is sown with Mughul seed will be bad. 

This verse is written into the text of the First W.-i-B. (I.O. 215 f. 72) and 
s introduced by a scribe's statement that it is by an Hazrat, much as notes 
mown to be Humayun's are elsewhere attested in the Elph. Codex. It is not 
n the Hai. and Kehr's MSS. nor with, at least many, good copies of the 
iecond W.-i-B. 


reserve. For convenience in this I took up quarters in the 
middle of the town, in tents pitched on the roof of Aulugh Beg 

Foi. gib. Mjrza's College. To other begs and braves posts were assigned 
in the Gates or on the ramparts of the walled-town. 

Two or three days later, Shaibaq Khan dismounted at some 
distance from the fort. On this, the town-rabble came out of 
lanes and wards, in crowds, to the College gate, shouted good 
wishes for me and went out to fight in mob-fashion. Shaibaq 
Khan had got to horse but could not so much as approach the 
town. Several days went by in this fashion. The mob and 
rabble, knowing nothing of sword and arrow-wounds, never 
witnesses of the press and carnage of a stricken field, through 
these incidents, became bold and began to sally further and 
further out. If warned by the braves against going out so 
incautiously, they broke into reproach. 

One day when Shaibaq Khan had directed his attack towards 
the Iron Gate, the mob, grown bold, went out, as usual, 
daringly and far. To cover their retreat, we sent several braves 
towards the Camel's- neck, 1 foster- brethren and some of the 
close household-circle, such as Nuyan Kukulddsh, Qul-nazar 
(son of Sherim ?) Taghai Beg, and Mazid. An Auzbeg or two 

Foi. 92. put their horses at them and with Qul-nazar swords were 
crossed. The rest of the Auzbegs dismounted and brought 
their strength to bear on the rabble, hustled them off and 
rammed them in through the Iron Gate. Quch Beg and Mir 
Shah Quchin had dismounted at the side of Khwaja Khizr's 
Mosque and were making a stand there. While the townsmen 
were being moved off by those on foot, a party of mounted 
Atizbegs rode towards the Mosque. Qiich Beg came out when 
they drew near and exchanged good blows with them. He did 
distinguished work ; all stood to watch. Our fugitives below 
were occupied only with their own escape ; for them the time 
to shoot arrows and make a tand had gone by. I was shoot- 
ing with a slur-bow 2 from above the Gate and some of my circle 

1 This subterranean water-course, issuing in a flowing well (Erskine) gave 
its name to a bastion (H.S. ii, 300). 

2 nawak, a diminutive of nao, a tube. It is described, in a MS. of Babur's 
time, by Muh. Budha'i, and, in a second of later date, by Aminu'd-dm (AQR 
1911, H.B.'s Oriental Cross-bows). 

906 AH. JULY 28TH. 1500 TO JULY 17ra. 1501 AD. 143 

/ere shooting arrows (auq) . Our attack from above kept the 
;nemy from advancing beyond the Mosque; from there he 

During the siege, the round of the ramparts was made each 
light; sometimes I went, sometimes Qasim Beg, sometimes 
me of the household Begs. Though from the Turquoise to the 
Jhaikh-aada's Gate may be ridden, the rest of the way must be Fol. 926. 
valked. When some men went the whole round on foot, it 
vas dawn before they had finished. 1 

One day Shaibaq Khan attacked between the Iron Gate and 
he Shaikh-zada's. I, as the reserve, went to the spot, without 
,nxiety about the Bleaching-ground and Needle-makers' Gates. 
That day, (?) in a shooting wager (auq auchlda), I made a good 
ihot with a slur-bow, at a Centurion's horse. 2 It died at once 
auq bardl) with the arrow (auq blla). They made such a 
ngorous attack this time that they got close under the 
amparts. Busy with the fighting and the stress near, the 
!ron Gate, we were entirely off our guard about the other side 
)f the town. There, opposite the space between the Needle- 
nakurs' and Bleaching-ground Gates, the enemy had posted 
r or 800 good men in arnbush, having with them 24 or 25 
adders so wide that two or three could mount abreast. These 
nen came from their ambush when the attack near the Iron 
3rate, by occupying all our men, had left those other posts 
:mpty, and quickly set up their ladders between the two Gates, Fol. 93. 
ust where a road leads from the ramparts to Muh. Mazld 
Tarkhan's houses. That post was Quch Beg's and Muhammad- 
juli Quchln's, with their detachment of braves, and they had 
heir quarters in Muh. Majzid's houses. In the Needle-makers' 
Sate was posted Qara (Black) Barlds, in the Bleaching-ground 
jrate, Qutluq Khwaja Kiikulddsh with Sherirn Taghai and his 
>rethren, older and younger. As^attack was being made on 
he other side of the town, /tHe~men attached to these posts 
vere not on guard but had Scattered to their quarters or to the 

1 Kostenko, i, 344, would make the rounds 9 m. 

2 blr yuz atliqning 3fRnl ndwak auql blla yakhshi atlm. TMs has been read 
>y Erskine as though bus at, pale horse, and not yuz atttq, Centurion, were 
ratten. De. C. translates by Centurion and a marginal note of the Elph. 
^odex explains yuz atliq by sad aspagi. 


bazar for necessary matters of service and servants' work. 
Only the begs were at their posts, with one or two of the 
populace. Qiich Beg and Miihammad-quli and Shah Sufi and 
one other brave did very well and boldly. Some Auzbegs were 
on the ramparts, some were coming up, when these four men 
arrived at a run, dealt them blow upon blow, and, by energetic 
drubbing, forced them all down and put them to flight. Qiich 
Beg did best ; this was his out-standing and, approved good 
deed; twice during this siege, he got his hand into the work. 
Qara Barlds had been left alone in the Needle-makers' Gate ; 
he also held out well to the end. Qutluq Khwaja and Qul- 
nazar Mirza were also at their posts in the Bleaching-ground 
Gate ; they held out well too, and charged the foe in his rear. 

Another time Qasim Beg led his braves out through the 
Fi. 93*- Needle-makers' Gate, pursued the Aiizbegs as far as Khwaja 
Kafsher, unhorsed some and returned with a few heads. 

It was now the time of ripening rain but no-one brought 
new corn into the town. The long siege caused great privation 
to the towns-people j 1 it went so far that the poor and destitute 
began to eat the flesh of dogs and asses and, as there was little 
grain for the horses, people fed them on leaves. Experience 
shewed that the leaves best suiting were those of the mulberry 
and elm (qara-ylghach}. Some people scraped dry wood and 
gave the shavings, damped, to their horses. 

For three or four months Shaibaq Khan did not come near 
the fort but had it invested at some distance and himself moved 
round it from post to post. Once when our men were off their 
guard, at mid-night, the enemy came near to the Turquoise 
Foi. 944 Gate, beat his drums and flung his war-cry out. I was in the 
College, undressed. There was great trepidation and anxiety. 
After that they came night after night, disturbing us by drum- 
ming and shouting their war-cry. 

Although envoys and messengers had been sent repeatedly 
to all sides and quarters, no help and reinforcement arrived 
from any-one. No-one had helped or reinforced me when I 
was in strength and power and had suffered no sort of defeat 

1 The Sh. N. gives the reverse side of the picture, the plenty enjoyed by 
the besiegers. 

906 AH. JULY 28TH. 1600 TO JULY 17TH. 1501 AD. 145 

3r loss ; on what score would any-one help me now ? No hope 
.n any-one whatever recommended us to prolong the siege. 
The old saying was that to hold a fort there must be a head, 
two hands and two legs, that is to say, the Commandant is the 
head ; help and reinforcement coming from two quarters are 
the two arms and the food and water in the fort are the two 
legs. While we looked for help from those round about, their 
thoughts were elsewhere. That brave and experienced ruler, 
SI. Ilusain Mirza, gave us not even the help of an encouraging 
message, but none-the-less he sent Kamalu'd-dm Husain Gazw- 
gdhi 1 as an envoy to Shaibaq Khan. 

(i. Tawibal's proceedings in Farghdna.} z 

(This year) Tambal marched from Andijan to near Bish- 
kmt. 3 Ahmad Beg and his party, thereupon, made The Khan 
move out against him. The two armies came face to face near Foi. 94*- 
Lak-lakan and the Turak Four-gardens but separated without 
engaging. SI. Mahmud was not a fighting man; now when 
opposed to Tambal, he shewed want of courage in word and 
deed. Ahmad Beg was unpolished* but brave and well-meaning. 
In his very rough way, he said, ' What's the measure of this 
person, Tambal? that you are so tormented with fear and 
fright about him. If you are afraid to look at him, bandage 
your eyes before you go out to face him.' 

1 He may have been attached to the tomb of Khwaja 'Abdu'1-lah Ansdrl 
in Harat. 

2 The brusque entry here and elsewhere of e.g. Tamb'al's affairs, allows the 
inference that Babur was quoting from perhaps a news-writer's, contemporary 
.records. For a different view of Tambal, the Sh. N. cap. xxxiii should be read . 

3 Five-villages, on the main Khujand-Tashkint road. 
* turk, as on f . 28 of Khusrau Shah. 


907 AH.JULY 17TH. 1501 TO JULY TTH. 1502 AD. 1 

(a. Surrender of Samarkand to Shaibam.) 

The siege drew on to great length ; no provisions and supplies 
came in from any quarter, no succour and reinforcement from 
any side. The soldiers and peasantry became hopeless and, by 
ones and twos, began to let themselves down outside 2 the walls 
and flee. On Shaibaq Khan's hearing of the distress in the 
town, he came and dismounted near the Lovers'-cave. I, in 
turn, went to Malik-muhammad Mirza's dwellings in Low- 
lane, over against him. On one of those days, Khwaja Husain's 
brother, Auzun Hasan 3 came into the town with 10 or 15 of his 
men, he who, as has been told, had been the cause of Jahanglr 
Mirza's rebellion, of my exodus from Samarkand (903 AH. 
March 1498 AD.) and, again ! of what an amount of sedition and 
Fo1 - 95- disloyalty ! That entry of his was a very bold act. 4 

The soldiery and townspeople became .more and more dis- 
tressed. Trusted men of my close circle began to let them- 
selves down from the ramparts and get away ; begs of known 
name and old family servants were amongst them, such as Pir 
Wais, Shaikh Wais and Wais Lagharl. 5 Of help from any side 
we utterly despaired ; no hope was left in any quarter ; our 

1 Elph. MS. i 686 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 78 and 217 f. 616 ; Mems. p. 97. 
The Kehr-Ilminsky text shews, in this year, a good example of its Persifi- 

cation. and of Dr. Ilminsky's dealings with his difficult archetype by the helj 
of the Memoirs. 

2 tashlab. The Sh. N. places these desertions as after four months oJ 

3 It strikes one as strange to find Long Ilasan described, as here, in term 
of his younger brother. The singularity may be due to the fact that Ilusaii 
was with Babur and may have invited Ilasan. It may be noted here tha 
Husain seems likely to be that father-in-law of 'Umar Shaikh mentioned o 
f. 126 and I3&. 

4 This laudatory comment I find nowhere but in the Hai. Codex. 

5 There is some uncertainty about the names of those who' left. 


907 AH. -JULY 17TH. 1501 TO JULY 7m 1502 AD. 147 

supplies and provisions were wretched, what there was was 
coming to an end ; no more came in. Meantime Shaibaq Khan 
interjected talk of peace. 1 Little ear would have been given to 
his talk of peace, if there had been hope or food from any side. 
It had to be! a sort of peace was made and we took our 
departure from the town, by the Shaikh-zada's Gate, some- 
where about midnight. 

(6. Bdbur leaves Samarkand.') 

I took my mother Khanim out with me; two t other women- 
folk went too, one was Bishka (var. Peshka)-i- Khalifa, the other, 
Minglik KukulddsL* At this exodus, my elder sister, Khan-zada 
Begim fell into Shaibaq Khan's hands. 3 In the darkness of 
that night we lost our way 4 and wandered about amongst the 
main irrigation channels of Soghd. At shoot of dawn, after a 
hundred difficulties, we got past Khwaja Didar. At the Sunnat 
Prayer we scrambled up the rising-ground of Qara-bugh. Fol. 955. 
From the north slope of Qara-bugh we hurried on past the foot 
of Juduk village and dropped down into Yilan-auti. On the 
road I raced with Qasim Beg and Qambar-'ali (the Skinner) ; 
my horse was leading when I, thinking to look at theirs behind, 
twisted myself round ; the girth may have slackened, for my 
saddle turned and I was thrown on my head to the ground. 
Although I at once got up and remounted, my brain did not 
steady till the evening ; till then this world and what went on 
appeared to me like things felt and seen in a dream or fancy. 
Towards afternoon we dismounted in Yilan-auti, there killed a 

1 The Sh. N. is interesting here as giving an eye-witness' account of the 
surrender of the town and of the part played in the surrender by Khan-zada's 
marriage (cap. xxxix). 

2 The first seems likely to be a relation of Nizamu'd-din 'AH Khalifa ; the 
second was Mole-marked, a foster-sister. The party numbered some 100 
persons of whom Abu'1-makaram was one (U.S. ii, 310). 

3 Babur's brevity is misleading ; his sister was not captured but married 
with her own and her mother's consent before attempt to leave the town was 
made. Cf. Gul-badan's H.N. f. 36 and Sh. N. Vambery, p. 145. 

4 The route taken avoided the main road for Dizak ; it can be traced by 
the physical features, mentioned by Babur, on the Fr. map of 1904. The 
Sh. N, says the night was extraordinarily dark. Departure in blinding dark- 
ness and by unusual ways shews distrust of Shaibaq's safe-conduct suggesting 
that Yahya's fate was in the minds of the fugitives. 


horse, spitted and roasted its flesh, rested our horses awhile and 
rode on. Very weary, we reached Khalila-village before the 
dawn and dismounted. From there it was gone on to Dizak. 

In Dizak just then was Hafi? Muh. DuldaYs son, Tahir. 
There, in Dizak, were fat meats, loaves of fine flour, plenty of 
sweet melons and abundance of excellent grapes. From what 
privation we came to such plenty ! From what stress to what 
repose ! 

From fear and hunger rest we won (amanl taptiiq) 

A fresh world's new-born life we won (jahanl tapluq) . 

jr l. 96. From out our minds, death's dread was chased (rafa' buldl) ; 

From our men the hunger-pang kept back (dafa' biildi). 1 

Never in all our lives had we felt such relief! never in the 
whole course of them have we appreciated security and plenty 
so highly. Joy is best and more delightful when it follows 
sorrow, ease after toil. I have been transported four or five 
times from toil to rest and from hardship to ease. 2 This was 
the first. We were set free from the affliction of such a foe 
and from, the pangs of hunger and had reached the repose of 
security and the relief of abundance. 

(c. Babur in Dikh-kat.) 

After three or four days of rest in Dizak, we set out for Aura- 
tipa. Pashaghar is a little 3 off the road but, as we had occupied 
it for some time (904 AH.), we made an excursion to it in pass- 
ing by. In Pashaghar we chanced on one of Khanim's old 
servants, a teacher 4 who had been left behind in Samarkand 
from want of a mount. We saw one another and on questioning 
her, I found she had come there on foot. 

Klmb-nigar Khanim, my mother Khanim's younger sister 5 

1 The texts differ as to whether the last two lines are prose or verse. All 
four are in Turki, but I surmise a clerical error in the refrain of the third, where 
bulub is written for buldl. 

* The second was in 908 AH. (f. 186) ; the third in 914 AH. (f. 216 b) ; the 
fourth is not described in the B.N. ; it followed Babur's defeat at Ghaj-dlwan 
in 918 AH. (Erskine's History of India, i, 325) . He had a fifth, but of a different 
kind, when he survived poison in 933 AH. (f. 305). 

3 II ai. MS. qaqdsraq ; Elph. MS. yanasraq. 

* atun, one who instructs in reading, writing and embroidery. Cf, Gul- 
badan's H.N. f. 26. The distance walked may have been 70 or So m. 

6 She was the wife of the then Governor of Aura-tlpa, Mul.i. Ilusain DugMdt 

907 AH. JULY 17TH. 1501 TO JULY 7TH. 1502 AD. 149 

ilready must have bidden this transitory world farewell ; for 
hey let Khanim and me know of it in Aura-tipa. My father's 
nother also must have died in Andijan; this too they let us Fol. 960. 
mow in Aura-tipa. 1 Since the death of my grandfather, Yunas 
han (892 AH.), Khanim had not seen her (step-)mother or her 
'ounger brother and sisters, that is to say, Shah Begim, SI. 
tfahmud Khan, Sultan-nigar Khanim and Daulat-sultan 
Chanim. The separation had lasted 13 or 14 years. To see 
hese relations she now started for Tashkint. 

After consulting with Muh. Husain -Mirza, it was settled for 
is to winter in a place called Dikh-kat 2 one of the Aura-tipa 
illages. There I deposited my impedimenta (auruq) ; then set 
>ut myself in order to visit Shah Begim and my Khan dada 
,nd various relatives. I spent a few days in Tashkint and 
waited on Shah Begim and my Khan dada. My mother's 
Ider full-sister, Mihr-nigar Khanim 3 had come from Samar- 
and and was in Tashkint. There my mother Kkanim fell very 
1 ; it was a very bad illness ; she passed through mighty risks. 

His Highness Khwajaka Khwaja, having managed to get 
ut of Samarkand, had settled down in Far-kat ; there I visited 
im. I had hoped my Khan dada would shew me affection 
nd kindness and would give me a country or a district 
bargana). He did promise me Aura-tipa but Muh. Husain 
Iirza did not make it over, whether acting on his own account Foi. 97. 
r whether upon a hint from above, is not known. After 
sending a few days with him (in Aura-tipa), I went on to 

Dikh-kat is in the Aura-tipa hill-tracts, below the range on 
le other side of which is the Macha 4 country. Its people, 
lough Sart, settled in a village, are, like Turks, herdsmen and 

1 It may be noted here that in speaking of these elder women Babur uses 
.e honorific plural, a form of rare occurrence except for such women, for 
intly persons and exceptionally for The supreme Khan. For his father he 
is never used it. 

2 This name has several variants. The village lies, in a valley-bottom, 
L the Aq-su and on a road. See Kostenko, i, 119. 

3 She had been divorced from Shaibam in order to allow him to make legal 
arriage with her niece, Khan-zada. 

* Amongst the variants of this name, I select the modern one Macha is 
e upper valley of the Zar-afshan. 


shepherds. Their sheep are reckoned at 40,000. We dis- 
mounted at the houses of the peasants in the village ; I stayed 
m a head-man's house. He was old, 70 or 80, but his mother 
was still alive. She was a woman on whom much life had been 
bestowed for she was in years old. Some relation of hers 
may have gone, (as was said), with Timur Beg's army to 
Hindustan ; l she had this in her mind and used to tell the tale. 
In Dikh-kat alone were 96 of her descendants, hers and her 
grandchildren, great-grandchildren and grandchildren's grand- 
children. Counting in the dead, 200 of her descendants were 
reckoned up. Her grandchild's grandson was a strong young 
man of 25 or 26, with full black beard. While in Dikh-kat, I 
constantly made excursions amongst the mountains round 
<yib. a bout. Generally I went bare-foot and, from doing this so 
much, my feet became so that rock and stone made no 
difference to them. 2 '- Once in one of these wanderings, a cow 
was seen, between the Afternoon and Evening prayers, going 
down by a narrow, ill-defined road. Said I, ' I wonder which 
way that road will be going ; keep your eye on that cow ; don't 
lose the cow till you know where the road comes out.' Khwaja 
Asadu'1-lah made his joke, ' If the cow loses her way,' he said, 
' what becomes of us ?' 

In the winter several of our soldiers asked for leave to 
Andijan because they could make no raids with us. 3 Qasim 
Beg said, with much insistance, * As these men are going, send 
something special of your own wear by them to Jahangir 
Mirza.' I sent my ermine cap. Again he urged, ' What harm 
would there be if you sent something for Tambal also?' 
Though I was very unwilling, yet as he urged it, I sent Tambal 
a large broad-sword which Nuyan Kukuldash had had made for 
himself in Samarkand. This very sword it was which, as will 

1 Timur took Dihll in Soi AH. (Dec, 1398), i.e. 103 solar and 106 lunar 
years earlier. The ancient dame would then have been under 5 years old. 
It is not surprising therefore that in repeating her story Babur should use a 
tense betokening hear-say matter (barib ihan dur). 

3 The anecdote here following, has been analysed in JRAS 1908, p. 87, in 
order to show warrant for the opinion that parts of the Kehr-Ilminsky text 
are i etranslations from the Persian W.-i-B. 

3 Amongst those thus leaving seem to have been Qambar-'all (f. 99?;). 

907 AH. JULY 17TH. 1501 TO JULY 7TH. 1502 AD. 151 

2 told with the events of next year, came down on my own 
ead! 1 

A few days later, my grandmother, Aisan-daulat Begim, who, 
r hen I left Samarkand, had stayed behind, arrived in Dikh-kat Fol. 98. 
dth our families and baggage (auruq) and a few lean and 
ungry followers. 

1. Shaibaq Khan raids in The Khan's country.) 

That winter Shaibaq Khan crossed the Khujand river on the 
;e and plundered near Shahrukhiya and Bish-kint. On hear- 
ig news of this, we gallopped off, not regarding the smallness 
f our numbers, and made for the villages below Khujand, 
ipposite Hasht-yak (One-eighth). The cold was mightily 
litter, 2 a wind not less than the Ha-darwesh 3 raging violently 
he whole time. So cold it was that during the two or three 
[ays we were in those parts, several men died of it. When, 
leeding to make ablution, I went into an irrigation-channel, 
rozen along both banks but because of its swift current, not 
ce-bound in the middle, and bathed, dipping under 16 times, 
he cold of .the water went quite through me. Next day we 
:rossed the river on the ice from opposite Khaslar and went on 
hrough the dark to Bish-kint. 4 Shaibaq Khan, however, must 
lave gone straight back after plundering the neighbourhood of 

(e. Death of Nuydn Kukulddsh.) 

Bish-kint, at that time, was held by Mulla Haidar's son, 
Abdu'l-minan. A younger son, named Mumin, a worthless 
ind dissipated person, had come to my presence in Samarkand 
and had received all kindness from me. This sodomite, Mumin, 
for what sort of quarrel between them is not known, cherished Fol. 98* 
rancour against Nuyan Kukuldash. At the time when we, 
having heard of the retirement of the Auzbegs, sent a man to 

1 Cj. 1 107 foot. 

2 The Sh. N. speaks of the cold in that winter (Vambery, p. 160). It was 
unusual for the Sir to freeze in this part of its course (Sh. N. p. 172) where it 
is extremely rapid (Kostenko, i, 213). 

3 Cf. f . 4 &. 

* Point to point, some 50 miles. 


The Khan and marched from Bish-kint to spend two or three 
days amongst the villages in the Blacksmith's-dale, 1 Mulla 
Haidar's son, Mumin invited Nuyan Kukulddsh and Ahmad-i- 
qasim and some others in order to return them hospitality 
received in Samarkand. When I left Bish-kint, therefore they 
stayed behind. Murnm's entertainment to this party was given 
on the edge of a ravine (jay}. Next day news was brought to 
us in Sam-sirak, a village in the Blacksmith's-dale, that Nuyan 
was dead through falling when drunk into the ravine. We 
sent his own mother's brother, Haq-nazar and others, who 
searched out where he had fallen. They committed Nuyan to 
- the earth in Bish-kint, and came back to me. They had found 
the body at the bottom of the ravine an arrow's flight from the 
place of the entertainment. Some suspected that Mumin, 
nursing his trumpery rancour, had taken Nuyan's life. None 
knew the truth. His death made me strangely sad; for few 
men have I felt such grief; I wept unceasingly for a week or 
Fol. 99. ten days. The chronogram of his death was found in Nuyan is 
dead, 2 

With the heats came the news that Shaibaq Khan was 
coming up into Aura-tipa. Hereupon, as the land is level 
about Dikh-kat, we crossed the Ab-burdan pass into the Macha 
hill-country. 3 Ab-burdan is the last village of Macha; just 
below it a spring sends its water down (to the Zar-afshan) ; 
above the stream is included in Macha, below it depends on 
Palghar. There is a tomb at the spring-head. I had a rock 
at the side of the spring-head shaped (qatirib) and these three 
couplets inscribed on it ; 

I have heard that Jamshid, the magnificent, 
Inscribed on a rock at a fountain-head* 

1 JLhangaran-julgasl, a name narrowed on maps to Angren (valley) . 

2 Faut shild Nuyan. The numerical value of these words is 907. Babur 
when writing, looks back 26 years to the death of this friend. 

3 Ab-burdan village is on the Zar-afshan ; the pass is 11,200 ft. above the 
sea. Babur's boundaries still hold good and the spring still flows. See 
Ujfalvy I.e. i. 14 ; Kostenko, i, 119 and 193 ; Rickmers, JRGS 1907, p. 358. 

* FroL- the Bu-stan (Graf's ed. Vienna 1858, p. 561). The last couplet is 
also in the Gulistan (Platts 1 ed. p. 72). The Bombay lith. ed. of the Bu-stan 
explains (p. 39) that the " We " of the third couplet means Jamshid and his 
predecessors who have rested by his fountain. 

907 AH. JULY 17TH. 1501 TO JULY 7TH. 1502 AD. 153 

' Many men like us have taken breath, at this fountain, 
And have passed away in the twinkling of an eye ; 
We took the world by courage and might, 
But we took it not with us to the tomb.' 

There is a custom in that hill-country of cutting verses and 
ihings 1 on the rocks. 

While we were in Macha, Mulla Hijrl, 2 the poet came from 
Hisar and waited on me. At that time I composed the 
following opening lines ; 

Let your portrait flatter you never so much, than it you are more (andln 

artuqsin) ; 
Men call you their Life (Jan), than Life, without doubt, you are more 

(jandln artuqsln}.^ 

After plundering round about in Aura-tipa, Shaibaq Khan 
retired. 4 While he was up there, we, disregarding the fewness Fol. 99*. 
of our men and their lack of arms, left our impedimenta (auruq) 
in Macha, crossed the Ab-burdan pass and went to Dikh-kat so 
that, gathered together close at hand, we might miss no chance 
on one of the next nights. He, however, retired straightway ; 
we went back to Macha. 

It passed through my mind that to wander from mountain to 
mountain, homeless and houseless, without country or abiding- 
place, had nothing to recommend it. ' Go you right off to The 
Khan,' I said to myself. Qasim Beg was not willing for this 
move, apparently being uneasy because, as has been told, he 
had put Mughuls to death at Qara-bulaq, by way of example. 
However much we urged it, it was not to be ! He drew off for 
Ilisar with all his brothers and his whole following. We for 
our part, crossed the Ab-burdan pass and set forward for The 
Khan's presence in Tashkint. 

1 nlma. The First W.-i-B. (I.O. 215 f. 81 1. 8) writes tawarlkh, annals. 

3 This may be the Khwaja Hijrl of the A.N. (index s.n.) ; and Badayuni's 
Hasan Hijrl, Bib. Ind. iii, 385 ; and Eth6's Pers. Cat. No. 793 ; and Bod. Cat. 
No. 189. 

3 The ITai. MS. points in the last line as though punning on Khan and Jan, 
but appears to be wrong. 

4 For an account of the waste of crops, the Sh. N. should be seen (p. 162 
and 1 80). 


(/. Babur with The Khan.) 

In the days when Tambal had drawn his army out and gone 
into the Blacksmith's-dale, 1 men at the top of his army, such 
as Muh. Dughlat, known as Hisari, and his younger brother 
IJusain, and also Qambar-'ali, the Skinner conspired to attempt 
his life. When he discovered this weighty matter, they, unable 
to remain with him, had gone to The Khan. 

The Feast of Sacrifices ('Id-i-qurban) fell for us in Shah- 
rukhiya (Zu'1-hijja loth. June i6th. 1502). 

I had written a quatrain in an ordinary measure but was in 
some doubt about it, because at that time I had not studied 
poetic idiom so much as I have now done. The Khan was 
good-natured and also he wrote verses, though ones somewhat 
deficient in the requisites for odes. I presented my quatrain 
and I laid my doubts before him but got no reply so clear as to 
remove them. His study of poetic idiom appeared to have 
been somewhat scant. Here is the verse ; 

One hears no man recall another in trouble (miknat-ta kishi) ; 
None speak of a man as glad in his exile, (ghurbat-ta kishi) ; 
My own heart has no joy in this exile ; 
Called glad is no exile, man though he be (albatta ktshi). 

Later on I came to know that in Turk! verse, for the purpose 
of rhyme, to, and da are interchangeable and also ghain, qaf and 

(g. The acclaiming of the standards.) 

When, a few days later, The Khan heard that Tambal had 
gone up into Aura-tipa, he got his army to horse and rode out 
from Tashklnt. Between Bish-kmt and Sam-sirak he formed 
up into array of right and left and saw the count 3 of his men. 

1 I think this refers to last year's move (f . 94 foot) . 

3 In other words, the T. preposition, meaning E. in, at, etc. may be written 
with t or d, as ta(ta) or as da(dd). Also the one meaning E. towards, may be 
gha, qa, or ka (with long or short vowel) . 

3 dim, a word found difficult. It may be a derivative of root de, tell, and 
a noun with the meaning of English tale (number) . The First W.-i-B. renders 
it by san, and by san, Abu'l-ghazI expresses what Babur's dim expresses, the 
numbering of troops. It occurs thrice in the B.N. (here, on f. 1836 and on 
f. 2646). In the Elphinstone Codex it has been written-over into Ivim, once 
resembles vim more than dim and once is omitted. The L. and E. Memoirs 

907 AH. JULY 17TH. 1501 TO JULY 7TH. 1502 AD. 155 

?his done, the standards were acclaimed in Mughul fashion. 1 

rhe Khan dismounted and nine standards were set up in front 

f him. A Mughul tied a long strip of white cloth to the thigh- 

one (auvia allik} of a cow and took the other end in his hand. 

rhree other long strips of white cloth were tied to the staves of 

hree of the (nine) standards, just below the yak-tails, and their 

>ther ends were brought for The Khan to stand on one and for 

ne and SI. Muh. Khanika to stand each on one of the two 

ithers. The Mughul who had hold of the strip of cloth Fol. ioo<*. 

istened to the cow's leg, then said something in Mughul while 

te looked at the standards and made signs towards them. The 

Chan and those present sprinkled qumiz z in the direction of 

he standards ; hautbois and drums were sounded towards 

hem; 3 the army flung the war-cry out three times towards 

hem, mounted, cried it again and rode at the gallop round 


Precisely as Chingiz Khan laid down his rules, so the 
tfughuls still observe them. Each man has his place, just 
yhere his ancestors had it; right, right, left, left, centre, 
:entre. The most reliable men go to the extreme points of the 
ight and left. The Chlras and Begchik clans always demand 
o go to the point in the right. 4 At that time the Beg of the 
Chlras tuman was a very bold brave, Qashka (Mole-marked) 
tfahmud and the beg of the renowned Begchik tuman was 
^.yub Begchik. These two, disputing which should go out to 
he point, drew swords on one another. At last it seems to 
lave been settled that one should take the highest place in the 
mnting-circle, the other, in the battle-array. 

Next day after making the circle, it was hunted near Sam- 

p. 303) inserts what seems a gloss, saying that a whip or bow is used in the 
ount, presumably held by the teller to ' keep his place ' in the march past. 
?he Siyasat-nama (Schefer, trs. p. 22) names the whip as used in numbering 
in army. 

1 The acclamation of the standards is depicted in B.M. W.-i-B. Or. 3714 
. 1285. One cloth is shewn tied to the off fore-leg of a live cow, above the 
oiee, Babur's word being aurta aillh (middle-hand). 

2 The libation was of fermented mares'-milk. 

3 lit. their one way. 
* Cf. T.R. p. 308. 


Fol. 101. sirak ; thence move was made to the Turak Four-gardens. On 
that day and in that camp, I finished the first ode I ever 
finished. Its opening couplet is as follows ; 

Except my soul, no friend worth, trust found I (wafddar tapmadim) ', 
Except my heart, no confidant found I (asrar tapmadim). 

There were six couplets; every ode I finished later was 
written just on this plan. 

The Khan moved, march by march, from Sam-sirak to the 
bank of the Khujand-river. One day we crossed the water by 
way of an excursion, cooked food and made merry with the 
braves and pages. That day some-one stole the gold clasp of 
my girdle. Next day Bayan-quli's Khan-quli and SI. Muh. 
Wais fled to Tambal. Every-one suspected them of that bad 
deed. Though this was not ascertained, Ahmad-i-qasim Kolibur 
asked leave and went away to Aura-tipa. From that leave he 
did not return ; he too went to Tambal. 

3 AH. JULY TTH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 1 

Bdbiw's poverty in Tdshkmt.) 

Chis move of The Khan's was rather unprofitable ; to take 
fort, to beat no foe, he went out and went back, 
during my stay in Tashkmt, I endured much poverty and 
niliation. No country or hope of one ! Most of my re- 
ners dispersed, those left, unable to move about with me 
:ause of their destitution ! If I went to my Khan dada's 
te, 2 I went sometimes with one man, sometimes with two. 
was well he was no stranger but one of my own blood. Fol. 
er showing myself 3 in his presence, I used to go to Shah 
gim's, entering her house, bareheaded and barefoot, just 
if it were my own. 

This uncertainty and want of house and home drove me 
last to despair. Said I, ' It would be better to take my head 4 
i go off than live in such misery ; better to go as far as my 
t can carry me than be seen of men in such poverty and 
miliation. Having settled on China to go to, I resolved 
take my head and get away. From my childhood up I 
d wished to visit China but had not been able to manage 
because of ruling and attachments. Now sovereignty itself 
s gone ! and my mother, for her part, was re-united to her 
ep)-mother and her younger brother. The hindrances to my 
irney had been removed; my anxiety for my mother was 
pelled. I represented (to Shah Begim and The Khan) 
ough Khwaja Abu'l-makaram that now such a foe as 

Elph. MS. f. 74 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 83 and 217 f. 66 ; Mems. p. 104. 

It may be noted that Babur calls his mother's brothers, not taghal but 
'a father. I have not met with an instance of his saying ' My taghal ' 
ae says ' My dada." Cf. index s.n. taghal, 

kuriiHush qillb, reflective from kiirmak, to see. 

A rider's metaphor. 



Shaibaq Khan had made his appearance, Mughul and Turk 1 
alike must guard against him ; that thought about him must 
be taken while he had not well-mastered the ( Auzbeg) horde 
or grown very strong, for as they have said ; 2 

To-day, while them canst, quench the fire, 
Once ablaze it will burn up the world ; 
Let thy foe not fix string to his bow, 
While an arrow of thine can pierce him ; 

that it was 20 or 25 years 3 since they had seen the Younger 
Khan (Ahmad Alacha) and that I had never seen him ; should 
I be able, if I went to him, not only to see him myself, but to 
bring about the meeting between him and them ? 

Foi. 102. Under this pretext I proposed to get out of those surround- 
ings; 4 once in Mughulistan and Turfan, my reins would be in 
my own hands, without check or anxiety. I put no-one in 
possession of my scheme. Why not ? Because it was im- 
possible for me to mention such a scheme to my mother, and 
also because it was with other expectations that the few of 
all ranks who had been my companions in exile and privation, 
had cut themselves off with me and with me suffered change of 
fortune. To speak to them also of such a scheme would be no 

The Khwaja, having laid my plan before Shah Begim and 
The Khan, understood them to consent to it but, later, it 
occurred to them that I might be asking leave a second time, 5 
because of not receiving kindness. That touching their reputa- 
tion, they delayed a little to give the leave. 

(6. The Younger Khan comes to Tdshklnt.) 

At this crisis a man came from the Younger Khan to say, 
that he was actually on his way. This brought my scheme to 

x As touching the misnomer, ' Mughul dynasty ' for the Timurid rulers 
in Hindustan, it may be noted that here, as Babur is speaking to a Chaghata! 
Mughul, his ' Turk ' is left to apply to himself, 

2 Gulistan, cap. viii, Maxim 12 (Platts 1 ed. p. 147). 

3 This backward count is to 890 AH. when Ahmad fled from cultivated 
lands (T.R. p. 113). 

4 It becomes clear that Ahmad had already been asked to come to Tashkmt. 
s Cf. i. g6b for his first departure without help. 

908 AH. JULY TTH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 159 

ight. When a second man announced his near approach, 
all went out to give him honourable meeting, Shah Begun 

1 his younger sisters, Sultan-nigar Khanim and Daulat- 
tan Khanim, and I and SI. Muh. Khanika and Khan 
rza (Wais). 

Between Tashkint and Sairam is a village called Yagha 
.r. Yaghma), with some smaller ones, where are the tombs 
Father Abraham and Father Isaac. So far we went out. 
lowing nothing exact about his coming, 1 I rode out for an Fol. 102*. 
:ursion, with an easy mind. All at once, he descended on 
j, face to face. I went forward ; when I stopped, he stopped. 

2 was a good deal perturbed; perhaps he was thinking of 
smounting in some fixed spot and there seated, of receiving 
2 ceremoniously. There was no time for this ; when we were 
ar each other, I dismounted. He had not time even to- 
smount ; 2 I bent the knee, went forward and saw him. 
urriedly and with agitation, he told SI. Sa'id Khan and Baba 
ban SI. to dismount, bend the knee with (blla) me and make 
y acquaintance. 3 Just these two of his sons had come with 
m ; they may have been 13 or 14 years old. When I had 
en them, we all mounted and went to Shah Beglm's presence, 
fter he had seen her and his sisters, and had renewed ac- 
mintance, they all sat down and for half the night told 
ic another particulars of their past and gone affairs. 

Next day, my Younger Khan dada bestowed on me arms 
F his own and one of his own special horses saddled, and a 
[ughul head-to-foot dress, a Mughiil cap, 4 a long coat of 
hinese satin, with broidering of stitchery, 5 and Chinese 

1 Yagha (Yaghma) is not on the Fr. map of 1904, but suitably located is 
urbat (Tomb) to which roads converge. 

2 Elph. MS. tushkucha ; Ilai. MS. yukuncha. The importance Alimad 
ttached to ceremony can be inferred by the details given (f. 103) of his 
leeting with Mal.miud. 

3 kwushkailar. Cf. Redhouse who gives no support for reading the verb 
umiak as meaning to embrace. 

4 biivk, a tall felt cap (Redhouse). In the adjective applied to the cap there 
re several variants. The Ilai. MS. writes muftul, solid or twisted. The Elph. 
IS. has muftun-luq which lias been understood by Mr. Erskine to mean, gold- 

5 The wording suggests that the decoration is in chain-stitch, pricked up and 

through the stuff. 

160 F ARC HAN A 

armour ; in the old fashion, they had hung, on the left side, a 
haversack (chantafy and an outer bag, 1 and three or four things 
such as women usually hang on their collars, perfume-holders 
and various receptacles ; 2 in the same way, three or four things 
hung on the right side also. 

103. From there we went to Tashkint. My Elder Khan dada 
also had come out for the meeting, some 3 or ^ylgJiach (12 to 
15 m.) along the road. He had had an awning set up in 
a chosen spot and was seated there. The Younger Khan went 
up directly in front of him ; on getting near, fetched a circle, 
from right to left, round him ; then dismounted before him. 
After advancing to the place of interview (kurushur yir), he nine 
times bent the knee; that done, went close and saw (his 
brother). The Elder Khan, in his turn, had risen when the 
Younger Khan drew near. They looked long at one another 
(kwrushtllar) and long stood in close embrace (quchuslmb). The 
Younger Khan again bent the knee nine times when retiring, 
many times also on offering his gift ; after that, he went and sat 

All his men had adorned themselves in Mughul fashion. 
There they were in Mughul caps (burk) ; long coats of Chinese 
satin, broidered with stitchery, Mughul quivers and saddles of 
green shagreen-leather, and Mughul horses adorned in a unique 
fashion. He had brought rather few men, over 1000 and under 
2000 may-be. He was a man of singular manners, a mighty 
master of the sword, and brave. Amongst arms he preferred 
to trust to the sword. He used to say that of arms there are, 
the shash-par* (six-flanged mace), thepiydzt (rugged mace), the 
kistin,* the tabar-zin (saddle-hatchet) and the baltu (battle-axe), 

_ 1 tdsh chantai. These words have been taken to mean whet-stone ' (bilgu- 
tash). I have found no authority for leading task as whet-stone. Moreover 
to allow ' bag of the stone ' to be read would require tdsh (nlng) chantai-si in 
the text. 

2 lit. bag-like things. Some will have held spare bow-strings and archers' 
rings, and other articles of ' repairing kit.' With the gifts, it seems probable 
that the gosha-glr (i. 107) was given. 

3 Vullers, dava sex foliis. 

* Zenker, casse-Ute. Klstin would seem to be formed from the root, kls, 
cutting, but M. de C. describes it as a ball attached by a strap or chain to a. 
handle. Scwglakh, a sort of mace (gur'z). 

908 AH. JULY TTH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 161 

if they strike, work only with what of them first touches, 
: the sword, if it touch, works from point to hilt. He 
rer parted with his keen-edged sword ; it was either at his 
1st or to his hand. He was a little rustic and rough-of- Fol. 1033. 
:ech, through having grown up in an out-of-the-way place. 
i/Vhen, adorned in the way described, I went with him to 
e Khan, Khwaja Abu'l-makaram asked, 'Who is this 
loured sultan ?' and till I spoke, did not recognize me. 

The Khans march into Farghdna against Tambal.) 

Soon after returning to Tashkint, The Khan led out an army 
Andikan (Andijan) direct against SI. Ahmad TambaL 1 He 
>k the road over the Kindirlik-pass and from Blacksmiths'- 
e (Ahangaran-julgasi) sent the Younger Khan and me on in 
/ance. After the pass had been crossed, we all met again 
IT Zarqan (var. Zabarqan) of Karnan. 

Dne day, near Karnan, they numbered their men 2 and 
koned them up to be 30,000. From ahead news began 
come that Tambal also was collecting a force and going to 
hsi. After having consulted together, The Khans decided 
join some of their men to me, in order that I might cross 
; Khuj and- water, and, marching by way of Aush and 
zkint, turn Tambal's rear. Having so settled, they joined 
me Ayub Begchik with his tumdn, Jan-hasan Barm (var. 
.rin) with his Barms, Muh. Jlisari Dughlat, SI. Husain 
Ighlat and SI. Ahrnad Mirza Dughlat, not in command of ' 
i Dughlat tuman,-a.nd. Qambar-'ali Beg (the Skinner). The 
nmandant (darogha) of their force was Sarigh-bash (Yellow- 
id) Mirza Itarchi? 

Leaving The Khans in Karnan, we crossed the river on rafts 
ir Sakan, traversed the Khuqan sub-district (aurchm), crushed Fol. 104. 

The Rauzatu's-safa states that The Khans left Tashkint on Muharram I5th 
ly 2ist. 1502), in order to restore Babur and expel Tambal (Erskine). 

lit. saw the count (dim}. Cf. f. 100 and note concerning the count, 
ng a Persian substitute, the Kehr-Ilminsky text writes san (kurdttar) , 

Elph. MS. ambdrcln, steward, for Itarchi, a tribal-name. The ' Mirza ' 
[ the rank of the army-begs are against supposing a steward in command, 
e and just above, the texts write Mirza-i-Itarchi and Mirza-i-Dughlat, 
s suggesting that in names not ending with a vowel, the izafat is required 
exact transliteration, e.g. Muhammad-i-dughlat. 



Qaba and by way of the Alal sub-districts 1 descended suddenly 
on Aush. We reached it at dawn, unexpected; those in it 
could but surrender. Naturally the country-folk were wishing 
much for us, but they had not been able to find their means, 
both through dread of Tambal and through our remoteness. 
After we entered Aush, the hordes and the highland and low- 
land tribes of southern and eastern Andijan came in to us. 
The Auzkint people also, willing to serve us, sent me a man 
and came in. 

(Author's note on Auzkint.) Auzkint formerly must have been a 
capital of Farghana ; 2 it has an excellent fort and is situated on the 
boundary (of Farghana) . 

The Marghmanis also came in after two or three days, 
having beaten and chased their commandant (darogha). Except 
Andijan, every fort south of the Khuj and- water had now come 
in to us. Spite of the return in those days of so many forts, 
and spite of risings and revolt against him, Tambal did not yet 
come to his senses but sat down with an army of horse and foot, 
fortified with ditch and branch, to face The Khans, between 
Karnan and Akhsi. Several times over there was a little fight- 
ing and pell-mell but without decided success to either side. 

In the Andijan country (wildyaf), most of the tribes and 
hordes and the forts and all the districts had come in to me; 
naturally the Andijanis also were wishing for me. They how- 
ever could not find their means. 

(d. Babuls, attempt to enter Andijan frustrated by a mistake.) 

It occurred to me that if we went one night close to the 
town and sent a man in to discuss with the Khwaja 3 and 
notables, they might perhaps let us in somewhere. With this 
idea we rode out from Aush. By midnight we were opposite 
Forty-daughters (Chihil-dukhteran) 2 miles (one kuroh) from 
Andijan. From that place we sent Qambar-'ali Beg forward, 

1 Alal-llq aurchini. I understand the march to have been along the 
northern slope of the Little Alal, south of Aush. 

8 As of Almaligh and Almatu (fol. 2&) Babur reports a tradition with 
caution. The name Auz-klnt may be read to mean ' Own village,' inde- 
pendent, as Auz-beg, Own-beg. 

3 He would be one of the hereditary Khwajas of Andijan (f. 16). 

908 AH. JULY 7TH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1508 AD. 163 

ith some other begs, who were to discuss matters with the 
hwaja after by some means or other getting a man into the 
rt. While waiting for their return, we sat on our horses, 
ime of us patiently humped up, some wrapt away in dream, 
hen suddenly, at about the third watch, there rose a war- 
y 1 and a sound of drums. Sleepy and startled, ignorant 
tiether. the foe was many or few, my men, without looking to 
ic another, took each his own road and turned for flight, 
here was no time for me to get at -them ; I went straight for 
e enemy. Only Mir Shah Qucliln and Baba Sher-zad (Tiger- 
help) and Nasir's Dost sprang forward; we four excepted, 
r ery man set his face for flight. I had gone a little way 
rward, when the enemy rode rapidly up, flung out his war- 
y and poured arrows on us. One man, on a horse with 
starred forehead, 52 came close to me ; I shot at it ; it rolled 
rer and died. They made a little as if to retire. The three Fol. 105. 
ith rne said, ' In this darkness it is not certain whether they 
e many or few; all our men have gone off; what harm could 
e four do them ? Fighting must be when we have overtaken 
ir run-aways and rallied them.' Off we hurried, got up with 
ir men and beat and horse-whipped some of them, but, do 
hat we would, they would not make a stand. Back the four 
: us went to shoot arrows at the foe. They drew a little back 
it when, after a discharge or two, they saw we were not more 
lan three or four, they busied themselves in chasing and un- 
Drsing my men- I went three or four times to try to rally my 
en but all in vain ! They were not to be brought to order, 
ack I went with my three and kept the foe in check with our 
rrows. They pursued us two or three ktwoh (4-6 m.), as far as 
le rising ground opposite Kharabuk and Pashamun. There 
e met Muh. 'All Miibashir. Said I, ' They are only few ; let 
3 stop and put our horses at them.' So we did. When we 
Dt up to them, they stood still. 3 
Our scattered braves gathered in from this side and that, -but 

1 For several battle-cries see Th. Radlofl's Receuils etc. p. 322. 

2 qdshqa atliq hishi. For a parallel phrase see f. g-zb, 

3 Babur does not explain how the imbroglio was cleared up ; there must 
ive been a dramatic moment when this happened. 


several very serviceable men, scattering in this attack, went 
right away to Aush. 

The explanation of the affair seemed to be that some of 
Ayub BegchWs Mughuls had slipped away from Aush to raid 
near Andijan and, hearing the noise of our troop, came some- 
what stealthily towards us ; then there seems to have been con- 
fusion about the pass-word. The pass-words settled on for use 
during this movement of ours were Tashkmt and Sairam. If 

(Author's note on pass-words.} Pass-words are of two kinds ; in 
each tribe there is one for use in the tribe, such as Darwana or Tuqqdl 
or Lulu j 1 and there is one for the use of the whole army. For a battle, 
two words are settled on as pass-words so that of two men meeting 
in the fight, one may give the one, the other give back the second, 
in order to distinguish friends from foes, own men from strangers. 

Tashkint were said, Sairam would be answered; if Sairam, 
Tashkint. In this muddled affair, Khwaja Muh. 'AH seems to 
have been somewhat in advance of our party and to have got 
bewildered, he was a Sart person, 2 when the Mughuls came 
up saying, 'Tashkint, Tashkint,' for he gave them 'Tashkint, 
Tashkmt/ as the counter-sign. Through this they took him 
for an enemy, raised their war-cry, beat their saddle-drums and 
poured arrows on us. It was through this we gave way, and 
through this false alarm were scattered! We went back to 

(e, Babur again attempts Andijan.} 

Through the return to me of the forts and the highland and 
lowland clans, Tambal and his adherents lost heart and footing. 
His army and people in the next five or six days began to 
desert him and to flee to retired places and the open country. 3 
Of his household some came and said, ' His affairs are nearly 
ruined ; he will break up in three or four days, utterly ruined.' 
On hearing this, we rode for Andijan. 

1 Darwana- (a trap-door in a roof) has the variant dur-dana, a single pearl ; 
tuqqai, perhaps implies relationship ; lulu is a pearl, a wild cow etc. 

2 Hai. MS. sairt kishl. Muh, 'All is likely to be the librarian (cf. index s.n.}. 

3 Elph. MS. ramaqgha u tur-ga ; Hai. MS. tdrtatgha u tur-ga. Ilminsky gives 
no help, varying much here from the true text. The archetype of both MSS. 
must have been difficult to read. 

908 AH. JULY 7ra. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 165 

SI. Muh. Galpttk 1 was in Andijan, the younger of Tambal's 
cadet brothers. We took the Mulberry-road and at the Mid- 
day Prayer came to the Khakan (canal), south of the town. A Fi. 106. 
foraging-party was arranged;. I followed it along Khakan to 
the skirt of 'Aish-hill. When our scouts brought word that 
SI. Muh Galpuk had come out, with what men he had, beyond 
the suburbs and gardens to the skirt of 'Aish, I -hurried to 
meet him, although our foragers were still scattered. He may 
have had over 500 men ; we had more but many had scattered 
to forage. When we were face to face, his men and ours may 
have been in equal number. Without caring about order or 
array, down we rode on them, loose rein, at the gallop. When 
we got near, they could not stand ; there was not so much 
fighting as the crossing of a few swords. My men followed 
them almost to the Khakan Gate, unhorsing one after another. 

It was at the Evening Prayer that, our foe outmastered, we 
reached Khwaja Kitta, on the outskirts of the suburbs. My 
idea was to go quickly right up to the Gate but Dost Beg's 
father, Nasir Beg and Qambar-'ali Beg, old and experienced 
begs both, represented to me, ' It is almost night ; it would be 
ill-judged to go in a body into the fort in the dark ; let us with- 
draw a little and dismount. What can they do to-morrow but 
surrender the place ?' Yielding at once to the opinion of these 
experienced persons, we forthwith retired to the outskirts of the 
suburbs. If we had gone to the Gate, undoubtedly, Andijan Foi. 106*. 
would have come into our hands. 

(/. Babur surprised by TambaL) 

After crossing the Khakan-canal, we dismounted, near the 
Bed-time prayer, at the side of the village of Rabat-i-zauraq 
(var. ruzaq). Although we knew that Tambal had broken 
camp and was on his way to Andijan, yet, with the negligence of 
inexperience, we dismounted on level ground close to the village, 
instead of where the defensive canal would have protected us. 2 
There we lay down carelessly, without scouts or rear- ward. 

1 The Hai. MS.'s pointing allows the sobriquet to mean ' Butterfly.' His 
family lent itself to nick-names ; in it three brothers were known respectively 
as Fat or Lubberly, Fool and, perhaps, Butterfly. 

2 birk aright doubly strong by its trench and its current. 


At the top (basli) of the morning, just when, men are in sweet 
sleep, Qambar-'ali Beg hurried past, shouting, ' Up with you ! 
the enemy is here!' So much he said and went off without a 
moment's stay. It was my habit to lie down, even in times of 
peace, in my tunic; up I got instanter, put on sword and 
quiver and mounted. My standard-bearer had no time to 
adjust my standard, 1 he just mounted with it in his hand. 
There were ten or fifteen men with me when we started 
toward the enemy; after riding an arrow's flight, when we 
came up with his scouts, there may have been ten. Going 
rapidly forward, we overtook him, poured in arrows on him, 
over-mastered his foremost men and hurried them off. We 
followed them for another arrow's flight and came up with his 
centre where SI. Ahrnad Tambal himself was, with as many as 
>1. 107. 100 men. He and another were standing in front of his array, 
as if keeping a Gate, 2 and were shouting, ' Strike, strike! 1 but 
his men, mostly, were sidling, as if asking themselves, ' Shall 
we run away ? Shall we not ?' By this time three were left 
with me ; one was Nasir's Dost, another, Mirza Quli Kukuldash, 
the third, Khudai-birdi Turkman's Karim-dad. 3 I shot off the 
arrow on my thumb, 4 aiming at Tambal's helm. When I put 
my hand into my quiver, there came out a quite new gosha-gvfi 

1 I understand that time failed to set the standard in its usual rest. E. 
and de C. have understood that the yak-tail (qutas tughl f. 100) was apart 
from the staff and that time failed to adjust the two parts. The tugh however 
is the whole standard ; moreover if the tail were ever taken off at night from 
the staff, it would hardly be so treated in a mere bivouac. 

2 alshikllk tuvluq, as on f. 113. I understand this to mean that the two 
men were as far from their followers as sentries at a Gate are posted outside 
the Gate. 

3 So too ' Piero of Cosimo ' and ' Lorenzo of Piero of the Medici.' Cf. 
the names of five men on f . 114. 

4 shashtim. The shasht (thumb) in archery is the thumb-shield used on the 
left hand, as the zih-glr (string-grip), the archer's ring, is on the right-hand 

It is useful to remember, when reading accounts of shooting with the 
Turk! (Turkish) bow, that the arrows (ailq) had notches so gripping the string 
that they kept in place until released with the string. 

5 sar-i-sabz gosha glr. The gosha-glr is an implement for remedying the 
warp of a bow- tip and string-notch. For further particulars see Appendix C. 

The term. sar~i-sabz, lit. green-head, occurs in the sense of ' quite young ' 
or ' new,' in the proverb, ' The red tongue loses the green head,' quoted in 
the Tabaqat-i-akbarl account of Babur's death. Applied here, it points to 
the gosha-glv as part of the recent gift made by Ahmad to Babur. 

908 AH. JULY 7TH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 167 

given me by my Younger Khan dada. It would have been 

vexing to throw it away but before I got it back into the quiver, 

there had been time to shoot, maybe, two or three arrows. 

When once more I had an arrow on the string, I went forward, 

my three men even holding back. One of those two in advance, 

Tambal seemingly, 1 moved forward also. The high-road was 

between us ; I from my side, he, from his, got upon it and came 

face to face, in such a way that his right hand was towards 

me, mine towards him. His horse's mail excepted, he was 

fully accoutred; but for sword and quiver, I was unprotected. 

I shot off the arrow in my hand, adjusting for the attachment 

of his shield. With matters in this position, they shot my right 

leg through. I had on the cap of my helm ; 2 Tambal chopped Fol. io;b. 

so violently at my head that it lost all feeling under the blow. 

A large wound was made on my head, though not a thread of 

the cap was cut. 3 I had not bared 4 my sword ; it was in the 

scabbard and I had no chance to draw it. Single-handed, I 

was alone amongst many foes. It was not a time to. stand 

still ; I turned rein. Down came a sword again ; this time 

on my arrows. When I had gone 7 or 8 paces, those same 

three men rejoined me. 5 After using his sword on me, Tambal 

seems to have used it on Nasir's Dost. As far as an arrrow 

flies to the butt, the enemy followed us. 

The Khakan-canal is a great main-channel, flowing in a 
deep cutting, not everywhere to be crossed. God brought it 
right ! we came exactly opposite a low place where there was a 
passage over. Directly we had crossed, the horse Nasir's Dost 
was ony being somewhat weakly, fell down. We stopped and re- 
mounted, him, then drew off for Aush, over the rising-ground 

1 Tambal alkandilr. By this tense I understand that Babur was not at first 
sure of the identity of the pseudo-sentries, partly because of their distance, 
partly, it may be presumed, because of concealment of identity by armour. 

2 duwulgha burkl ; i.e. the soft cap worn under the iron helm. 

3 Nuyan's sword dealt the blow (f. 976). 'Gul-badan also tells the story 
(f . 77) a propos of a similar incident in Humayun's career. Babur repeats 
the story on f. 234. 

* yalddghlamal dur aldlm. The Second W.-i-B. .has taken this as from 
yalturmaq, to cause to glisten, and adds the gloss that the sword was rusty 
(I.O. 217 f. 706). 

5 The text here seems to say that the three men were on foot, but this is 
negatived by the context. 


between Faraghina and Khirabuk. Out on the rise, MazU 
Taghai came up and joined us. An arrow had pierced his 
right leg also and though it had not gone through and come 
oat again, he got to Aiish with difficulty. The enemy un- 
horsed (tushurdildr) good men of mine; Nasir Beg, Muh. 'All 
Mubashir, Khwaja Muh. 'AH, Khusrau Kukulddsh, Na'man the 
page, all fell (to them, tushtildr), and also many unmailed braves. 1 

(g. The Khans move from Kdsdn to Andijan.) 

The Khans, closely following on Tambal, dismounted near 
Andijan, the Elder at the side of the Reserve (quruq) in the 
Foi. 10?. garden, known as Birds'-mill (Qush-tigirmdii), belonging to my 
grandmother, Aisan-daulat Begim, the Younger, near Baba 
Tawakkul's Alms-house. Two days later I went from Aush 
and saw the Elder Khan in Birds'-mill." At that interview, he 
simply gave over to the Younger Khan the places which had 
come in to me. He made some such excuse as that for our ad- 
vantage, he had brought the Younger Khan, how far ! because 
such a foe as Shaibaq Khan had taken Samarkand and was 
waxing greater; that the Younger Khan had there no lands 
whatever, his own being far away ; and that the country under 
Andijan, on the south of the Khujand-water, must be given 
him to. encamp in. He promised me the country under Akhsi, 
on the north of the Khujand-water. He said that after taking 
a firm grip of that country (Farghana), they would move, take 
Samarkand, give it to me and then the whole of the Farghana 
country was to be the Younger Khan's. These words seem to 
have been meant to deceive me, since there is no knowing 
what they would have done when they had attained- their 
object. It had to be however ! willy-nilly, I agreed. 

When, leaving him, I was on my way to the Younger 
Khan's presence, Qambar-'all, known as the Skinner, joined me 
in a friendly way and said, ' Do you see ? They have taken the 
whole of the country just become yours. There is no opening 

1 Amongst the various uses of the verb tushmak, to descend in any way, 
the B.N. does not allow of ' falling (death) in battle.' When I made the 
index of the Ilai. MS. facsimile, this was not known to me ; I therefore 
erroneously entered the men enumerated here as killed at this time. 

908 AH. JULY 7TH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 169 

or you through them. You have in your hands Aush, Mar- Fol. io8/;. 
hinan, Auzkint and the cultivated land and the tribes and the 
icrdes ; go you to Aush ; make that fort fast ; send a man to 
?ambal, make peace with him, then strike at the Mughiil and 
Irive him out. After that, divide the districts into an elder and 
. younger brother's shares.' 'Would that be right?' said I. 
The Khans are my blood relations ; better serve them than rule 
or Tambal.' He saw that his words had made no impression, 
o turned back, sorry he had spoken. I went on to see my 
lounger Khan Dada. At our first interview, I had come upon 
dm without announcement and he had no time to dismount, 
o it was all rather unceremonious. This time I got even 
icarer perhaps, and he ran out as far as the end of the tent- 
opes. I was walking with some difficulty because of the 
vound in my leg. We met and renewed acquaintance ; then 
ie said, 'You are talked about as a hero, my young brother!' 
ook my arm and led me into his tent. The tents pitched were 
ather small and through his having grown up in an out-of-the- 
,vay place, he let the one he sat in be neglected ; it was like a 
aider's, melons, grapes, saddlery, every sort of thing, in his 
dtting-tent. I went from his presence straight back to my 
Dwn camp and there he sent his Mughul surgeon to examine 
ny wound. Mughuls call a surgeon also a bakhshl ; this one 
vas called Ataka Bakhshl. 1 

He was a very skilful surgeon ; if a man's brains had come Fol. 109. 
Dut, he would cure it, and any sort of wound in an artery 
iie easily healed. For some wounds his remedy was in form of 
\ plaister, for some medicines had to be taken. He ordered a 
bandage tied on 2 the wound in my leg and put no seton in ; 
Dnce he made me eat something like a fibrous root (yildiz). 
He told me himself, 'A certain man had his leg- broken in the 
slender part and the bone was shattered for the breadth of the 
hand. I cut the flesh open and took the bits of bone out- 
Where they had been, I put a remedy in powder-form. That 

1 Elph. MS. yakhsht.- Zenker explains bakhshl (pay-master) as meaning 
also a Court-physician. 

2 The Ilai. Elph. and Kehr's MS. all have puchqaq taqmaq or it may be 
puhqaq taqmaq. T. bukhaq means bandage, puchaq, rind of fruit, but the 
word clear in the three Turk! MSS. means, skin of a fox's leg. 


remedy simply became bone where there had been bone before.* 
He told many strange and marvellous things such as surgeons 
in cultivated lands cannot match. 

Three or four days later, Qambar-'ali, afraid on account of 
what he had said to me, fled (to Tambal) in Andijan. A few 
days later, The Khans joined to me Ayub Begchlk with his 
iumdn, and Jan-hasan Barm with the Barm tumdn and, as 
their army-beg, Sarigh-bash Mirza, 1000 to 2000 men in all, 
and sent us towards Akhsi. 

(h. Bdbiir's expedition to Akhsi.) 

Shaikh Bayazld, a younger brother of Tambal, was in Akhsi ; 
Shahbaz Qarluq was in Kasan. At the time, Shahbaz was 
lying before Nu-kint fort ; crossing the Khujand-water opposite 
Blkhrata, we hurried to fall upon him there. When, a little 
Foi. 109^. before dawn, we were nearing the place, the begs represented 
to me that as the man would have had news of us, it was 
advisable not to go on in broken array. We moved on there- 
fore with less speed. Shahbaz may have been really unaware 
of us until we were quite close ; then getting to know of it, he 
fled into the fort. It often happens so ! Once having said, 
' The enemy is on guard !' it is easily fancied true and the 
chance of action is lost. In short, the experience of such 
things is that no effort or exertion must be omitted, once the 
chance for action comes. After-repentance is useless. There 
was a little fighting round the fort at dawn but we delivered 
no serious attack. 

For the convenience of foraging, we moved from Nu-kint 
towards the hills in the direction of Bishkharan. Seizing his 
opportunity, Shahbaz Qarluq abandoned Nu-kint and returned 
to Kasan. We went back and occupied Nu-kint. During those 
days, the army several times went out and over-ran all sides and 
quarters. Once they over-ran the villages of Akhsi, once 
those of Kasan. Shahbaz and Long Hasan's adopted son, 
Mirim came out of Kasan to fight ; they fought, were beaten, 
and there Mirim died. . ' 

908 AH. JULY 7TH. 1502 TO 'JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 171 

(i. The affairs of Pap.} 

Pap is a strong fort belonging to Akhsi. The Papis made it 
fast and sent a man to me. We accordingly sent Sayyid 
Qasim with a few braves to occupy it. They crossed the river Fol. no. 
(darya) opposite the upper villages of Akhsi and went into Pap. 1 
A few days later, Sayyid Qasim did an astonishing thing. 
There were at the time with Shaikh Bayazid in Akhsi, 
Ibrahim Chapuk (Slash-face) Taghai, 2 Ahmad-of-qasim Kohbur, 
and Qasim Khitika (?) Arghun. To these Shaikh Bayazid 
joins 200 serviceable braves and one night sends them to 
surprise Pap. Sayyid Qasim must have lain down carelessly 
to sleep, without setting a watch. They reach the fort, set 
ladders up, get up on the Gate, let the drawbridge down an(J, 
when 70 or 80 good men in mail are inside, goes the news to 
Sayyid Qasim ! Drowsy with sleep, he gets into his vest 
(kungldk), goes out, with five or six of his men, charges the enemy 
and drives them out with blow upon blow. He cut off a few 
heads and sent to me. Though such a careless lying down was 
bad leadership, yet, with so few, just by force of drubbing, 
to chase off such a mass of men in mail was very brave 

Meantime The Khans were busy with the siege of Andijan 
but the garrison would not let them get near it. The Andijan 
braves used to make sallies and blows would be exchanged. 

(j. Babur invited into Akhsi.) 

Shaikh Bayazid now began to send persons to us from 
Akhsi to testify to well-wishing and pressingly invite us to 
Akhsi. His object was to separate me from The Khans, by 
any artifice, because without me, they had no standing-ground. Fol. no* 
His invitation may have been given after agreeing with his elder 
brother, Tambal that if I were separated from The Khans, it 
might be possible, in my presence, to come to some arrange- 

1 The darya here mentioned seems to be the Kasan-water ; the route taken 
from Blshkharan to Pap is shewn on the Fr. map to lead past modern Tupa- 
qftrghan. Pap is not marked, but was, I think, at the cross-roads east of Touss 
(Karnan). ; 

2 Presumably jahangir's. 


ment with them. We gave The Khans a hint of the invitation. 
They said, ' Go ! and by whatever means, lay hands on Shaikh 
Bayazid.' It was not my habit to cheat and play false ; here 
above all places, when promises would have been made, how 
was I to break them ? It occurred to me however, that if we 
could get into Akhsi, we might be able, by using all available 
means, to detach Shaikh Bayazid from Tambal, when he might 
take my side or something might turn up to favour my fortunes. 
We, in our turn, sent a man to him ; compact was made, he 
invited us into Akhsi and when we went, came out to meet us, 
bringing my younger brother, Nasir Mirza with him. Then he 
took us into the town, gave us ground to camp in (yurt) and to 
rne one of my father's houses in the outer fort 1 where I 

(k. Tambal asks help of Shaibdq Khan.} 

Tambal had sent his elder brother, Beg Tilba, to Shaibaq 
Khan with proffer of service and invitation to enter Farghana. 
At this very time Shaibaq Khan's answer arrived ; ' I will 
come,' he wrote. On hearing this, The Khans were all upset ; 
they could sit no longer before Andijan and rose from before it. 

The Younger Khan himself had a reputation for justice and 
orthodoxy, but his Mugrmls, stationed, contrary to the expecta- 
tions of the towns-people, in Aush, Marghinan and other 
places, places that had come in to me, began to behave ill 
and oppressively. When The Khans had broken up from before 
Andijan, the Aushls and Marghmanis, rising in tumult, seized 
the Mughuls in their forts, plundered and beat them, drove 
them out and pursued them. 

The Khans did not cross the Khujand-water (for the 
Kmdirlik-pass) but left the country by way of Marghinan and 
Kand-i-badam and crossed it at Khujand, Tambal pursuing 
them as far as Marghinan. We had had much uncertainty; 
we had not had much confidence in their making any stand, 
yet for us to go away, without clear reason, and leave them, 
would not have looked well. 

1 Here his father was killed (f. 66). Cf. App. A. 

908 AH. JULY 7TH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 173 

'. Babur attempts to defend Akhsi.} 

Early one morning, when I was in the Hot-bath, Jahangir 
lirza came into Akhsi, from Marghinan, a fugitive from 
A ambal. We saw one another, Shaikh Bayazid also being 
resent, agitated and afraid. The Mirza and Ibrahim Beg 
aid, ' Shaikh Bayazid must be made prisoner and we must 
;et the citadel into our hands.' In good sooth, the proposal 
ra.s wise. Said I, ' Promise has been made ; how can we 
>reak it ?' Shaikh Bayazid went into the citadel. Men ought 
o have been posted on the bridge ; not even there did we post 
my-one 1 These blunders were the fruit of inexperience. At 
he top of the morning came Tambal himself with 2 or 3000 
nen in mail, crossed the bridge and went into the citadel. To 
:>egin with I had had rather few men ; when I first went into 
(Vkhsi some had been sent to other forts and some had been 
made commandants and summoners all round. Left with 
me in Akhsi may have been something over 100 men. We Fol. 
had got to horse with these and were posting braves at the top 
of one lane after another and making ready for the fight, when 
Shaikh Bayazid and Qambar-'ali (the Skinner), and Muhammad- 
dost 1 came gallopping from Tambal with talk of peace. 

After posting those told off for the fight, each in his appointed 
place, I dismounted at my father's tomb for a conference, 
in which I invited Jahangir Mirza to join. Muhammad-dost 
went back to Tambal but Qambar-'ali and Shaikh Bayazid 
were present. We sat in the south porch of the tomb and 
were in consultation when the Mirza, who must have settled 
beforehand with Ibrahim Chdpuk to lay hands on those other 
two, said in my ear, i They must be made prisoner. 1 Said I, 
' Don't hurry ! matters are past making prisoners. See here ! 
with terms made, the affair might be coaxed into something. 
For why ? Not only are they many and we few, but they with 
their strength are in the citadel, we with our weakness, in the 
outer fort.' Shaikh Bayazid and Qambar-'ali both being 
present, Jahangir Mirza looked at Ibrahim Beg and made him 
a sign to refrain. Whether he misunderstood to the contrary 

1 'Ali-dost's son (1 796). 


or whether he pretended to misunderstand, is not known ; 
suddenly he did the ill-deed of seizing Shaikh Bayazid. Braves 
Fol. 112. closing in from all sides, flung those two to the ground. 
Through this the affair was taken past adjustment ; we gave 
them into charge and got to horse for the coming fight. 

One side of the town was put into Jahangir Mirza's charge ; 
as his men were few, I told off some of mine to reinforce him. 
I went first to his side and posted men for the fight, then to 
other parts of the town. There is a somewhat level, open 
space in the middle of Akhsi ; I had posted a party of braves 
there and gone on when a large body of the enemy, mounted 
and on foot, bore down upon them, drove them from their post 
and forced them into a narrow lane. Just then I came up (the 
lane), gallopped my horse at them, and scattered them in flight. 
While I was thus driving them out from the lane into the flat, 
and had got my sword to work, they shot my horse in the leg ; 
it stumbled and threw me there amongst them. I got up 
quickly and shot one arrow off. My squire, Kahil (lazy) had a 
weakly pony ; he got off and led it to me. Mounting this, I 
started for another lane-head. SI. Muh'. Wais noticed the 
weakness of my mount, dismounted and led me his own. I 
mounted that horse. Just then, Qasim Beg's son, Qambar-'ali 
came, wounded, from Jahangir Mirza and said the Mirza had 
Fol. iizi>. been attacked some time before, driven off in panic, and had 
gone right away. We were thunderstruck ! At the same 
moment arrived Sayyid Qasim, the commandant of Pap ! His 
was a most unseasonable visit, since at such a crisis it was well 
to have such a strong fort in our hands. Said I to Ibrahim 
Beg, ' What's to be done now ?' He was slightly wounded ; 
whether because of this or because of stupefaction, he could 
give no useful answer. My idea was to get across the bridge, 
destroy it and make for Andijan. Baba Sher-zad did very well 
here. ' We will storm out at the gate and get away at once,' 
he said. At his word, we set off for the Gate. Khwaja Mir 
Miran also spoke boldly at that crisis. In one of the lanes, 
Sayyid Qasim and Nasir's Dost chopped away at Baqi Klrix, 1 I 
being in front with Ibrahim Beg and Mirza. Quli Kukulddsh 1 . 

1 The sobriquet Khlz may mean Leaper, or Impetuous. 

908 AH. JULY 7TH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 175 

s we came opposite the Gate, we saw Shaikh Bayazid, wear- 
ig his pull-over shirt 1 above his vest, coming in with three or 
)ur horsemen. He must have been put into the charge of 
ahangir's men in the morning when, against my will, he was 
lade prisoner, and they must have carried him off when they 
ot away. They had thought it would be well to kill him ; 
hey set him free alive. He had been released just when I 
hanced upon him in the Gate. I drew and shot off the arrow 
>n my thumb ; it grazed his neck, a good shot ! He came con- 
iisedly in at the Gate, turned to the right and fled down a lane. 
Afe followed him instantly. Mirza Quli Kukulddsh got at one 
nan with his rugged-mace and went on. Another man took Foi. 113. 
dm at Ibrahim Beg, but when the Beg shouted ' Hal ! Hai !' let 
lim pass and shot me in the arm-pit, from as near as a man on 
*uard at a Gate. Two plates of my Qalmaq mail were cut ; 
ne took to flight and I shot -after him. Next I shot at a man 
running away along the ramparts, adjusting for his cap against 
the battlements ; he left his cap nailed on the wall and went off, 
gathering his turban-sash together in his hand. Then again, 
a man was in flight alongside me in the lane down which 
Shaikh Bayazid had gone, I pricked the back of his head 
with my sword; he bent over from his horse till he leaned 
against the wall of the lane, but he kept his seat and with 
some trouble, made good his flight. When we had driven all 
the enemy's men from the Gate, we . took possession of it but 
the affair was past discussion because they, in the citadel, were 
2000 or 3000, we, in the outer fort, 100 or 200. Moreover they 
had chased off Jahangir Mirza, as long before as it takes milk 
to boil, and with him had gone half my men. This notwith- 
standing, we sent a man, while we were in the Gate, to say to 
him, 'If you are near at hand, come, let us attack again.' 
But the matter had gone past that! Ibrahim Beg, either 
because his horse was really weak or because of his wound, 
said, ' My horse is done.' On this, Sulaiman, one of Muh. 
'All's Mubashirs servants, did a plucky thing, for with matters Fol. 1133. 
as they were and none constraining him, while we were wait- 

1 hiillak, syn. kunglak, a shirt not opening at the breast. It will have been 
a short garment since the under- vest was visible. 


ing in the Gate, he dismounted and gave his horse to Ibrahim 
Beg: Kichik (little) 'AH, now the Governor of Koel, 1 also 
shewed courage while we were in the Gate ; he was a retainer 
of SI. Muh. Wais and twice did well, here and in Aush. We 
delayed in the Gate till those sent to Jahangfr Mirza came back 
and said he had gone off long before. It was too late to stay 
there; off we flung; it was ill-judged to have stayed as long as 
we did. Twenty or thirty men were with me. Just as we 
hustled out of the Gate, a number of armed men 2 came right 
down upon us, reaching the town-side of the drawbridge just as 
we had crossed. Banda-'ali, the maternal grandfather of 
Qasim Beg's son, Hamza, called out to Ibrahim Beg, ' You are 
always boasting of your zeal ! Let's take to our swords I' 
' What hinders ? Come along !' said Ibrahim Beg, from beside 
me. The senseless fellows were for displaying their zeal at a 
time of such disaster ! Ill-timed zeal ! That was no time to 
make stand or delay ! We went off quickly, the enemy follow- 
ing and unhorsing our men. 

(in. Bdbur a fugitive before Tambal's men.) 

When we were passing Meadow-dome (Gumbaz-i-chaman), 
two miles out of Akhsi, Ibrahim Beg called out to me. Looking 
back, I saw a page of Shaikh Bayazld's striking at him and 
turned rein, but Bayan-quli's Khan-qull, said at my side, ' This 
is a bad time for going back,' seized my rein and pushed ahea$. 
Many of our men had been unhorsed before we reached Sang, 
4 miles (2 shar'i,) out of Akhsi, 3 Seeing no pursuers at Sang, we 

1 i.e. when Babur was writing in Hindustan. Exactly at what date he 
made this entry is not sure. 'AH was in Koel in 933 AH. (f . 315) and then taken 
prisoner, but Babur does not say he was killed, as he well might say of a 
marked man, and, as the captor was himself taken shortly after, 'AH may 
have been released, and may have been in Koel again. So that the statement 
' now in Koel ' may refer to a time later than his capture. The interest of 
the point is in its relation to the date of composition of the Babur-nama. 

No record of 'All's bravery in Aflsh has been preserved. The reference 
here made to it 'may indicate something attempted in 908 AH. after Babur's 
adventure in Karnan (f. ri8&) or in 909 AH. from Sukh. Cf. Translator's note 
f. 1186. 

2 aupchlnlik. Vambe'ry, gepanzert ; Shaw, four horse-shoes and their nails ; 
Steingass, aupcha-khdna, a guard-house. 

3 Sang is a ferry-station (Kostenko, i, 213). Pap may well have been 
regretted (f. 1096 and f. H2&) 1 The well-marked features of the French map 
of 1904 allows Babur's flight to be followed. 

908 AH. JULY 7TH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 177 

passed it by and turned straight up its water. In this position 
of our affairs there were eight men of us; Nasir's .Dost, 
Qasim Beg's Qambar-'ali, Bayan-quli's Khan-quli, Mirza Quli 
Ku&uldash, Nasir's Shaham, Sayyidl Qara's 'Abdu'l-qadus, 
Khwaja Husaini and myself, the eighth. Turning up the 
stream, we found, in the broad valley, a good little road, far 
from the beaten track. We made straight up the valley, 
leaving the stream on the right, reached its waterless part and, 
near the Afternoon Prayer, got up out of it to level land. 
When we looked across the plain, we saw a blackness on it, 
far away. I made my party take cover and myself had gone 
to look out from higher ground, when a number of men came 
at a gallop up the hill behind us. Without waiting to know 
whether they were many or few, we mounted and rode off. 
There were 20 or 25 ; we, as has been said, were eight. 
If we had known their number at first, we should have 
made a good stand against them but we thought they would 
not be pursuing us, unless they had good support behind. A Fol. 1140, 
fleeing foe, even if he be many, cannot face a few pursuers, for 
as the saying is, ' Hal is enough for the beaten ranks.' l 

Khan-quli said, ' This will never do ! They will take us all. 
From amongst the horses there are, you take two good ones 
and go quickly on with Mirza Quli Kukulddsh, each with a led 
'horse, ' May-be you will get away.' He did not speak ill ; as 
there was no fighting to hand, there was a chance of safety in 
doing as he said, but it really would not have looked well to 
leave any man alone, without a horse, amongst his foes. In 
the end they all dropped off, one by one, of themselves.' My 
horse was a little tired; Khan-quli dismounted and gave me 
his; I jumped off at once and mounted his, he mine. Just 
then they unhorsed Sayyidl Qara's 'Ab'du'l-qadus and Nasir's 
Shaham who had fallen behind. Khan-quli also was left. It 
was no time to prefer help or defence ; on it was gone, at the 
full speed of our mounts. The horses began to flag ; Dost Beg's 
failed and stopped. Mine began to tire ; Qambar-'ali got off 

1 la the Turki text this saying is in Persian ; in the Kehr-Ilminsky, in 
Turk!, as though it had gone over with its Persian context of the W.-i-B. from 
which the K.-I. text here is believed to be a translation. 



and gave me his; I mounted his, he mine. He was left. 
Khwaja Husain! was a lame man; he turned aside to the 
higher ground. I was left with Mirza Quli Kukuldash. Our 
Foi. 115. horses could not possibly gallop, they trotted. His began to 
flag. Said I, ' What will become of me, if you fall behind ? 
Come along! let's live or die together.' Several times I 
looked back at him ; at last he said, ' My horse is done ! It 
can't go on. Never mind me ! You go on, perhaps you will 
get away.' It was a miserable position for me ; he remained 
behind, I was alone. 

Two of the enemy were in sight, one Baba of Sairam, the 
other Banda-'ali. They gained on me ; my horse was done ; 
the mountains were still 2 miles (i kuroli) off. A pile of rock 
was in my path. Thought I to myself, ' My horse is worn out 
and the hills are still somewhat far away ; which way should I 
go ? In my quiver are at least 20 arrows ; should I dismount and 
shoot them off from this pile of rock ?' Then again, I thought 
I might reach the hills and once, there, stick a few arrows in 
my belt and scramble up. I had a good deal of confidence in 
my feet and went on, with this plan in mind. My horse could 
not possibly trot; the two men came within arrow's reach. 
Fol. 115^. For my own sake sparing my arrows, I did not shoot; they, 
out of caution, came no nearer. By sunset I was near the 
hills. Suddenly they called out, ' Where are you going in this 
fashion ? Jahangir Mirza has been brought in a prisoner ; 
Nasir Mirza also is in their hands. 1 I made no reply and went 
on towards the hills. When a good distance further had been 
gone, they spoke again, this time more respectfully, dismount- 
ing to speak. I gave no ear to them but went on up a glen 
till, at the Bed-time prayer, I reached a rock as big as a house. 
Going behind it, I saw there were places to be jumped, where 
no horse could go. They dismounted again and began to 
speak like servants and courteously. Said they, * Where are 
you going in this fashion, without a road and in the dark ? 
SL Ahmad Tambal will make you pddshdh.' They swore this. 
Said I, ' My mind is not easy as to that. I cannot go to him. 
Fol 116. If you think to do me timely service, years may pass before 
you have such another chance. Guide me to a road by which 

908 AH. JULY 7TH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 179 

can go to The Khan's presence. If you will do this, I will 
hew you favour and kindness greater than your heart's-desire. 
f you will not do it, go back the way you came ; that also 
rould be to serve me well.' Said they, ' Would to God we had 
ever come ! But since we are here, after following you in the 
ray we have done, how can we go back from you ? If you 
rill not go with us, we are at your service, wherever you go.' 
iaid I, ' Swear that you speak the truth.' They, for their part, 
lade solemn oath upon the Holy Book. 

I at once confided in them and said, ' People have shewn me 
road through a broad valley, somewhere near this glen ; take 
le to it.' Spite of their oath, my trust in them was not so 
omplete but that I gave them the lead and followed. After 2 
o 4 miles (1-2 kuroh), we came to the bed of a torrent. ' This 
/ill not be the road for the broad valley,' I said. They drew 
>ack, saying, ' That road is a long way ahead, 1 but it really must 
tave been the one we were on and they have been concealing 
he fact, in order to deceive me. About half through the night, 
ve reached another stream. This time they said, * We have 
>een negligent ; it now seems to us that the road through the 
>road valley is behind.' Said I, ' What is to be done ?' Said 
hey, ' The Ghawa road is certainly in front ; by it people cross 
or Far-kat. 1 They guided me for that and we went on till in Fol. 1166. 
he third watch of the night we reached the Karnan gully 
vhich conies down from Ghawa. Here Baba Sairami said, 
Stay here a little while I look along the Ghawa road. 1 He 
;ame back after a time and said, ' Some men have gone along 
hat road, led by one wearing a Mughul cap ; there is no going 
hat way.' I took alarm at these words. There I was, at 
lawn, in the middle of the cultivated land, far from the road I 
vanted to take. Said I, ' Guide me to where I can hide to- 
lay, and tonight when you will have laid hands on something 
or the horses, lead me to cross the Khuj and- water and along 
ts further bank.' Said they, ' Over there, on the upland, there 
night be hiding.' 

Banda-'aliwas Commandant in Karnan. 'There is no doing 
vithout food for ourselves or our horses ;' he said, ' let me go 

1 Cf. f. 966 and Fr. Map for route over the Kmdlr-tau. 


into Karnan and bring what I can find. 1 We stopped 2 miles 
(i kuroh] out of Karnan ; he went on. He was a long time 
away ; near dawn there was no sign of him. The day had shot 
when he hurried up, bringing three loaves of bread but no corn 
for the horses. Each of us putting a loaf into the breast of his 
tunic, we went quickly up the rise, tethered our horses there in 
the open valley and went to higher ground, each to keep watch. 
Foi. 117. Near mid-day, Ahmad the Falconer went along the Ghawa 
road for Akhsi. I thought of calling to him and of saying, 
with promise and fair word, ' You take those horses,' for they 
had had a day and .a night's strain and struggle, without corn, 
and were utterly done. But then again, we were a little un- 
easy as we did not entirely trust him. We decided that, as the 
men Baba Sairami had seen on the road would be in Karnan 
that night, the two with me should fetch one of their horses 
for each of us, and that then we should go each his own way. 

At mid-day, a something glittering was seen on a horse, as 
far away as eye can reach. We were not able to make out at 
all what it was. It must have been Muh. Baqir Beg himself ; 
he had been with us in Akhsi and when we got out and 
scattered, he must have come this way and have been moving- 
then to a hiding-place. 1 

Banda-'al! and Baba Sairami said, ' The horses have had no 
corn for two days and two nights ; let us go down into the dale 
and put them there to graze.' Accordingly we rode down and 
put them to the grass. At the Afternoon Prayer, a horseman 
passed along the rising-ground where we had been. We 
recognized him for Qadlr-birdi, the head-man of Ghawa. ' Call 
him/ I said. They called ; he came. After questioning him, 
and speaking to him of favour and kindness, and giving him 
promise and fair word, I sent him to bring rope, and a grass- 
hook, and an axe, and material for crossing water, 2 and corn 
'ol. ii;<5. for the horses, and food and, if it were possible, other horses. 
We made tryst with him for that same spot at the Bed-time 

1 This account of Muh. Baqir reads like one given later to Babur ; he may 
have had some part in Babur's rescue (cf. Translator's Note to f. 1186). 

2 Perhaps reeds for a raft, Sh. N. p. 258, Sal auchun bar qdmtsh, reeds are 
there also for rafts. 

90S AH. JULY 7TH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 181 

Near the Evening Prayer, a horseman passed from the 
direction of Karnan for Ghawa. ' Who are you ?' we asked. 
He made some reply. He must have been Muh. Baqir Beg 
himself, on his way from where we had seen him earlier, going 
at night-fall to some other hiding-place, but he so changed his 
voice that, though he had been years with me, I did not know 
it. It would have been well if I had recognized him and he 
had joined me. His passing caused much anxiety and alarm ; 
tryst could not be kept with Qadir-blrdi of Ghawa. Banda- 
'ali said, ( There are retired gardens in the suburbs of Karnan 
where no one will suspect us of being; let us go there and 
send to Qadir-birdl and have him brought there.' With this 
idea, we mounted and went to the Karnan suburbs. It was 
winter and very cold. They found a worn, coarse sheepskin 
coat and brought it to me ; I put it on. They brought me a 
bowl of millet-porridge; I ate it and was wonderfully re- 
freshed. ' Have you sent off the man to Qadir-birdi ?' said I 
to Barida-'ali. ' I have sent,' he said. But those luckless, 
clownish rnannikins seem to have agreed together to send the 
man to Tarnbal in Akhsi ! 

We went into a house and for awhile my eyes closed in 
sleep. Those mannikins artfully said to me, 'You must not 
bestir yourself to leave Karnan till there is news of Qadlr- 
birdi but this house is right amongst the suburbs ; on the out- 
skirts the orchards are empty; no-one will suspect if we go Fol. 118. 
there.' Accordingly we mounted at mid-night and went to a 
distant orchard. Baba SairamI kept watch from the roof of a 
house. Near mid-day he came down and said, ' Commandant 
Yusuf is coming.' Great fear fell upon me ! ' Find out,' I 
said, 'whether he comes because he knows about me.' He 
went and after some exchange of words, came back and said, 
' He says he mefc a fopt-soldier in the Gate of Akhsi who said to 
tiim, "The padshah is in such a place," that he told no-one, 
put the man with Wai! the Treasurer whom he had made 
prisoner in the fight, and then . gallopped off here.' Said I, 
How does it strike you?' 'They are all your servants/ he 
said, ' you must go. What else can you do ? They will make 
7ou their ruler.' Said I, ' After such rebellion and fighting, 


with what confidence could I go ?' We were saying" this, 
when Yusuf knelt -before me, saying, ' Why should it be hidden ? 
SI. Ahmad Tambal has no news of you, but Shaikh Bayazid 
has and he sent me here.' On hearing this, my state of mind 
was miserable indeed, for well is it understood that nothing in 
the world is worse than fear for one's life. ' Tell the truth !' I 
said, 'if the affair is likely to go on to worse, I will make 
Fol. n8/>. ablution.' Yusuf swore oaths, but who would trust them ? I 
knew the helplessness of my position. I rose and went to 
a corner of the garden, saying to myself, ' If a man live a 
hundred years or a thousand years, at the last nothing . . ,' 1 


Friends are likely to have rescued Babur from his dangerous 
isolation. His presence in Karnan was known both in Ghawa 
and in Akhsi; Muh. Baqir Beg was at hand (f. 117) ; some of 
those he had dropped in his flight would follow him when their 
horses had had rest; Jahanglr was somewhere north of the 
river with the half of Babur's former force (f. 112) ; The Khans, 
with their long-extended line of march, may have been on the 
main road through or near Karnan. If Yusuf took Babur as a 
prisoner along the Akhsi road, there were these various chances 
of his meeting friends. 

His danger was evaded; he joined his uncles and was with 
them, leading 1000 men (Sh. N. p. 268), when they were 
defeated at Archlan just before or in the season of Cancer, i.e. 
circa June (T. R. p. 164). What he was doing between the 
winter cold of Karnan (f. n 7 b) and June might have been 

., ff '- as tt mi S ht thr0u & h loss of 
extending over some 16 months. Cf. App. D. for a 

toin S kvt e pUrl T' f Und With the Haidarabad Codex and the 

ffiSE! tel1 how Babur was rescued from the risk 

908 AH. JULY 7TH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 183 

nown from his lost pages. Muh. Salih writes at length of one 
[fair falling within the time, Jahangir's occupation of Khu- 
ind, its siege and its capture by Shaibani. This capture will occurred considerably more than a month before the 
sfeat of The Khans (Sh. N. p. 230). 

It is not easy to decide in what month of 908 AH. they went 
ito Farghana or how long their campaign lasted. Babur 
ironicles a series of occurrences, previous to the march of the 
:my, which must have rilled some time. The road over the 
mdirlik-pass was taken, one closed in Babur's time (f. ib) 
tough now open through the winter. Looking at the rapidity 
: his own movements in Farghana, it seems likely that the pass 
as crossed after and not before its closed time. If so, the 
impaign may have covered 4 or 5 months. Muh. Salih's 
:count of Shaibaq's operations strengthens this view. News 
tat Ahmad had joined Mahmiid in Tashkint (f. 102) went to 
haibani in Khusrau Shah's territories ; he saw his interests in 
imarkand threatened by this combination of the Chaghatal 
others to restore Babur in Farghana, came north therefore in 
der to help Tambal. He then waited a month in Samarkand 
h. N. p. 230), besieged Jahangir, went back and stayed in 
imarkand long enough to give his retainers time to equip for 
year's campaigning (1. c. p. 244) then went to Akhsl and so 
i Archian. 

Babur's statement (f. nob) that The Khans went from Andi- 
n to the Khujand-crossing over the Sir attracts attention 
:cause this they might have done if they had meant to leave 
irghana by Mirza-rabat but they are next heard of as at Akhsi. 
7 hy did they make that great devour ? Why not have crossed 
>posite Akhsl or at Sang ? Or if they had thought of retiring, 
hat turned them east again ? Did they place Jahangir in 
hujand ? Babur's missing pages would have answered these 
lestions no doubt. It was useful for them to encamp where 
ey did, east of Akhsl, because they there had near them a road 
' which reinforcement could come from Kashghar or retreat 
i made. The Akhsi people told Shaibani that he could easily 
ercorne The Khans if he went without warning, and if they 
id not withdrawn by the Kulja road (Sh. N. p. 262). By that 


road the few men who went with Ahmad to Tashkint (f. 103) 
may have been augmented to the force, enumerated as his in 
the" battle by Muh. Salih (Sh. N. cap. LIIL). 

When The Khans were captured, Babur escaped and made 
' for Mughulistan,' a vague direction seeming here to mean 
Tashkint, but, finding his road blocked, in obedience to orders 
from Shaibaq that he and Abu'l-makaram were to be captured, 
he turned back and, by unfrequented ways, went into the hill- 
country of Sukh and Hushiar. There he spent about a year 
in great misery (f. 14 and H. S. ii, 318). Of the wretchedness 
of the time IJaidar also writes. If anything was attempted in 
Farghana in the course of those months, record of it has been 
lost with Babur's missing pages. He was not only homeless 
and poor, but shut in by enemies. Only the loyalty or kindness 
of the hill-tribes can have saved him and his few followers. 
His mother was with him ; so also were the families of his men. 
How Qutluq-nigar contrived to join him from Tashkint, though 
historically a small matter, is one he would chronicle. What 
had happened there after the Mughul defeat, was that the 
horde had marched away for Kashghar while Shah Begim 
remained in charge of her daughters with whom the Auzbeg 
chiefs intended to contract alliance. Shaibani's orders for her 
stay and for the general exodus were communicated to her by 
her son, The Khan, in what Muh. Salih, quoting its purport, 
describes as a right beautiful letter (p. 296). 

By some means Qutluq-nigar joined Babur, perhaps helped 
by the circumstance that her daughter, Kha.n-.zada was 
Shaibaq's wife. She spent at least some part of those hard 
months with him, when his fortunes were at their lowest ebb. 
A move becoming imperative, the ragged and destitute company 
started in mid -June 1504 (Muh. 910 AH.) on that perilous 
mountain journey to which Haidar applies the Prophet's 
dictum, ' Travel is a foretaste of Hell,' but of which the end 
was the establishment of a Timurid dynasty in Hindustan. 
To look down the years from the destitute Babur to Akbar, 
Shah-jahan and Aurangzib is to see a great stream of human 
life flow from its source in his resolve to win upward, his 
quenchless courage and his abounding vitality. Not yet 22, 

908 AH. JULY 7TH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD. 185 

the sport of older men's intrigues, he had been tempered by 
failure, privation and dangers. 

He left Sukh intending to go to SI. llusain Mirza in 
Khurasan but he changed this plan for one taking him to 
Kabul where a Timurid might claim to dispossess the Arghuns, 
then holding it since the death, in 907 AH. of his uncle, 
Aulugh Beg Mirza Kdbuli. 


910 AH. JUNE UTH 1504 TO JUNE 4ra 1505 AD. 2 

(a. Bdbur leaves Farghana?) 

In the month of Muharram, after leaving the Farghana country 
intending to go to Khurasan, I dismounted at Ailak-yllaq, 3 one ^ j 
of the summer pastures of Hisar. In this carnp I entered my 
23rd year, and applied the razor to my face. 4 Those who, 
hoping in me, went with me into exile, were, small and great, 
between 2 and 300 ; they were almost all on foot, had walking- 
staves in their hands, brogues s on their feet, and long coats 6 on 

1 As in the Farghana Section, so here, reliance is on the KlplunsUme and 
Haidarabad MSS. The Kehr-Ilminsky text still appears to be a retranslatkm from 
the Waqi l at-i-baburi and verbally departs much from the true text ; moreover, in 
this Section it has been helped out, where its archetype was illegible or lias lost 
fragmentary passages, from the Leyden and Erskine Memoirs. It niay be 
mentioned, as between the First and the Second W&<]i i Rt~i~hQ.huri:, that .several 
obscure passages in this Section are more explicit in the First (Payanda-liasan's) than 
in its successor ('Abdu-r-rahim's). 

2 Elph. MS. f. 906; W.-i-B. 1.0. 215, f. 966 and 217, f. 79; M'ems. p. 127. 
" In 1504 AD. Ferdinand the Catholic drove the French out of Naples" (Erskine). In 
England, Henry VII was pushing forward a commercial treaty, the Intsratrsus mains, 
with the Flemings and growing in wealth by the exactions of Kmpson and Dudley. 

3 presumably the pastures of the " Ilak " Valley. The route. from Hiikh would 
be over the 'AlaVd-dln-pass, into the QMl-su valley, down to Ab-i-garm and on 
to the Allaq- valley, Khwaja 'Imad, the Kafirnigan, Qabadlan, and Aubaj on the Ainu. 
See T.R. p. 175 and Farghana Section, p. 184, as to the character of the journey. 

4 Amongst the Turk! tribes, the 'time, of first applying the razor to the face is 
celebrated by a great entertainment. Babur's miserable circumstances would not 
admit of this (Erskine). 

The text is ambiguous here, reading either that Sulch was left or that Allaq-yllaq 
was reached 'in Muharram. As the birthday was on the 8th, the journey very 
arduous and, for a party mostly on foot, slow, it seems safest to suppose that the start 
was made from Sukh at the end of 909 AH. and not in Muharram, 910 AH. 

5 chdruq, rough boots of untanned leather, formed like a moccasin with the lower 
leather drawn up round the foot ; they are worn by Khlrghlz mountaineers and 
caravan-men on journeys (Shaw). 

6 chapan, the ordinary garment of Central Asia (Shaw). 


]88 KABUL 

their shoulders. So destitute were we that we had but two tents 
(chddar) amongst us ; my own used to be pitched for my mother, 
and they set an dldchuq at each stage for me to sit in. 1 

Though we had started with the intention of going into 
Khurasan, yet with things as they were 2 something was hoped 
for from the Hisar country and Khusrau Shah's retainers. 
Every few days some-one would come in from the country or 
a tribe or the (Mughul) horde, whose words made it probable 
that we had growing ground for hope. Just then Mulla Baba 
of Pashaghar came back, who had been our envoy to Khusrau 
Shah ; from Khusrau Shah he brought nothing likely to please, 
but he did from the tribes and the horde. 

Three or four marches beyond Ailak, when halt was made at a 
place near Hisar called Khwaja 'Imad, Muhibb-'alT, the Armourer, 
came to me from Khusrau Shah. Through Khusrau Shah's 
territories I have twice happened to pass ; 3 renowned though he 
was for kindness and liberality, he neither time showed me the 
humanity he had shown to the meanest of men.- 

As we were hoping something from the country and the 
tribes, we made delay at every stage. At this critical point 
Sherim Taghai, than whom no man of mine was greater, 
thought of leaving me because he was not keen to go into 
Khurasan. He had sent all his family off and stayed himself 
unencumbered, when after the defeat at Sar-i-pul (906 AH.) I went 
back to defend Samarkand ; he was a bit of a coward and he did 
this sort of thing several times over. 

(b. Bdbur joined by one of Khusrau Shah's kinsmen?) 

After we reached Qabadian, a younger brother of Khusrau 
Shah, Baqi Chaghdmdm, whose holdings were Chaghanlan, 4 
Shahr-i-safa and Tlrmlz, sent the khatzb 5 of Qarshi to me to 

1 The alachug, a tent of flexible poles, covered with felt, may be the khargah 
(kibitka) ; Persian chadar seems to represent Turk! aq awi, white house. 

2 i.e. with Khusrau's power shaken by Auzbeg attack, made in the winter of 909 AH. 
(Shaibam-nama cap. Iviii). 

3 Cf. if. 8 1 and 816. The armourer's station was low for an envoy to Babur, the 
superior in birth of the armourer's master. 

4 var. Chaqanian and Saghaman, The name formerly described the whole of the 
Hisar territory (Erskine). 

5 the preacher by whom the Khutba is read (Erskine). 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 189 

express his good wishes and his desire for alliance, and, after we 
had crossed the Amu at the Aubaj-ferry, he came himself to 
wait on me. By his wish we moved down the river to opposite 
Tlrmlz, where, without fear [or, without going over himself], 1 he 
had their families 2 and their goods brought across to join us. 
This done, we set out together for Kahmard and Bamian, then 
held by his son 3 Ahmad-i-qasim, the son of Khusrau Shah's 
sister. Our plan was to leave the households (awt-afl} safe in 
Fort Ajar of the Kahmard-valley and to take action wherever Fol. 121. 
action might seem well. At Aibak, Yar-'ali Bala.1,4 who had 
fled from Khusrau Shah, joined us with several braves ; he had 
been with me before, and had made "good use of his sword 
several times in' my presence, but was parted from me in the 
recent throneless times 5 and had gone to Khusrau Shah. He 
represented to me that the Mughuls in Khusrau Shah's service 
wished me well Moreover, Qambar-'all Beg, known also as 
Qambar-'ali Sildkh (Skinner), fled to me after we reached 
the Zindan-valley. 6 

(c. Occurrences in Kahmard^} 

We reached Kahmard with three or four marches and 
deposited our households and families in Ajar. While we 
stayed there, Jahangir Mlrza married (Ai Beglm) the daughter 
of SI. Mahmud Mlrza and Khan-zada Beglm, who had been 
set aside for him during the lifetime of the Mirzas. 7 

Meantime Baql Beg urged it upon me, again and again, that 
two rulers in one country, or two chiefs in one army are a source 
of faction and disorder a foundation of dissension and ruin. 

1 bi baql or bl Baql perhaps a play of words with the double meaning expressed 
in the above translation. 

* Amongst these were widows and children of Babur's uncle, Mahmud (f. 27<5). 

3 aiighuL As being the son of Khusrau's sister, Ahmad was nephew to Baql ; 
there may be in the text a scribe's slip from one aughul to another, and the real 
statement be that Ahmad was the son of Baqfs son, Muh. Qasim, which would account 
for his name Ahmad-i-qasim. 

* Cf. f. 67. 

5 Babur's loss of ruje in Farghana and Samarkand. 

6 about 7 miles south of Aibak, on the road to Sar-i-tagh (mountain-head, Erskine). 

7 -viz. the respective fathers, Mahmud and 'Umar Shaikh. The arrangement was 
made in 895 AH. (1490 AD.). 


"For they have said, 'Ten darwlshes can sleep under one blanket, 
but two kings cannot find room in one clime.' 

If a man of God eat half a loaf, 
He gives the other to a darwlsh ; 
Let a king grip the rule of a clime, 
He dreams of another to grip. " r 

BaqI Beg urged further that Khusrau Shah's retainers and 
followers would be coming in that day or the next to take 
service with the Padshah (i.e. Babur) ; that there were such 
Fol. 121,5. sedition-mongers with them as the sons of Ayub Begchik, 
besides other who had been the stirrers and spurs to disloyalty 
amongst their Mlrzas, 2 and that if, at this point, Jahangir Mirza 
were dismissed, on good and friendly terms, for Khurasan, it 
would remove a source of later repentance. Urge it as he would, 
however, I did not accept his suggestion, because it is against 
my nature t6 do an injury to my brethren, older or younger, 3 
or to any kinsman soever, even when something untoward has 
happened. Though, formerly -between Jahangir Mirza and me, 
resentments and recriminations had occurred about our rule 
and retainers, yet there was nothing whatever then to arouse 
anger against him ; he had come out of that country 
(i.e. Farghana) with me and was behaving like a blood-relation 
and a servant. But in the end it was just as BaqI Beg 
predicted ; those tempters to disloyalty, that is to say, Ayub's 
Yusuf and Ayub's Bihlul, left me for Jahangir Mirza, took up 
a hostile and mutinous position, parted him from me, and 
conveyed him into Khurasan, 

(d. Co-operation invited against Shaibdq Khan.} 

In those days came letters from SI. Husain Mirza, long and 
far-fetched letters which are still in my possession and in that 
Fol. 122. of others, written to Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza, myself, Khusrau 
Shah and Zu'n-nun Beg, all to the same purport, as follows : 
"When the three brothers, SI. Mahmud Mirza, SI. Ahmad 
Mirza, and Aulugh Beg Mirza, joined together and advanced 

1 Gulistan cap. i, story 3. Part of this quotation is used again on f. 183. 
- Mahmud's sons under whom BaqI had served. 

3 Uncles of all degrees are included as elder brethren, cousins of all degrees, as 
younger ones. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 191 

jainst me, I defended the bank of the Murgh-ab z in such 

way that they retired without being able to effect anything. 

ow if the Auzbegs advance, I might myself guard the bank of 
le Murgh-ab again ; let Badl'u'z-zaman Mlrza leave men to 
sfend the forts of Balkh, Shibarghan, and Andikhud while he 
imself guards Girzawan, the Zang-valley, and the hill-country 
lereabouts." As he had heard of my being in those parts, he 
-rote to me also, " Do you make fast Kahmard, Ajar, and that 
ill-tract ; let Khusrau Shah place trusty men in Hisar and 
>unduz ; let his younger brother Wall make fast Badakhshan 
nd the Khutlan hills ; then the Auzbeg will retire, able to do 

These letters threw us into despair ; for why ? Because at 
lat time there was in Tlrnfir Beg's territory (yiirf) no ruler so 
reat as SI. Husain Mlrza, whether by his years, armed strength, 
r dominions ; it was to be expected, therefore, that envoys 
r ould go, treading on each other's heels, with clear and sharp 
rders, such as, " Arrange for so many boats at the Tirmlz, Fol. 
ullf, and Kirki ferries," " Get any quantity of bridge material 
Dgether," and " Well watch the ferries above Tuquz-aulum," 2 
D that men whose spirit years of Auzbeg oppression had 
roken, might be cheered to hope again. 3 But how could hope 
ve in tribe or horde when a great ruler like SI. Husain Mlrza, 
itting in the place of Timur Beg, spoke, not of marching forth 
D meet the enemy, but only of defence against his attack ? 

When we had deposited in Ajar what had come with us of 
ungry train (aj auriiq) and household (awi-alt} } together with 
tie families of Baqi Beg, his son, Muh. Qasim, his soldiers 
nd his tribesmen, with all their goods, we moved out with 
ur men. 

1 presumably the ferries ; perhaps the one on the main road from the north-east 
hich crosses the river at Fort Murgh-ab. 

- Nine deaths, perhaps where the Amu is split into nine channels at the place where 
firza Khan's son Sulaiman later met his rebel grandson Shah-rukh (Tabaqat-i-akbari, 
;lliot & Dowson, v, 392, -and A.N. Bib. Ind., 3rd ed., 441). Tuquz-aulum is too 
.r up the river to be Arnold's "shorn and parcelled Oxus". 

3 Shaibaq himself had gone down from Samarkand in 908 AH. and in 909 AH. and 
3 permanently located his troops as to have sent their families to them. In 909 AI '. 
e drove Khusrau into the mountains of Badakhshan, but did not occupy Qunduz ; 
lither Khusrau returned and there stayed till now, when Shaibaq again came south 
"ol. 123). See Sh. N. cap. Iviii et scq. 

192 KABUL 

(e. Increase of Bdbur 's following.} 

One man after another came in from Khusrau Shah's 
Mughuls and said, " We of the Mughul horde, desiring the 
royal welfare, have drawn off from Talkhan (Tallkan) towards 
Ishklmish and Fulul. Let the Padshah advance as fast as 
possible, for the greater part of Khusrau Shah's force has 
broken up and is ready to take service with him." Just then 
news arrived that Shaibaq Khan, after taking Andijan, 1 was 
getting to horse again against Hisar and Qunduz. On hearing 
Fol. 123. kj s ^ Khusj-au Shah, unable to stay in Quncluz, marched out 
with all the men he had, and took the road for Kabul. No 
sooner had he left than his old servant, the able and trusted 
Mulla Muhammad Turkistani made Qunduz fast for Shaibaq 

Three or four thousand heads-of-houses in the Mughul horde, 
former dependants of Khusrau Shah, brought their families and 
joined us when, going by way of Sham-tu, we were near the 
Qlzll-su. 2 

(f. Qambar-ali, the Skinner, dismissed?) 

Qambar-'all Beg's foolish talk has been mentioned several 
times already ; his manners were displeasing to Baqi Beg ; to 
gratify BaqI Beg, he was dismissed. Thereafter his son, 
'Abdu'l-shukur, was in Jahanglr Mlrza's service. 

(g. Khusrau Shah waits on Bdbur?) 

Khusrau Shah was much upset when he heard that the 
Mughul horde had joined me ; seeing nothing better to do 
for himself, he sent his son-in-law, Ayub's Yaq'ub, to make 
profession of well-wishing and submission to me, and respect- 
fully to represent that he would enter my service if I would 
make terms and compact with him. His offer was accepted, 
because BaqI Chaghdnmni was a man of weight, and, however 
steady in his favourable disposition to me, did not overlook his 
brother's side in this matter. Compact was made that Khusrau 

1 From Tambal, to put down whom he had quitted his army near Ealkh (Sh. N. 
cap. lix). 

2 This, one of the many Red-rivers, flows from near Kahmard and joins the Andar-ab 
water riear DushT. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 193 

Shah's life should be safe, and that whatever amount of his 
joods he selected, should not be refused him. After giving 
Vaq'ub leave to go, we marched down the Qizll-su and dis- 
mounted near to where it joins the water of Andar-ab. Fol. 1235. 

Next day, one in the middle of the First Rabf (end of 
August, 1 504 AD.), riding light, I crossed the Andar-ab water and 
took my seat under a large plane-tree near Dushl, and thither 
:ame Khusrau Shah, in pomp and splendour, with a great 
:ompany of men. According to rule and custom, he dismounted 
some way off and then made his approach. Three times he 
<nelt when we saw one another, three times also on taking 
eave ; he knelt once when asking after my welfare, once again 
,vhen he offered his tribute, and he did the same with Jahanglr 
IVTirza and with Mlrza Khan (Wais). That sluggish old 
nannikin who through so many years had just pleased himself, 
.acking of sovereignty one thing only, namely, to read the 
Kkutba in his own name, now knelt 25 or 26 times in 
succession, and came and went till he was so wearied out that - 
le tottered forward. His many years of begship and authority 
/anished from his view. When we had seen one another and 
le had offered his gift, I desired him to be seated. We stayed 
n that place for one or two garis? exchanging tale and talk. 
Sis conversation was vapid and empty, presumably because he 
vas a coward and false to his salt. Two things he said were 
extraordinary for the time when, under his eyes, his trusty and 
xusted retainers were becoming mine, and when his affairs had 
cached the point that he, the sovereign-aping mannikin, had 
iad to come, willy-nilly, abased and unhonoured, to what sort Fol. 124. 
)f an interview ! One of the things he said was this : When 
:ondoled with for the desertion of his men, he replied, " Those 
r ery servants have four times left me and returned." The 
>ther was said when I had asked him where his brother Wall 
vould cross the Amu and when he would arrive. " If he find 
L ford, he will soon be here, but when waters rise, fords change ; 
he (Persian) proverb has it, 'The waters have carried down 
he fords." " These words God brought to his tongue in that 
tour of the flowing away of his own authority and following ! 

1 A garl is twenty-four minutes. 

194 KABUL 

After sitting a gari or two, I mounted and rode back to camp, 
he for his part returning to his halting-place. On that day his 
begs, with their servants, great and small, good and bad, and 
tribe after tribe began to desert him and come, with their 
families, to me. Between the two Prayers of the next afternoon 
not a man remained in his presence. 

" Say, O God ! who possessest the kingdom ! Thou givest it 
to whom Thou wilt and Thou takest it from whom Thou wilt ! 
In Thy hand is good, for Thou art almighty." I 

Wonderful is His power ! This man, once master of 20 or 
30,000 retainers, once owning SI. Mahmud's dominions from 
Qahlugha, known also as the Iron-gate, to the range of 
Fol. 124/5. Hindu-kush, whose old mannikin of a tax-gatherer, Hasan 
Barlas by name, had made us march, had made us halt, with 
all the tax-gatherer's roughness, from Ailak to Aubaj, 2 that 
man He so abased and so bereft of power that, with no blow 
struck, no sound made, he stood, without command over 
servants, goods, or life, in the presence of a band of 200 or 
300 men, defeated and destitute as we were. 

In the evening of the day on which we had seen Khusrau 
Shah and gone back to camp, Mlrza Khan came to my presence 
and demanded vengeance on him. for the blood of his brothers. 3 
Many of us were at one with him, for truly it is right, both by 
Law and common justice, that such men should get their deserts, 
but, as terms had been made, Khusrau Shah was let go free. 
An order was given that he should be allowed to take whatever 
of his goods he could convey ; accordingly he loaded up, on 
three or four strings of mules and camels, all jewels, gold, silver, 
and precious things he had, and took them with him.'* Sherlm 
Taghal was told off to escort him, who after setting Khusrau 
Shah on his road for Khurasan, by way of Ghurl and Dahanah, 
was to go to Kahmard and bring the families after us to Kabul. 

1 Qoran, $urat iii, verse 25 Sale's Qoran, ed. 1825, j, 56. 

* Cf. f. 82. 

3 vis. Bai-sanghar, bowstrung, and Mas'iid, blinded. 

* Muh. Salih is florid over the rubies of Badakhshan he says Babur took from 
Khusrau, but Haidar says Babur not only had Khusrau's property, treasure, and 
horses returned to him, but refused all gifts Khusrau offered. "This is one trait out 
of a thousand in the Emperor's character." Haidar mentions, too, the then lack of 
necessaries under which Babur suffered (Sh. N., cap. Ixiii, and T.R. p. 176). 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 195 

Bdbur marches for Kabul.} 

Marching from that camp for Kabul, we dismounted in 
iwaja Zaid. 

On that day, Hamza Bi Mangfit? at the head of Auzbeg 
ders, was over-running round about Dushl. Sayyid Qasim, 
2 Lord of the Gate, and Ahmad-i-qasim Kohbur were sent Fol. 125. 
th several braves against him ; they got up with him, beat 
5 Auzbegs well, cut off and brought in a few heads. 
In this camp all the armour (jiba) of Khusrau Shah's 
noury was shared out. There may have been as many as 
or 800 coats-of-mail (joshan) and horse accoutrements 
iihah} ; 2 these were the one thing he left behind ; many 
sees of porcelain also fell into our hands, but, these excepted, 
ere was nothing worth looking at. 

With four or five marches we reached Ghur-bund, and there 
smounted in Ushtur-shahr. We got news there that Muqlm's 
.ief beg, Sherak (var. Sherka) Arghim,vj3.s lying along the Baran, 
iving led an army out, not through hearing of me, but to hinder 
.bdu'r-razzaq Mirza from passing along the Panjhir-road, he 
Lving fled from Kabul 3 and being then amongst the Tarkalam 
fghans towards Lamghan. On hearing this we marched forward, _ 
arting in the afternoon and pressing on through the dark till, 
ith the dawn, we surmounted the Huplan-pass. 4 
I had never seen Suhail ; s when I came out of the pass I saw 
star, bright and low. " May not that be Suhail ? " said I. Said 
iey, " It is Suhail." Baqi Chaghanmm recited this couplet ; 6 

" How far dost thou shine, O Suhail, and where dost thou rise ? 
A sign of good luck is thine eye to the man on whom it may light." 

1 Cf. T.R. p. 134 n. and 374 n. 

a Jiba, so often used to describe the quilted corselet, seems to have here a wider 

waning, since the jiba-khana contained both joshan and kfthah, i.e. coats-of-mail 

d horse-mail" with accoutrements. It can have been only from this source that 

ibur's men obtained the horse-mail off. 127. 

3 He succeeded his father, Aulugh Beg Kabuli, in 907 AH. ; his youth led to the 

urpation of his authority by Sherlm Zikr, one of his begs ; but the other begs put 

lerim to death. During the subsequent confusions Muh. Muqim Argkun, in 908 AH. , 

it possession of Kabul and married a sister of 'Abdu'r-razzaq. Things were in this 

ite when Babur entered the country in 910 AH. (Erskine). 

* var. Uplan, a few miles north of Charikar. 

3 Suhail (Canopus) is a most conspicuous star in Afghanistan ; it gives its name to 

e south, which is never called Janub but Suhail ; the rising of Suhail marks one of 

eir seasons (Erskine). The honour attaching to this star is due to its seeming to 

;e out of Arabia Felix, 

6 The lines are in the Preface to the Anwar-i-suhaiK (Lights of Canopus). 

196 KABUL 

The Sun was a spear's-length high x when we reached the foot 
of the Sanjid (Jujube)-valley and dismounted. Our scouting 
Fol. 1250. braves fell in with Sherak below the Qara-bagh, 2 near Alkarl- 
yar, and straightway got to grips with him. After a little of 
some sort of righting, our men took the upper hand, hurried their 
adversaries off, unhorsed 70-80 serviceable braves and brought 
them in. We gave Sherak his life and he took service with us. 

(i. Death of Wall of Khusrau?) 

The various clans and tribes whom Khusrau Shah, without 
troubling himself about them, had left in Qunduz, and also the 
Mughul horde, were in five or six bodies (btildk). One of those 
belonging to Badakhshan, it was the Rusta-hazara, came, with 
Sayyidim 'All darban? across the Panjhlr-pass to this camp, 
did me obeisance and took service with me. Another body 
came under Ayub's Yusuf and Ayub's Bihlul ; it also took 
service with me. Another came from Khutlan, under Khusrau 
Shah's younger brother, Wall ; another, consisting of the 
(Mughul) tribesmen (almaq) who had been located in Yllanchaq, 
Nikdiri (?), and the Qunduz country, came also. The last- 
named two came by Andar-ab and Sar-i-ab, 4 meaning to cross 
by the Panjhlr-pass ; at Sar-i-ab the tribesmen were ahead ; 
^Wall came up behind ; they held the road, fought and beat 
him. He himself fled to the Auzbegs,^ and Shaibaq Khan had 
his head struck off in the Square (Char-sit) of Samarkand ; his 
followers, beaten and plundered, came on with the tribesmen, 
and like these, took service with me. With them came Sayyid 
Fol. 126. Yusuf Beg (the Grey-wolfer). 

(/. Kabul gained.} 

From that camp we marched to the Aq-sarai meadow of the 
Qara-bagh and there dismounted. Khusrau Shah's people were 

1 "Die Kirghis-qazzaq driicken die Sonnen-hohe in Pikenaus" (von Schwarz, p. 124). 

2 presumably, dark with shade, as in qara-ylghach, the hard-wood elm (f. 47^ and 
note to narwan). 

3 i. e. Sayyid Muhammad 'All, the door- ward. These biilaks seem likely to have 
been groups of l,ooo fighting-men (Turk! Ming). 

* In-the-water and Water-head. 

s Wall went from his defeat to Khwast ; wrote to Mahrniid Auzbeg in Qunduz to 
ask protection ; was fetched to Qunduz by Muh Salih, the author of the Shaibanl- 
nama, and forwarded from Qunduz to Samarkand (Sh. N. cap. Ixiii). Cf. f. 29^. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4ra 1505 AD. 197 

well practised in oppression and violence ; they tyrannized over 
Dne after another till at last I had up one of Sayyidlm 'All's 
good braves to my Gate * and there beaten for forcibly taking 
a jar of oil.' There and then he just died under the blows ; his 
example kept the rest down. 

We took counsel in that camp whether or not to go at once 
against Kabul: Sayyid Yusuf and some others thought that, 
as winter was near, our first move should be into Lamghan, 
from which place action could be taken as advantage offered. 
BaqI Beg and some others saw it good to move on Kabul at 
once ; this plan was adopted ; we marched forward and dis- 
mounted in Aba-quruq. 

My mother and the belongings left behind in Kahmard 
rejoined us at Aba-quruq. They had been in great danger, 
the particulars of which are these : Sherlm Taghal had gone 
to set Khusrau Shah on his way for Khurasan, and this done, 
was to fetch the families from Kahmard. When he reached 
Dahanah, he found he was not his own master ; Khusrau Shah 
went on with him into Kahmard, where was -his sister's son, 
Ahmad-i-qasim. These two took up an altogether wrong Fol. 
position towards the families in Kahmard. Hereupon a number 
of BaqI Beg's Mughuls, who were with the families, arranged 
secretly with Sherlm Taghal to lay hands on Khusrau Shah 
and Ahmad-i-qasim. The two heard of it, fled along the 
Kahmard-valley on the Ajar side 2 and made for Khurasan. 
To bring this about was really what Sherlm Taghal and the 
Mughuls wanted. Set free from their fear of Khusrau Shah by 
his flight, those in charge of the families got them out of Ajar, 
but when they reached Kahmard, the Saqanchl (var. Aslqanchl) 
tribe blocked the road, like an enemy, and plundered the 
families of most of BaqI Beg's men. 3 They made prisoner 
Qul-i-bayazld's little son, Tlzak ; he came into Kabul three or 
four years later. The plundered and unhappy families crossed 
by the Qlbchaq-pass, as we had done, and they' rejoined us in 

1 i.e. where justice was administered, at this time, outside Babur's tent. 

a They would pass Ajar and make for the main road over the Dandan-shikan Pass. 

3 The clansmen may have obeyed Ahmad's orders in thus holding up the families. , 

198 KABUL 

Leaving that camp we went, with one night's halt, to the 
Chalak-meadow, and there dismounted. After counsel taken, 
it was decided to lay siege to Kabul, and we majched forward. 
With what men of the centre there were, I dismounted between 
Haidar Tdgis' 1 garden and the tomb of Qul-i-bayazid, the 
Taster (bakawat) ; 2 Jahanglr Mlrza, with the men of the right, 

Fol. 127. dismounted in my great Four-gardens (Chdr-bdgh\ Nasir 
Mlrza, with the left, in the meadow of Qutluq-qaclarn's tomb. 
People of ours \vent repeatedly to confer with Muqlm ; they 
sometimes brought excuses back, sometimes words making for 
agreement His tactics were the sequel -of his dispatch, directly 
after Sherak's defeat, of a courier to his father and elder brother 
(in Qandahar) ; he made delays because he was hoping in them. 
One day our centre, right, and left were ordered to put on 
their mail and their horses' mail, to go close to the town, and 
to display their equipment so as to strike terror on those within. 
Jahanglr Mlrza and the right went straight forward by the 
Kucha-bagh ; 3 I, with the centre, because there was water, 
went along the side of Qutluq-qadam's tomb to a mound 
facing the rising-ground ; 4 the van collected above Qutluq- 
qadam's bridge, at that time, however, there was no bridge. 
When the braves, showing themselves off, galloped close up 
to the Curriers'-gate,s a few who had come out through it fled 
in again without making any stand. A crowd of Kabulls who 
had come out to see the sight raised a great dust when they 
ran away from the high slope of the glacis of the citadel 
(i.e. Bala-hisar). A number of pits had been dug up the rise 

Fol. i27/x between the bridge and the gate, 'and hidden under sticks and 
rubbish ; SI. Quli Chilndq and several others were thrown as 
they galloped over them. A few braves of the right exchanged 
sword-cuts with those who came out of the town, in amongst 

1 The name may be from Turk! t&q, a horse-shoe, but 1.0. 215 f. 102 writes Persian 
naqlb, the servant who announces arriving guests. 

-' Here, as immediately below, when mentioning the Char-bagh and the tomb of 
Qutliiq-qadam, Babur uses names acquired by the places at a subsequent date. In 
910 AH. the Taster was alive ; the Char-bagh was bought by Babur in 911 AH., and 
Qutluq-qadam fought at Kanwaha in 933 AH. 

3 The Kucha-bagh is still a garden about 4 miles from Kabul on the north-west and 
, . divided from it by a low hill-pass. There is still a bridge on the way (Erskine). 

4 Presumably that on which the Bala-hisar stood, the glacis of a few lines further. 
s Cf. f. 130. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 199 

the lanes and gardens, but as there was no order to engage, 
having done so much, they retired. 

Those in the fort becoming much perturbed, Muqlm made 
offer through the begs, to submit and surrender the town. Baql 
Beg his mediator, he came and waited on me, when all fear was 
chased from his rnind by our entire kindness and favour. It was 
settled that next day he should march out with retainers and 
following, goods and effects,, and should make the town over to 
us. Having in mind the good practice Khusrau Shah's retainers 
had had in indiscipline and longhandedness, we appointed 
Jahanglr Mirza and Nasir Mirza with the great and household 
begs, to escort Muqim's family out of Kabul x and to bring out 
Muqlm himself with his various dependants, goods and effects. 
Camping-ground was assigned to him at Tipa. 2 When the 
Mlrzas and the Begs went at , dawn to the Gate, they saw much 
mobbing and tumult of the common people, so they sent me a 
man to say, " Unless you come yourself, there will be no holding 
these people in," In the end I got to horse, had two or three 
persons shot, two or three cut in pieces, and so stamped the rising 
down. Muqlm and his belongings then got out, safe and sound, Foi. 128. 
and they betook themselves to Tipa. 

It was in the last ten days of the Second Rabl' (Oct. 1 504 AD.) 3 
that without a fight, without an effort, by Almighty God's bounty 
and mercy, I obtained and made subject to me Kabul and Ghaznl 
and their dependent districts. 


The Kabul country is situated in the Fourth climate . and 
in the midst of cultivated lands. 5 On the east it has the 

1 One of Muqim's wives was a Timurid, Babur's first-cousin, the daughter of 
Aulugh Beg KabuK ; another was Bib! Zarlf Khatun, the mother of that Mah-chuchuq, 
whose anger at her marriage to Babur's faithful Qasim Kukuldash has filled some 
pages of history (Gulbadan's H.N. s.n. Mah-chuchuq and Erskine's B. and H. i, 348). 

2 Some 9m. north of Kabul on the road to Aq-saraT. 

3 The Hai. MS. (only) writes First Rabl but the Second better suits the near 
approach of winter. 

4 Elph. MS. fol. 975 W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 1026 and 217 f. 85 ; Mems. p. 136. 
Useful books of the early igth century, many of them referring to the B&bur-nama, 
are Conolly's Travels, Wood's Journey, Elphinstone's Caitbtil, Burnes' Cabool, 
Masson's Narrative, Lord's and Leech's articles in JASB 1838 and in Burnes' Raforts 
(India Office Library), Broadfoot's Report in RGS Su'pp. Papers vol. L,.--"??^ 5^SW 

s f. ib where Farghana is said to be on the limit of cultivation, ^-^ tllijTiTUTiE Qf 

200 KABUL 

Lamghanat, 1 Parashawar (Pashawar), Hash(t)-nagar and some 
of the countries of Hindustan. On the west it has the 
mountain region in which are Karnud (?) and Ghur, now the 
refuge and dwelling-places of the Hazara and Nikdiri (var. 
Nikudari) tribes. On the north, separated from it by the range 
of Hindu-kush, it has the Qunduz and Andar-ab countries. 
On the south, it has Farmul, Naghr (var. Naghz), Bannu and 
Afghanistan. 2 

(a. Town and environs of Kabul.} 

The Kabul district itself is of small extent, has its greatest 
length from east to west, and is girt round by mountains. Its 
walled-town connects with one of these, r/ather a low one known 
as Shah-of-Kabul because at some time a (Hindu) Shah of 
Kabul built a residence on its summit. 3 Shah-of-Kabul begins 
at the Durrin narrows and ends at those of Dih-i-yaq'ub 4 ; 
it may be 4 miles (2 shar't) round ; its skirt is covered with 
gardens fertilized from a canal which was brought along the 
hill-slope in the time of my paternal uncle, Aulugh Beg Mirza 
by his guardian, Wais Ataka. 5 The water of this canal comes 
to an end in a retired corner, a quarter known as Kul-kma 6 

1 f. i^ib. To find these tumans here classed with what was not part of Kabul 
suggest a clerical omission of "beyond" or "east of" (Lamghanat). It may be 
more correct to write Lamghanat, since the first syllable may be lilm, fort. The 
modern form Laghman is not used in the Babur-nama, nor, it may be added is 
Paghman for Pamghan. 

* It will be observed that Babur limits the name Afghanistan to the countries 
inhabited by Afghan tribesmen ; they are chiefly those south of the road from Kabul 
to Pashawar (Erskine). See Vigne, p. 102, for a boundary between the Afghans and 

3 Al-birunl's Indika writes of both Turk and Hindu-shahi Kings of Kabul. See 
Raverty's Notes p. 62 and Stein's Shahl Kings of KcibiiL The mountain is 7592 ft. 
above the sea, some 1 800 ft. therefore above the town. 

4 The Kabul-river enters the Char-dih plain by .the Dih-i-yaq'ub narrows, and 
leaves it by those of Durrin. Cf. S.A. War, Plan p. 288 and Plan of action at 
Char-asiya (Four-mills), the second shewing an off-take which may be Wais Ataka's 
canal. See Vigne, p. 163 and Raverty's Notes pp. 69 and 689. 

s This, the Bala-jul (upper-canal) was a four-mill stream and in Masson's time, as 
now, supplied water to the gardens round Babur's tomb. Masson found in Kabul 
honoured descendants of Wais Ataka (ii, 240). 

6 But for a, perhaps negligible, shortening of its first vowel, this form of the name 
would describe the normal end of an irrigation canal, a little pool, but other forms 
with other meanings are open to choice, e.g. small hamlet (Pers. kttl), or some 
compound containing Pers. gul, a rose, in its plain or metaphorical senses. Jarrett's 
Ayin-i-akbart writes Gul-kmah, little rose (?). Masson (ii, 236) mentions a similar 
pleasure-resort, SanjI-taq. 

910 AH. JUNE UTH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH J 505 AD. 201 

'here much debauchery has gone on. About this place it Fol. 1280. 
ometimes used to be said, in jesting parody of Khwaja Hafiz I , 
-" Ah ! the happy, thoughtless time when, with our names in 
il-repute, we lived days of days at Kul-klna ! " 

East of Shah-of-Kabul and south of the walled-town lies 
, large pool 2 about a 2 miles \shar 1 \ round. From the town 
ide of the mountain three smallish springs issue, two near Kul- 
:Ina ; Khwaja Shamu's 3 tomb is at the head of one ; Khwaja 
Chizr's Qadam-gah 4 at the head of another, and the third is at 
i place known as Khwaja Raushanal, over against Khwaja 
Abdu's-samad. On a detached rock of a spur of Shah-of-Kabul, 
mown as 'Uqabain, 5 stands the citadel of Kabul with the great 
valled-town at its north end, lying high in excellent air, and 
)verlooking the large pool already mentioned, and also three 
neadows, namely, Siyah-sang (Black -rock), Sung-qurghan 
'Fort-back), and Chalak (Highwayman ?), a most beautiful 
outlook when the meadows are green. The north-wind does 
lot fail Kabul in the heats ; people call it the Parwan-wind 6 ; 
it makes a delightful temperature in the windowed houses on 
the northern part of the citadel. In praise of the citadel of 
Kabul, Mulla Muhammad Tdlib Mu'ammdt (the Riddler) 7 

1 The original ode, with which the parody agrees in rhyme and refrain, is in the 
Di-wan, s.l. Dal (Brpckhaus ed. 1854, i, 62 and lith. ed. p. 96). See Wilberforce 
Clarke's literal translation i, 286 (H.B.). A marginal note to the Haidarabad Codex 
gives what appears to be a variant of one of the rhymes of the parody. 

3 aiilugh kul; some 3m. round in Erskine's time; mapped as a swamp in S.A. 
War p. 288. 

3 A marginal note to the Hai. Codex explains this name to be an abbreviation of 
Khwaja Shamsu'd-din/5w-i5az (<yc Jahan-b&z j Masson, ii, 279 and iii, 93). 

4 i.e. the place made holy by an impress of saintly foot-steps. 

s Two eagles or, Two poles, used for punishment. Vigne's illustration (p. 161) 
clearly shows the spur and the detached rock. _Erskine (p. 137 n.) says that 'Uqabain 
seems to be the hill, known in his day as 'Ashiqan-i-'arifan, which connects with 
Babur Badshah. See Raverty's Notes p. 68. 

6 During most of the year this wind rushes through the Hindu-kush (Parwan)-pass ; 
it checks the migration of the birds (f. 142), and it may be the cause of the deposit 
of the Running-sands (Burnes, p. 158). Cf. Wood, p. 124. 

7 He was Badl'u'z-zaman's Sadr before serving Babur; he died in 918 AH. 
(1512 AD.), in the battle of Kul-i-malik where 'Ubaidu'1-lah Auzbeg defeated 
Babur. He may be identical with Mir Husain the Riddler of f. 181, but seems not 
to be Mulla Muh. JBadakhskt, also a Riddler, because the Habibu! s-siyar (ii, 343 
and 344) gives this man a separate notice. Those interested in enigmas can find 
one made by Talib on the name Yahya (H.S. ii, 344). Sharafu'd-dln 'All Yazdl, 
the author of the Zafar-nama, wrote a book about a novel kind of these puzzles 
(T.R. p. 84). . "" 

202 KABUL 

Fol. 129. used to recite this couplet, composed on Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza's 
name : 

Drink wine in the castle of Kabul and send the cup round without pause ; 
For Kabul is mountain, is river, is city, is lowland in one. * 

(b. Kabul as a trading-tozvn.} 

Just as 'Arabs call every place outside 'Arab (Arabia), ' Ajam, 
so Hindustanis call every place outside Hindustan, Khurasan. 
There are two trade-marts on the land-route between Hindustan 
and Khurasan ; one is Kabul, the other, Qandahar. To Kabul 
caravans come from Kashghar, 2 Farghana,Turkistan, Samarkand, 
Bukhara, Balkh, Hisar and Badakhshan. To Qandahar they 
come from Khurasan. Kabul is an excellent trading-centre ; 
if merchants went to Khita or to Rum, 3 they might make no 
higher profit. Down to Kabul every year come 7, 8, or 10,000 
horses and up to it, from Hindustan, come every year caravans 
of i o, 1 5 or 20,000 heads-of-houses, bringing , slaves (barda), white 
cloth, sugar-candy, refined and common sugars, and aromatic 
roots. Many a trader is not content with a profit of 30 or 40 
on io. 4 In Kabul can be had the products of Khurasan, Rum, 
'Iraq and- Chin (China) ; while it is Hindustan's own market. 

(c. Products arid climate of Kabul.} 

In the country of Kabul, there are hot and cold districts close 

to one another. In one day, a man may go out of the town of 

Kabul to where snow never falls, or he may go, in two sidereal 

Fol. 1295. hours, to where it never thaws, unless when the heats are such 

that it cannot possibly lie. 

Fruits of hot and cold climates are to be had in the districts 
near the town. Amongst those of the cold climate, there are 
had in the town the grape, pomegranate, apricot, apple, quince, 

1 The original couplet is as follows : 

Bakhur dar arg~i Kabul mai, kagnrdSn kasa pay dar pay^ 

Kali ham koh asi, u ham daryft, u ham shahr ast, ^t ham sakra?. 

What Talib's words maybe inferred to conceal is the opinion that like Badi'u'z-zaman 
and like the meaning of his name, Kabul is the Wonder-of-the-world. (Cf. M. Gar^in 
de Tassy's Rldtorique [p. 165], for ces combinaisons enigntatiqites.} 
- All MSS. do not mention Kashghar. t 

3 Khita (Cathay) is Northern China ; Chin (infra) is China ; Kum is Turkey and 
particularly the provinces near Trebizond (Erskine). 

4 3% to 400% (Erskine). 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 203 

pear, peach, plum, sinjid, almond and walnut. 1 I had cuttings 
Df the dlu-bdlu 2 brought there and planted ; they grew and have 
done well. Of fruits of the hot climate people bring into the 
town ; from the Lamghanat, the orange, citron, amluk (diospyrus 
lotus], and sugar-cane ; this last I had had brought and planted 
there ; 3 from Nijr-au (Nijr-water), they bring the jzl-ghuza* 
and, from the hill-tracts, much honey. Bee-hives are in use ; it 
is only from towards Ghaznl, that no honey comes. 

The rhubarb s of the Kabul district is good, its quinces and 
plums very good, so too its badrang',^ it grows an excellent 
grape, known as the water-grape. 7 Kabul wines are heady, 
those of the Khwaja Khawand Sa'ld hill-skirt being famous for 
their strength ; at this time however I can only repeat the praise 
of others about them : 8 

The flavour of the wine a drinker knows ; 
What chance have sober men to know it ? 

Kabul is not fertile in grain, a four or five-fold return, is 
reckoned good there ; nor are its melons first-rate, but they are 
not altogether bad when grown from Khurasan seed. 

It has a very pleasant climate ; if the world has another so 
pleasant, it is not known. Even in the heats, one cannot sleep 

1 Persian sinjid^ Brandis, el&agmts hortensis ; Erskine (Mems. p. 138) jujube, 
presumably the zizyphus jujuba of Speede, Supplement p. 86. Turk! yangaq, walnut, 
has several variants, of which the most marked is y&nghkaq. . For a good account of 
Kabul fruits see Masson, ii, 230. 

2 a kind of plum (?). It seems unlikely to be a cherry since Babur does not mention 
cherries as good in his old dominions, and Firminger (p. 244) makes against it as 
introduced from India. Steingass explains alu-balu by " sour-cherry, an armarylla " ; 
if sour, is it the Morello cherry ? 

3 The sugar-cane was seen in abundance in Lan-po (Lamghan) by a Chinese pilgrim 
(Beale, p. 90) ; Babur's introduction of it may have been into his own garden only in 
Ningnahar (f. 1326), 

4 i.e. the seeds of fe'nus Gerardiana. 

s rawashlar. The green leaf-stalks (chukri} of ribes rheum are taken into Kabul 
in mid- April from the Pamghan-hills ; a week later they are followed by the blanched 
and tended rawash (Masson, ii, 7). See Gul-badan's H.N. trs. p. 1 88, Vigne, p. 100 
and 107, Masson, ii, 230, Conolly, i, 213. 

6 a large green fruit, shaped something like a citron ; also a large sort of cucumber 

"I The faliibi, a grape praised by Babur amongst Samarkand! fruits, grows in Koh- 
daman ; another well-known grape of Kabul is the long stoneless fyusaim, brought by 
Afghan traders into Hindustan in round, flat boxes of poplar wood (Vigne, p. 172). 

8 An allusion, presumably, to the renouncement of wine made by Babur and some 
of his followers i.i 933 AH. (1527 AD. f. 312). He may have had 'Umar Khayyam' 's 
quatrain in mind. "Wine's power is known to wine-bibbers alone" (Whinfield's 
2nd ed. 1901, No. 164). 

204 KABUL 

at night without a fur-coat. 1 Although the snow in most places 
lies deep in winter, the cold is not excessive ; whereas in 
Samarkand and Tabriz, both, like Kabul, noted for their pleasant 
climate, the cold is extreme. 

(d. Meadows of Kabul.} 

There are good meadows on the four sides of Kabul. An 
excellent one, Sung-qurghan, is some 4 miles (2 kurok} to the 
north-east ; it has grass fit for horses and few mosquitos. To 
the north-west is the Chalak meadow, some 2 miles (i shar l i] 
away, a large one but in it mosquitos greatly trouble the horses. 
On the west is the Durrln, in fact there are two, Tipa and Qush- 
nadir (var. nawar), if two are counted here, there would be five 
in all. Each of these is about 2 miles from the town ; both are 
small, have grass good for horses, and no mosquitos ; Kabul has 
no others so good. On the east is the Siyah-sang meadow with 
Qutluq-qadam's tomb z between it and the Currier's-gate ; it is 
not worth much because, in the heats, it swarms with mosquitos. 
Kamarl 3 meadow adjoins it ; counting this in, the meadows of 
Kabul would be six, but they are always spoken of as four. 

(e. Mountain-passes into Kabul.} 

The country of Kabul is a fastness hard for a foreign foe to 
make his way into. 

The Hindu-kush mountains, which separate Kabul from Balkh, 
Qunduz and Badakhshan, are crossed by seven roads. 4 Three 

1 pusttn, usually of sheep-skin. For the wide range of temperature at Kabul in 
24 hours, see Ency. Brtt. art. Afghanistan. The winters also vary much in severity 
(Burnes, p. 273). 

3 Index j.. As be fought at Kanwaha, he will have been buried after March 
1527 AD. ; this entry therefore will have 'been made later. The Curriers' -gate is the 
later Labor-gate (Masson, ii, 259). 

3 Index s. n. 

4 For lists of the Hihdu-kush passes see Leech's Report VII ; Yule's Introductory 
Essay to Wood's Journey 2nd ed. ; PRGS 1879, Markham's art. p. 121. 

The highest cols on the passes here enumerated by Babur are, Khawak 1 1,640 ft. 
Tul, height not known, Parandl 15,984 ft. Baj-gah (Toll-place) 1 2,000 ft. Walian 
(Saints) 15, too ft. Chahar-dar (Four-doors) 18,900 ft. and Shibr-tfi 9800 ft. In 
considering the labour of their ascent and descent, the general high level, north and 
south of them, should be borne in mind ; e.g. Charikar (Char-yak-kar) stands 5200 ft. 
and Kabul itself at 5780 ft. above the sea. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 205 

f these lead out of Panjhlr (Panj-sher), vis. Khawak, the upper- 
Lost, Tul, the next lower, and Bazarak. 1 Of the passes on them, 
le one on the Tul road is the best, but the road itself is rather FoL 130,5. 
le longest whence, seemingly, it is called Tul. Bazarak is the 
lost direct ; like Tul, it leads over into Sar-i-ab ; as it passes 
irough Parandl, local people call its main pass, the Parandl. 
Another road leads up through Parwan ; it has seven minor 
asses, .known as Haft-bacha (Seven-younglings), between 
arwan and its main pass (Baj-gah). It is joined at its main 
ass by two roads from Andar-ab, which go on to Parwan by 
,. This is a road full of difficulties. Out of Ghur-bund, again, 
iree roads lead over. The one next to Parwan, known as the 
r angi-yul pass (New-road), goes through Waliati to Khinjan ; 
ext above this is the Qlpchaq road, crossing to where the water 
f Andar-ab meets the Surkh-ab (Qlzil-su) ; this also is an 
xcellent road ; and the third leads over the Shibr-tu pass ; 2 
tiose crossing l by this in the heats take their way by Bamlan 
nd Saighan, but those crossing by it in winter, go on by Ab-dara 
Water-valley).3 Shibr-tu excepted, all the Hindu-kush roads 
re closed for three or four months in winter, 4 because no road 
hrough a valley-bottom is passable when the waters are high, 
f any-one thinks to cross the Hindu-kush at that time, over the 
nountains instead of through a valley-bottom, his journey is 
iard indeed. The time to cross is during the three or four 
.utumn months when the snow is less and the waters are low. Fol. 131. 
Vhether on the mountains or in the valley-bottoms, Kafir high- 
waymen are not few. 

The road from Kabul into Khurasan passes through Qandahar ; 
t is quite level, without a pass. 

1 i.e. the hollow, long, and small-bazar roads respectively. Panjhlr is explained 
y Hindus to be Panj-sher, the five lion-sons of Pandu (Masson, iii, 168). 

2 Shibr is a Hazara district between the head of the Ghur-bund valley and Bamlan. 
t does not seem to be correct to omit the tu from the name of the pass. Persian in, 
urn, twist (syn. pick] occurs in other names of local passes ; to lead it here as a turn 
grees with what is said of Shibr-tu pass as not crossing but turning the Hindu-kush 
Cunningham). Lord uses the same wording about the Hajl-ghat (var. -kak etc.) 
raverse of the same spur, which "turns the extremity of the Hindu-kush". See 
Cunningham's Ancient Geography, i, 25 ; Lord's Ghur-bund (JASB 1838 p. 528), 
Vlasson, iii, 169 and Leech's Report VII. 

3 Perhaps through Jalmish into Saighan. 

4 i.e. they are closed. 

206 KABUL 

Four roads leads into Kabul from the Hindustan side ; one by 
rather a low pass through the Khaibar mountains, another by 
way of Bangash, another by way of Naghr (var. Naghz), 1 and 
another through Farmul ; 2 the passes being low also in the three 
last-named. These roads are all reached from three ferries over 
the Sind. Those whp take the Nll-ab 3 ferry, come on through 
the Lamghanat. 4 In winter, however, people ford the Sind- 
water (at Haru) above its junction with the Kabul- water, 5 and 
ford this, also. In most of my expeditions into Hindustan, 
I crossed those fords, but this last time (932 AH. 1525 AD.), 
when I came, defeated SI. Ibrahim and conquered the country, 
I crossed by boat at Nll-ab. Except at the one place mentioned 
above, the Sind-water can be crossed only by boat. Those again, 
who cross at Dln-kot 6 go on through Bangash. Those crossing 
at Chaupara, if they take the Farmul road, go on to Ghaznl, 
or, if they go by the Dasht, go on to Qandahar. 7 

1 It was unknown in Mr. Erskine's day (Mems. p. 140). _ Several of the routes in 
Raverty's Notes (p. 92 etc.) allow it to be located as on the Irl-ab, near to or identical 
with Baghzan, 35 kurohs (70 m.) s.s.e. of Kabul. 

2 Farmul, about the situation of -which Mr. Erskine was in doubt, is now marked 
in maps, Urghun being its principal village. 

3 15 miles below Atak- (Erskine). Mr. Erskine notes that he found no warrant, 
previous to Abu'l-fazl's, for calling the Indus the Nll-ab, and that to find one would 
solve an ancient geographical difficulty. This difficulty, my husband suggests, was 
Alexander's supposition that the Indus was the Nile. In books grouping round the 
JB&bur-nama, the name Nil-ab is not applied to the Indus, but to the ferry-station 
on that river, said to owe its name to a spring of azure water on its eastern side. 
(Cf. Afzal Khan Khattak, R.'s Notes p. 447.) 

I find the name Nll-ab applied to the Kabul-river : I. to its Arghand! affluent 
(Cunningham, p. 17, Map) ; 2. through its boatman class, the Nll-abls of Lalpura, 
Jalalabad and Kunar (G. of I. 1907, art. Kabul) ; 3. inferentially to it as a tributary 
of the Indus (D'Herbelot) ;' 4. to it near its confluence with the grey, silt-laden 
Indus, as blue by contrast (Sayyid Ghulam-i-muhammad, R.'s Notes p. 34). (For 
Nil-ab (Naulibis ?) in Ghur-bund see Cunningham, p. 32 and Masson, iii, 169.) 

4 By one of two routes perhaps, either by the Khaibar-Nlngnahar-Jagdalik road, 
or along the north bank of the Kabul-river, through- Goshta to the crossing where, 
in 1879, the 10th Hussars met with disaster. See S.A. War, Map 2 and p. 63 ; 
Leech's Reports II and IV (Fords of the Indus) ; and R.'s Notes p. 44. 

5 Haru, Leech's Harroon, apparently, lo m. above Atak. The text might be read 
to mean that both rivers were forded near their confluence, but, finding no warrant 
for supposing the Kabul-river fordable below Jalalabad, I have guided the translation 
accordingly ; this may be wrong and may conceal a change in the river. 

6 known also as Dhan-kot and as Mu'agxam-nagar (Ma^asirdl-'umra i, 249 and 
A.N. trs. H.B. index s.n. Dhan-kot). It was on the east bank of the Indus, 
probably near modern Kala-bagh, and was washed away not before 956 AH. (1549 AD. 
H. Beveridge). 

? Chaupara seems, from f. 148^, to be the'Chapari of Survey Map 1889. Babur's 
Dasht is modern Daman. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 207 

'/ Inhabitants of Kabul.} 

There are many differing tribes in the Kabul country ; in its 
dales and plains are Turks and clansmen I and 'Arabs ; in its 
:own and in many villages, Sarts ; out in the districts and also Fol. 
in villages are the Pashai, Parajl, Tajik, Blrkl and Afghan tribes. 
In the western mountains are the Hazara and Nikdlri tribes, 
some of whom speak the Mughull tongue. In the north-eastern 
mountains are the places of the Kafirs, such as Kitur (Gawar ?) 
and Gibrik. To the south are the places of the Afghan tribes. 

Eleven or twelve tongues are spoken in Kabul, 'ArabI, 
Persian, Turk!, Mughuli, Hindi, Afghani, Pashai, Parajl, Gibri, 
Birki and Lamghanl. If there be another country with so many 
differing tribes and such a diversity of tongues, it is not known. 

(e. S^lb-d^v^sions of the Kabul country?) 

The [Kabul] country has fourteen tiimans? 

Bajaur, Sawad and Hash-nagar may at one time have been 
dependencies of Kabul, but they now have no resemblance to 
cultivated countries (wilaydt\ some lying desolate because of 
the Afghans, others being now subject to them. 

In the east of the country of Kabul is the Lamghanat, 5 tumdns 
and 2 buluks of cultivated lands.3 The largest of these is 
Nmgnahar, sometimes written Nagarahar in the histories, 4 Its 
ddrogha's residence is in Admapur,5 some 13 ytghdch east of 
Kabul by a very bad and tiresome road, going in three or four 
places over small hill-passes, and in three or four others, through Fol. 132. 

1 atmaq, used usually of Mughuls, I think. It may be noted that Lieutenant 
Leech compiled a vocabulary of the tongue of the Mughul Almaq in Qandahar and 
Harat (JASB 1838, p. 785). 

2 The Ayin-t-akbari account of Kabul both uses and supplements the B&bur-nS-tna, 

3 viz. 'AH-shang, Alangar and Mandrawar (the Lamghanat proper), Ningnahar 
(with its buluk, Kama), Kunar-with-Nur-gal, (and the two buluks of Nur-valley and 

+ See Appendix E, On Nagarahara. 

s The name Adlnapur is held to be descended from ancient Udyanapura (Garden- 
town) ; its ancestral form however was applied to Nagarahara, apparently, in the 
Baran-Surkh-rud du-S6, and not to Babur's daroghcHs seat. The Surkh-rud's deltaic 
mouth was a land of gardens ; when Masson visited Adlnapur he went from Bala-bagh 
(High-gar,den) ; this appears to stand where Babur locates his Bagh-i-wafa, but he 
was shown a garden he took to be this one of Babur's, a mile higher up the Surkh- 
rud. A later ruler made the Char-bagh of maps. It may be mentioned that Bala- 
bagh has become in some maps Rozabad (Garden-town). 'See Masson, i, 182 and 
iii, 186 ; R.'s Notes ; and Wilson's Ariana Antigua, Masson's art. * 

208 KABUL 

narrows. 1 So long as there was no cultivation along it, the 
KhirilchI and other Afghan thieves used to make it their beat, 
but it has become safe 2 since I had it peopled at Qara-tu,3 below 
Quruq-sal. The hot and cold climates are separated on this 
road by the pass of Badam-chashma (Almond-spring) ; on its 
Kabul side snow falls, none at Quruq-sal, to wards the Lamghanat 4 
After descending this pass, another world comes into view, other 
trees, other plants (or grasses), other animals, and other manners 
and customs of men. Nmgnahar is nine torrents (tfiqus-rud}$ 
It grows good crops of rice and corn, excellent and abundant 
oranges, citrons and pomegranates. In 914 AH. (1508-9 AD.) 
I laid out the Four-gardens, known as the Bagh-i-wafa (Garden- 
of-fidelity), on a rising-ground, facing south and having the 
Surkh-rud between it and Fort Adlnapur. 6 There oranges, citrons 
and pomegranates grow in abundance. The year I defeated 
Pahar Khan and took Lahor and Dipalpur, 7 I had plantains 
(bananas) brought and planted there ; they did very well. The 
year before I had had sugar-cane planted there ; it also did well ; 
some of it was sent to Bukhara and Badakhshan. 8 The garden 
lies high, has running-water close at hand, and a mild winter 
Fol. 132^. climate. In the middle of it, a one-mill stream flows constantly 
past the little hill on which are the four garden-plots. In the 
south-west part of it there is a reservoir, 10 by io, 9 round which 

1 One of these tangi is now a literary asset in Mr. Kipling's My Lord the Elephant. 
Babur's 13 y. represent some 82 miles; on f. 137*$ the Kabul-Ghazn! road of 14 y. 
represents some 85 ; in each case the ylghach works out at over six miles (Index 
j.. yighach and Vigne, p. 454). Sayyid Ghulam-i-muhammad traces this route 
minutely (R.'s Notes pp. 57, 59). 

2 Masson was shewn " Chaghatai castles ", attributed to Babur (iii, 174). 

3 Dark-turn, perhaps, as in Shibr-tu, Jal-tu, etc. (f. 130*5 and note to Shibr-tu). 

4 f. 145 where the change is described in identical words, as seen south of the 
Jagdallk-pass. The Badam-chashma pass appears to be a traverse of the eastern 
rampart of the Tizm-valley. 

s Appendix E, On Nagarahara. 

6 No record exists of the actual laying-out of the garden ; the work may have been 
put in hand during the Mahmand expedition of 914 AH. (f. 216) ; the name given to 
it suggests a gathering there of loyalists when the stress was over of the bad Mughul 
rebellion of that year (f. 2165 where the narrative breaks off abruptly in 914 AH. and 
is followed by a gap down to 925 AH. -15 19 AD. }. 

7 No annals of 930 AH. are known to exist ; from Safar 926 AH. to 932 AH. 
(Jan, I52o-Nov. 1525 AD.) there is a lacuna. Accounts of the expedition are given 
by Khafl Khan, i, 47 and Firishta, lith. ed. p. 202. 

8 Presumably to his son, Humayun, then governor in Badakhshan ; Bukhara also 
was under Babur's rule. 

9 here, qan, yards. The dimensions io by io, are those enjoinedfor places of ablution. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4xH 1505 AD. 209 

are orange-trees and a few pomegranates, the whole encircled by 
a trefoil-meadow. This is the best part of the garden, a most 
beautiful sight when the oranges take colour. Truly that garden 
is admirably situated ! 

The Safed-koh runs along the south of Nlngnahar, dividing it 
from Bangash ; no riding-road crosses it ; nine torrents (tuqtiz- 
rud} issue from it. 1 It is called Safed-koh 2 because its snow 
never lessens ; none falls in the lower parts of its valleys, a half- 
day's journey from the snow-line. Many places along it have 
an excellent climate ; its waters are cold and need no ice. 

The Surkh-rud flows along the south of Admapur. The fort 
stands on a height having a straight fall to the river of some 
1 30 ft. (40-50 qdri) and isolated from the mountain behind it on 
the north; it is very strongly placed. That mountain runs between 
Nlngnahar and Lamghan 3 ; on its head snow falls when it snows Fol. 133- 
in Kabul, so Lamghanls know when it has snowed in the town. 

In going from Kabul into the Lamghanat,^ if people come 
by Quruq-sai, one road goes on through the Dili-pass, crosses 
the Baran-water at Bulan, and so on into the Lamghanat, 
another goes through Qara-tu, below Quruq-sal, crosses the 
Baran-water at Aulugh-nur (Great-rock?), and goes into Lamghan 
by the pass of Bad-i-plch. 5 If however people come by Nijr-au, 
they traverse Badr-au (Tag-au), and Qara-nakariq (?), and go on 
through the pass of Bad-i-plch. 

1 Presumably those of the tugiiz-ruct, supra. Cf. Appendix E, On Nagarahara. 

2 White-mountain ; Pushtu, Spln-ghur (or ghar). 

3 i.e. the Lamghanat proper. The range is variously named ; in (Persian) Siyah- 
koh (Black-mountain), which like Turk! Qara-tagh may mean non-snowy ; by Tajiks, 
Bagh-i-ataka ( Foster-father's garden) ; by Afghans, Kanda-ghur, and by Lamghanls 
Koh-i-bulan, Kanda and Bulan both being ferry-stations below it (Masson, iii, 189 ; 
also the Times Nov. aoth 1912 for a cognate illustration of diverse naming). 

4 A comment made here by Mr. Erskine on changes of name is still appropriate, 
but some seeming changes may well be due to varied selection of land-marks. Of the 
three routes next described in the text, one crosses as for Mandrawar ; the second, as 
for 'Ali-shang, a little below the outfall of the Tizln -water ; the third may take off 
from the route, between Kabul and Tag-au, marked in Col. Tanner's map (PROS 1881 
p. 180). Cf. R's Route n ; and for Aulugh-nur, Appendix F, On the name JVu^. 

5 The name of this pass has several variants. Its second component, whatever its 
form, is usually taken to mean pass, but to read it here as pass would .be redundant, 
since Babur writes " pass (kutal) of Bad-i-p!ch ". Plch occurs as a place name both 
east (Plch) and west (Pichghan) of the kutal, but what would suit the bitter and even 
fatal winds of the pass would be to read the name as Whirling-wind (bad-i-pich), 
Another explanation suggests itself from finding a considerable number of pass-names 
such as Shibr-tu, Jal-tu, Qara-tu, in which tit is a synonym of pick, turn, twist ; thus 
Bad-i-pich may be the local form of Bad-tu, Windy-tern. 

210 KABUL 

Although Ningnahar is one of the five tumans of the Lamghan 
tumdn the name Lamghanat applies strictly only to the three 
(mentioned below). 

"One of the three is the 'Ali-shang tumdn ^ to the north of 
which are fastness-mountains, connecting with Hindu-kush and 
inhabited by Kafirs only. What of Kafiristan lies nearest to 
'Ali-shang, is Mil out of which its torrent issues. The tomb of 
Lord Lam, 1 father of his Reverence the prophet Nuh (Noah), 
is in this tumdn. In some histories he is called Lamak and 
Lamakan. Some people are observed often to change kaffor 
ghain (k for gK} ; it would seem to be on this account that the 
country is called Lamghan. 

The second is Alangar. The part of Kafiristan nearest to it 

is Gawar (Kawar), out of which its torrent issues (the Gau or 

Kau). This torrent joins that of 'AH-shang and flows with it 

Fol. 1335. into the Baran-water, below Mandrawar, which is the third tumdn 

of the Lamghanat. 

Of the two buluks of Lamghan one is the Nur-valley. 2 This 
is a place (yir) without a second 3 ; its fort is on a beak (tumshuq) 
of rock in the mouth of the valley, and has a torrent on each 
side ; its rice is grown on steep terraces, and it can be traversed 
by one road only. 4 It has the orange, citron and other fruits ol 
hot climates in abundance, a few dates even. Trees cover the 
banks of both the torrents below the fort ; many are amliik, th 
fruit of which some Turks call qard-yimtsh ; 5 here they an 
many, but none have been seen elsewhere. The valley grow; 
grapes also, all trained on trees. 6 Its wines are those o 
Lamghan that have reputation. Two sorts of grapes are grown 

1 See Masson, iii, 197 and 289. Both in Pashai and Lamgham, lam means fort. 

2 See Appendix F, On the name Dara-i-nur. 

3 ghair nmkarrar, Babur may allude to the remarkable change men have wrougr 
in the valley-bottom (Appendix F, for Col. Tanner's account of the valley). 

4 f- 154. 

5 diospyrus lot'tis, the European date-plum, supposed to be one of the fruits eate 
by the Lotophagi. It is purple, has bloom and is of the size of a pigeon's egg or 
cherry. See Watts' Economic Prodiwts of India. ; Brandis' Forest frees, Illustrations 
and Speede's Indian Handbook. 

6 As in Lombardy, perhaps ; in Luhugur vines are clipped into standards ; in mo 
other places in. Afghanistan they are planted in deep trenches and allowed to run ov 
the intervening ridges or over wooden framework. In the narrow Khulm- valley th< 
are trained up poplars so as to secure them the maximum of sun. See Wood's Repo 
VI p. 27 j Bellew's Afghanistan p. 175 and Mems, p. 142 note. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4ra 1505 AD. 211 

the arah-tdsht and the suhdn-tdsht ; I the first are yellowish, the 
second, full-red of fine colour. The first make the more cheering 
wine, but it must be said that neither win,e equals its reputation 
for cheer. High up in one of its glens, apes (maimun) are found, 
none below. Those people (i.e. Nuns) used to keep swine but 
they have given it up in our time. 2 

Another tumdn of Lamghan is Kunar-with-Nur-gal. It lies 
somewhat out-of-the-way, remote from the Lamghanat, with its 
borders in amongst the Kafir lands ; on these accounts its people 
give in tribute rather little of what they have. The Chaghan- Fol. 134. 
saral water enters it from the north-east, passes on into the buluk 
of Kama, there joins the Baran-water and with that flows east. 

Mir Sayyid 'All Hamaddm? God's mercy on him ! coming 
here as he journeyed, died 2 miles (i shar l t) above Kunar. His 
disciples carried his body to Khutlan. A shrine was erected at 
the honoured place of his death, of which I made the circuit 
when I came and took Chaghan-sarai in 920 AH. 4 

The orange, citron and coriander s abound in this tumdn. 
Strong wines are brought down into it from Kafiristan. 

A strange thing is told there, one seeming impossible, but 
Dne told to us again and again. All through the hill-country 
ibove Multa-kundi, vis. in Kunar, Nur-gal, Bajaur, Sawad and 

(Autfior's note to Multa-kttndL ) As Multa-kundi is known the lower part 
of the tuman of Kunar-with-Nur-gal ; what is below (i.e. on the river) 
belongs to the valley of Nur and to Atar. 6 

1 Appendix G, On the names of two Nuriiuines. 

a This practice Babur viewed with disgust, the hog being an impure animal according 
:o Muhammadan Law (Erskine). 

3 The Khasinatifl-asfiyd, (ii, 293) explains how it came about that this saint, one 
lonoured in Kashmir, was buried in Khutlan. He died in Hazara (Pakll) and there 
he Pakll Sul.tan wished to have him buried, but his disciples, for some unspecified 
eason, wished to bury him in Khutlan. In order to decide the matter they invited 
he Sultan to remove the bier with the corpse upon it. It could not be stirred from 
ts place. When, however a single one of the disciples tried to move it, he alone was 
ble to lift it, and to bear it away on his head. Hence the burial in Khutlan. _ The 
.eath occurred in 786 AH. (1384 AD. ). A point of interest in this legend is that, like the 
ne to follow, concerning dead women, it shews belief in the living activities of the dead. 

4 The MSS. vary between 920 and 925 AH. neither date seems correct. As the 
nnals of 925 AH. begin in Muharram, with Babur to the east of Bajaur, we surmise 
lat the Chaghan-saral affair may have occurred on his way thither, and at the end 
f 924 AH. 

5 karanj, coriandrum sati-vum. 

6 some 20-24 m. north of Jalalabad. The name Multa-kundi may refer to the 
tam-kundi range, or mean Lower district, or mean Below Kundl. See Biddulph's 
'Chow&ri Dialect s.n under; R.'s Notes p. 1 08 xcADict, s.n. kunot ; Masson, i, 209. 

2 i2 ' KABUL 

thereabouts, it is commonly said that when a woman dies and has 
been laid on a bier, she, if she has not been an ill-doer, gives the 
bearers such a shake when they lift the bier by its four sides, 
that against their will and hindrance, her corpse falls to the 
ground ; but, if she has done ill, no movement occurs. This 
was heard not only from Kunarls but, again and again, in Bajaur, 
Sawad and the whole hill-tract Haidar-'ali Bajattrt^ a sultan 
who governed Bajaur well, when his mother died, did not weep, 
or betake himself to lamentation, or put on black, but said, " Go ! 
lay her on the bier ! if she move not, I will have her burned." x 
They laid her on the bier ; the desired movement followed ; 
when he heard that this was so, he put on black and betook 
himself to lamentation. 

Another buluk is Chaghan-saral, 2 a single village with little 
land, in the mouth of Kafiristan ; its people, though Musalman, 
mix with the Kafirs and, consequently, follow their customs. 3 
A great torrent (the Kunar) comes down to it from the north- 
east from behind Bajaur, and a smaller one, called Pich, 
comes down out of Kafiristan. Strong yellowish wines are had 
there, not in any way resembling those of the Nur-valley, 
however. The village has no grapes or vineyards of its own ; 
its wines are all brought from up the Kafiristan-water and from 

The Pich Kafirs came to help the villagers when I took the 
place. Wine is so commonly used there that every Kafir has 
his leathern wine-bag (khig) at his neck, and drinks wine instead 
of water. 4 

1 i.e. treat her corpse as that of an infidel (Erskine)., 

2 It would suit the position of this village if its name were found to link to the 
Turk! verb chaqmSiq, to go out, because it lies in the mouth of a defile (Dahanah-i-koh, 
Mountain-mouth) through which the road for Kafiristan goes out past the village. 
A not-infrequent explanation of the name to mean White-house, Aq-saral, may well 
be questioned. CkagfiSn, white, is Mughult and it would be less probable for a 
Mughul! than for a TurkI name to establish itself. Another explanation may lie in 
the tribe name Chuganl. The two forms chaghan and chaghar may well be due to 
the common local interchange in speech of n with r. (For Dahanah-i-koh see [some] 
maps and Raverty's Bajaur routes. ) 

3 Nlmchas, presumably, half-bred in custom, perhaps in blood ; and not 
improbably, converted Kafirs. It is useful to remember that Kafiristan was once 
bounded, west and south, by the Baran-water. 

4 Kafir wine is mostly poor, thin and, even so, usually diluted with water. When 
kept two or three years, however, it becomes clear and sometimes strong. Sir G. S. 
Robertson never saw a Kafir drunk (Kafirs of the Hindu-kush, p. 591). 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 213 

Kama, again, though not a separate district but dependent on 
NTingnahar, is also called a buluk* Fol. 135. 

Nijr-au 2 is another tumdn. It lies north of Kabul, in the 
"Cohistan, with mountains behind it inhabited solely by Kafirs ; 
t is a quite sequestered place. It grows grapes and fruits in 
tbundance. Its people make much wine but, they boil it. 
They fatten many fowls in winter, are wine-bibbers, do not pray, 
lave no scruples and are Kafir-like. 3 

In the Nijr-au mountains is an abundance of afcha, jilghuza, 
ilut and khanjak* The first-named three do not grow above 
Jigr-aii but they grow lower, and are amongst the trees of 
lindustan. Jilghfiza-vfood is all the lamp the people have ; it 
urns like a candle and is very remarkable. The flying-squirrel 5 
; found in these mountains, an animal larger than a bat and 
aving a curtain (parda), like a bat's wing, between its arms and 
:gs. People often brought one in ; it is said to fly, downward 
om one tree to another, as far as a gis flies. ; 6 I myself have 
sver seen one fly. Once we put one to a tree ; it clambered 
3 directly and got away, but, when people went after it, it 
>read its wings and came down, without hurt, as if it had flown, 
nother of the curiosities of the Nijr-au mountains is the lukha 
ar. luja) bird, called also bu-qalamun (chameleon) because, 
itween head and tail, it has four or five changing colours, 
splendent like a pigeon's throat. 7 It is about as large as the 

r Kama might have classed better under Ningnahar of which it was a dependency. 
1 i.e. water-of-Nijr ; so too, Badr-au and Tag-ail. Nijr-au has seven-valleys 
i.SB 1838 p. 329 and Burnes' Report X). Sayyid Ghulam-i-muhammad mentions 

,t Babur establif 1 - - J .- f ''' --' between Nijr-au and Kafiristan which in his 

n day was still . '..' is an envoy of Warren Hastings to Timur Shah 

lost (R.'s Notes p. 36 and p. 142). 

Kafirwash ; they were Kafirs converted to Muhammadanism. 

Archa, if not inclusive, meaning conifer, may K\x(>s<i,i\\.jtmiflerusexcelsa, this being 
common local conifer. The other trees of the list we pimis Gerardiana (Brandis, 
90), queratsbllTit) the holm-oak, and //J/flf/a mutica mkhanjak,& treeyieldingmastic. 

riiba-i-parwan, pteromys inornatits, the large, red flying-squirrel (Blandford's 
ma of Brit 'is -h India, Mammalia, p. 363). 

The giz is a short-flight arrow 'used for shooting small birds etc. Descending 
its of squirrels have been ascertained as 60 yards, one, a record, of 80 (Blandford). 

Apparently tetrogallus hi Malay ensis, the Himalayan snow-cock (Blandford, iv, 
). Burnes (Cabool p. 163) describes the kabg-i-dari as the rara avis of the Kabul 
listan, somewhat less than a turkey, and of the chikor (partridge) species. It was 
:ured for him first in Ghiir-bund, but, when snow has fallen, it could be had 
:er Kabul. Babur's bi~i-qalaiin~m may have come into his vocabulary, either as 
rvival direct from Greek occupation of Kabul and Panj-ab, or through Arabic 
ings. PRGS 1879 p. 251, Kaye's art. and JASB 1838 p. 863, Hodgson's art 

2i 4 KABUL 

kabg-i-dart and seems to be the kabg-i-dari of Hindustan. 1 , 
People tell this wonderful thing about it : When the birds, at 
Fol. 135,5. the on-set of winter, descend to the hill-skirts, if they come over 
a vineyard, they can fly no further and are taken. 2 There is 
a kind of rat in Nijr-au, known as the musk-rat, which smells of 
musk ; I however have never seen it.3 

Panjhir (Panj-sher) is another tuman ; it lies close to Kafiristan, 
along the Panjhir road, and is the thoroughfare of Kafir highway- 
men who also, being so near, take tax of it. They have gone 
through it, killing a mass of persons, and doing very evil deeds, 
since I came this last time and conquered Hindustan (932 AH.- 

15 26 AD.)- 4 

Another is the tuman of Ghur-bund. In those countries they 
call a kutal (koh ?) a bund ; $ they go towards Ghur by tins pass 
(kiltat] ; apparently it is for this reason that they have called (the 
titman ?) Ghur-bund. The Hazara hold the heads of its valleys. 6 
It has few villages and little revenue can be raised from it. There 
are said to be mines of silver and lapis lazuli in its mountains. 

Again, there are the villages on the skirts of the (Hindu-kush) 
mountains, 7 with Mita-kacha and Parwan at their head, and 

1 Bartavelle's Greek-partridge, tetrao- or perdrix-rufus [f. 279 and Mems. p. 3200.]. 

2 A similar story is told of some fields near Whitby-: " These wild geese, which 
in winter fly in great flocks to the lakes and rivers unfrozen in the southern parts, to 
the great amazement of every-one, fall suddenly down upon the ground when they 
are in flight over certain neighbouring fields thereabouts ; a relation I should not 
have made, if I had not received it from several credible men." See Notes to Marmion 
p. xlvi (Erskine) j Scott's Poems, Black's ed. 1880, vii, 104. 

3 Are we to infer from this that the musk-rat (Crocidura c&rulea, Lydekker, 
p. 626) was not so common in Hindustan in the age of Babur as it has now become ? 
He was not a careless observer {Erskine). 

4 Index s.n. Babur-nama, date of composition ; also 131. 

5 In the absence of examples of bund to mean kutal, and the presence ' ' in those 
countries " of many in which bund means koh, it looks as though a clerical error had 
here written kutal for koh. But on the other hand, the wording of the next passage 
shows just the confusion an author's unrevised draft might shew if a place were, as 
this is, both a tuman and a kutal (i.e. a steady rise to a traverse). My impression 
is that the name Ghur-bund applies to the embanking spur at the head of the valley- 
tuman, across which roads lead to Ghurl and Ghur (PRGS 1879, Maps ; Leech's 
Report VII j and Wood's VI). 

' So too when, because of them, Leech and Lord turned back, re infecta. 

"> It will be noticed that these villages are not classed in any tuman ; they include 
places "rich without parallel" in agricultural products, and level lands on which 
towns have risen and fallen, one being Alexandria ad Caucasum. They cannot have 
been part of the unremunerative Ghur-bund tuman j from their place of mention in 
Babur's list of tum&ns, they may have been part of the Kabul tuman (f. 178), as was 
Koh-daman (Burnes' Cabool p. 154; Haughton's Charikarp. 73; and Cunningham's 
Ancient History, i, 1 8). 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 215 

'ur-nama * at their foot, 12 or 1 3 in all. They are fruit-bearing 
llages, and they grow cheering wines, those of Khwaja Khawand 
a'ld being reputed the strongest roundabouts. The villages all 
z on the foot-hills ; some pay taxes but not all are taxable 
icause they lie so far back in the mountains. 
Between the foot-hills and the Baran-water are two detached 
retches of level land, one known as Kurrat-taziydn? the other 
; Dasht-i-shaikh (Shaikh's-plain). As the green grass of the 
illets grows well there, they are the resort of Turks and Fol. 136. 
/[ughul) clans (almaq). 

Tulips of many colours cover these foot-hills ; I once counted 
tern up ; it came out at 32 or 33 different sorts. We named 
ic the Rose-scented, because its perfume was a little like that 
" the red rose ; it grows by itself on Shaikh's-plain, here and 
)where else. The Hundred-leaved tulip is another ; this grows, 
so by itself, at the outlet of the Ghur-bund narrows, on the 
11-skirt below Parwan. A low hill known as Khwaja-i-reg- 
wan (Khwaja-of-the-running-sand), divides the afore-named 
JQ pieces of level land ; it has, from top to foot, a strip of sand 
Dm which people say the sound of nagarets and tambours 
sues in the heats.4 

Again, there are the villages depending on Kabul itself. 
>uth-west from the town are great snow mountains 5 where snow 
11s on snow, and where few may be the years when, falling, it 
>es not light on last year's snow. It is fetched, 12 miles 
ay-be, from these mountains, to cool the drinking water when 
^-houses in Kabul are empty. Like the Barnian mountains, 

: Dur-namai, seen from afar (Masson, iii, 152) is not marked on the Survey Maps ; 

isson, Vigne and Haughton locate it. Babur's " head " and " foot " here indicate 

tus and not location. 

5 Mems. p. 146 and Minis, i, 297, .Arabs' encampment and Cellule des Arabes. 

rhaps the name may refer to uses of the level land and good pasture by horse 

lias, since Kurra is written with tashdid in the Haidarabad Codex, as in kurra-taz, 

lorse-breaker. Or the taziyan may be the fruit of a legend, commonly told, that 

i saint of the neighbouring Running-sands was an Arabian. 

1 Presumably this is the grass of the millet, the growth before the ear, on which 

.zing is allowed (Elphinstone, i, 400 ; Burnes, p. 237). 

' Wood, p. 115 ; Masson, iii, 167; Burnes, p. 157 and JASB 1838 p. 324 with 

tstration ; Vigne, pp. 219, 223; Lord, JASB 1838 p. 537; Cathay and the 

y thither, Hakluyt Society vol. I. p. xx, para, 49 ; History of Musical Sands, 

Carus- Wilson. 

1 West might be more exact, since some of the group are a little north, others a little 

ith of the latitude of Kabul. 

216 KABUL 

these are fastnesses. Out of them issue the Harmand (Halmand), 
Sind, Dughaba of Qunduz, and Balkh-ab, 1 so that in- a single 
day, a man might drink of the water of each of these four rivers. 
It is on the skirt of one of these ranges (Pamghan) that most 
of the villages dependent on Kabul lie. 2 Masses of grapes ripen 
in their vineyards and they grow every sort of fruit in abundance. 
No-one of them equals Istallf or Astarghach ; these must be the 

Fol. 1363. two which Auiugh Beg Mirza used to call his Khurasan and 
Samarkand. Pamghan is another of the best, not ranking in 
fruit and grapes with those two others, but beyond comparison 
with them in climate. The Pamghan mountains are a snowy 
range. Few villages match Istallf, with vineyards and fine 
orchards on both sides of its great torrent, with waters needing 
no ice, cold and, mostly, pure. Of its Great garden Auiugh 
Beg Mirza had taken forcible possession ; I took it over, after 
paying its price to the owners. There is a pleasant halting-place 
outside it, under great planes, green, shady and beautiful. A one- 
mill stream, having trees on both banks, flows constantly through 
the middle of the garden ; formerly its course was zig-zag and 
irregular ; I had it made straight and orderly ; so the place 
became very beautiful. Between the village and the valley- 
bottom, from 4 to 6 miles down the slope, is a spring, known as 
Khwaja Sih-yaran (Three-friends), round which three sorts of tree 
grow. A group of planes gives pleasant shade above it ; holm- 

Fol. 137. oak (quercus biluf) grows in masses on the slope at its sides, 
these two oaklands (bilutistdn) excepted, no holm-oak grows in 
the mountains of western Kabul, and the Judas-tree (arghwdn}^ 
is much cultivated in front of it, that is towards the level ground, 
cultivated there and nowhere else. People say the three 
different sorts of tree were a gift made by three saints, 4 whence 

1 Affluents and not tr.ue sources in some cases (Col. Holdich's Gates of India, s.n. 
Koh-i-baba; and PROS 1879, maps pp. So and 160). 

2 The Pamghan range. These are the villages every traveller celebrates. Masson's 
and Vigne's illustrations depict them well. 

3 Cercis siliquastnun, the Judas-tree. Even in 1842 it was sparingly found near 
Kabul, adorning a few tombs, one Babur's own. It had been brought from Sih-yaran 
where, as also at Chankar, (Char-yak -kar) it was still abundant and still a gorgeous 
sight. It is there a tree, as at Kew, and not a bush, as in most English gardens 
(Masson, ii, 9 ; Elphinstone, i, 194 ; and for the tree near Harat, f. 191 n. to Safar). 

4 Khwaja Maudud of Chisht, Khwaja Khawand Sa'ld and the Khwaja of the 
Running-sands (Elph. MS. f. 104^, marginal note). 

910 AH. JUNE HTH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 217 

its name. I ordered that the spring should be enclosed in 
mortared stone- work, 10 by 10, and that a symmetrical, right- 
angled platform should be built on each of it's .sides', .so as to 
overlook the whole field of Judas-trees. If, the world over, there 
is a place to match this when the arghwdns are in full bloom, 
I do not know it. The yellow argkwdn grows plentifully there 
also, the red anH the yellow flowering at the same time. 1 

In order to bring water to a large round seat which I had built 
on the hillside and planted round with willows, I had a channel 
dug across the slope from a half-mill stream, constantly flowing 
in a valley to the south-west of Sih-yaran. The date of cutting 
this channel was found \njm-khush (kindly channel). 2 

Another of the tumdns of Kabul is Luhugur (mod. Logar). 
Its one large village is Chirkh from, which were his Reverence 
Maulana Ya'qub and Mulla-zada 'Usmah.3 Khwaja Ahmad Fol. 137-5. 
and Khwaja Yunas were from Sajawand, another of its villages. 
Chirkh has many gardens, but there are none in any other village 
of Luhugur. Its people are Aughan-shal, a term common in 
Kabul, seeming to be a mispronouncement of Aughan-sha'ar. 4 

Again, there is the wilayat^ or, as some say, tumdn of Ghazni, 
said to have been 5 the capital of Sabuk-tigin, SI. Mahmud and 
their descendants. Many write it Ghazmn. It is said also to 
have been the seat of government of Shihabu'd-din Ghuri^ styled 
Mu'izzu'd-dm in the Tabaqdt-i-ndsiri and also some of the 
histories of Hind. 

Ghazni is known also as Zabulistan ; it belongs to the Third 
climate. Some hold that Qandahar is a part of it. It lies 
14 yighdch (south-) west of Kabul ; those leaving it at dawn, 
may reach Kabul between the Two Prayers (i.e. in the afternoon) ; 

1 The yellow-flowered plant is not cercis siliquastntm but one called mahaka (?) in 
Persian, a shrubby plant with pea-like blossoms, common in the plains of Persia, 
Biluchistan and Kabul (Masson, iii, 9 and Vigne, p. 216). 

2 The numerical value of these words gives 925 (Erskine). F. 246^ et seq. for the 

3 f. 178. I.O. MS. No. 724, Hctft-iqlim f. 135 (Ethe, p. 402); Rieu, pp. 2ia, 

4 of Afghan habit. The same term is applied (f. I39<$) to the Zurmutls'; it may be 
explained in both places by Babur's statement that Zurmutls grow corn, but do not 
cultivate gardens or orchards. 

5 aikan dur, Sabuk-tigln, d. 387 AH. -997 AD., was the father of SI. Mahmud 
Ghaznawi, d. 421 AH. -1030 AD. 

6 d. 602 AH. -1 206 AD. 

2i8 KABUL 

whereas the 1 3 ytghach between Adinapur and Kabul can never 
be done in one day, because of the difficulties of the road. 

Ghazni has little cultivated land. Its torrent, a four-mill or 
five-mill stream may-be, makes the town habitable and fertilizes 
four or five villages ; three or four others are cultivated from 
under-ground water-courses (kdrez). Ghazni grapes are better 
than those of Kabul ; its melons are more abundant ; its apples 

Fol. 138. are very good, and are carried to Hindustan. Agriculture is 
very laborious in Ghazni because, whatever the quality of the soil, 
it must be newly top-dressed every year ; it gives a better return, 
however, than Kabul. Ghazni grows madder ; the entire crop 
goes to Hindustan and yields excellent profit to the growers. 
In the open-country of Ghazni dwell Hazara and Afghans. 
Compared with Kabul, it is always a cheap place. Its people 
hold to the Hanafi faith, are good, orthodox Musalmans, many 
keep a three months' fast, 1 and their wives and children live 
modestly secluded. 

One of the eminent men of Ghazni was Mulla 'Abdu'r-rahman, 
a learned man and always a learner (dars), a most orthodox, 
pious and virtuous person ; he left this world the same year as 
Nasir Mlrza (921 AH.-I5I5 AD.). SI. Mahmud's tomb is in the 
suburb called Rauza, 2 from which the best grapes come; there also 
are the tombs of his descendants, SI. Mas'ud and SI. Ibrahim. 
Ghazni has many blessed tombs. The year 3 I took Kabul and 
Ghazni, over-ran Kohat, the plain of Bannu and lands of the 
Afghans, and went on to Ghazni by way of Duki (Dugl) and 
Ab-istada, people told me there was a tomb, in a village of 
Ghazni, which moved when a benediction on the Prophet was 

Fol. 138*. pronounced over it. We went to see it. In the end I discovered 
that the movement was a trick, presumably of the servants at 
the tomb, who had put a sort of platform above it which moved 
when pushed, so that, to those on it, the tomb seemed to move, 
just as the shore does to those passing in a boat. I ordered the 

1 Some Musalmans fast through the months of Rajab, Sha'ban and Ramzan ; 
Muhammadans fast only by day ; the night is often given to feasting (Erskine). 

a The Garden ; the tombs of more eminent Musalmans are generally in gardens 
(Erskine). See Vigne's illustrations, pp. 133, 266. 

3 i.e. the year now in writing. The account of the expedition, Babur's first into 
Hindustan, begins on f. 145. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 219 

scaffold destroyed and a dome built over the tomb ; also I forbad 
the servants, with threats, ever to bring about the movement again. 

Ghaznl is a very humble place ; strange indeed it is that rulers 
in whose hands were Hindustan and Khurasanat, 1 should have 
chosen it for their capital. In the Sultan's (Mahmud's) time 
there may have been three or four dams in the country ; one he 
made, some three ylghdch ( 1 8 m. ?) up the Ghazni- water to the 
north ; it was about 40-50 qdri (yards) high and some 300 long ; 
through it the stored waters were let out as required. 2 It was 
destroyed by 'Alau'u'd-dln Jahan-soz Ghuri when he conquered 
the country (550 AH.- 1152 AD.), burned and ruined the tombs 
of several descendants of SI. Mahmud, sacked and burned the 
town, in short, left undone no tittle of murder and rapine. Since Fol. 139. 
that time, the Sultan's dam has lain in ruins, but, through God's 
favour, there is hope that it may become of use again, by means 
of the money which was sent, in Khwaja Kalan's hand, in the year 
Hindustan was conquered (932 AH.- 15 26 AD.). 3 The Sakhan- 
dam is another, 2 or 3 yighdch (12-18 m.), may-be, on the east 
of the town ; it has long been m ruins, indeed is past repair. 
There is a dam in working order at Sar-i-dih (Village-head). 

In bboks it is written that there is in Ghaznl a spring such 
that, if dirt and foul matter be thrown into it, a tempest gets up 
instantly, with a blizzard of rain and wind. It has been seen said 
also ^n one of the histories that Sabuk-tlgln, when besieged by 
the Ral (Jai-pal) of Hind, ordered dirt and foulness to be thrown 
into the spring, by this aroused, in an instant, a tempest with 
blizzard of rain and snow, and, by this device, drove off his foe. 4 
Though we made many enquiries, no intimation of the spring's 
existence was given us. 

In these countries Ghaznl and Khwarizm are noted for cold, 
in the same way that Sultanla and Tabriz are in the two 'Iraqs 
and Azarbaljan. 

1 i.e. the countries groupable as Khurasan. 

2 For picture and account of the dam, see Vigne, pp. 138, 202. 

3 f. 2953. 

4 The legend is told in numerous books with varying location of the spring. One 
narrator, Zakariya Qazwim, reverses the parts, making Jai-pal employ the ruse ; 
hence Leyden's note (Mems. p. 150; E. and D.'s History of India ii, 20, 182 and 
iv, 162 ; for historical information, R.'s Notes p. 320). The date of the events is 
shortly after 378 AH. -988 AD. 


220 KABUL 

Zurmut is another tumdn, some ii-i 1 *, yighach south of Kabul 
and 7-8 south-east of Ghazn!. 1 Its daroghds head-quarters are 

Fol. 139/5. in Girdlz ; there most houses are three or four storeys high. It 
does not want for strength, and gave Nasir Mirza trouble when 
it went into hostility to him. Its people are Aughan-shal ; they 
grow corn but have neither vineyards nor orchards. The tomb 
of Shaikh Muhammad Musalmdn is at a spring, high on the 
skirt of a mountain, known as Barakistan, in the south of the 

Farmul is another tumdn? a humble place, growing not bad 
apples which are carried into Hindustan. Of Farmul were the 
Shaikh-zadas, descendants of Shaikh Muhammad Jkfusatmdn, who 
were so much in favour during the Afghan period in Hindustan. 
Bangash is another tumdn? All round about it are Afghan 
highwaymen, such as the KhuglanI, KhirilchI, Tun and Landar. 
Lying out-of-the-way, as it does, its people do not pay taxes 
willingly. There has been no time to bring it to- obedience ; 
greater tasks have fallen to me, the conquests of Qandahar, 
Balkh, Badakhshan and Hindustan ! But, God willing ! when 
I get the chance, I most assuredly will take order with those 
Bangash thieves. 

One of the buluks of Kabul is Ala-saf, 4 4 to 6 miles 
(2-3 skar't) east of Nijr-au. The direct road into it from 
Nijr-au leads, at a place called Kura, through the quite small 
pass which in that locality separates the hot and cold climates. 
Through this pass the birds migrate at the change of the seasons, 
and at those times many are taken by the people of Pichghan, 
one of the dependencies of Nijr-au, in the following manner : 

Fol. 140, From distance to distance near the mouth of the pass, they make 
hiding-places for the bird-catchers. They fasten one corner of 
a net five or six yards away, and weight the lower side to the 

1 "R..'s Notes s.n\ Zurmut. 

2 The question of the origin of the Farmull has been written of by several writers ; 
perhaps they were Turks of Persia, Turks and Tajiks. 

3 This completes the list of the 14 tumans of Kabul, viz. Ningnahar, 'All-shang, 
Alangar, Mandrawar* Kunar-with-Nur-gal, Nijr-au, Panjhir, Ghur-bund, Koh-daman 
(with Kohistan?), Luhugur (of the Kabul tiiman), Ghaznl, Zurmut, Farmul and 

* Between Nijr-au and Tag-au (Masson, iii, 165). Mr. Erskine notes that Babur 
reckoned it in the hot climate but that the change of climate takes place further east, 
between 'All-shang and Auzbln (i.e. the valley next eastwards from Tag-au). 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 221 

ground with stones. Along the other side of the net, for half its 
width, they fasten a stick some 3 to 4 yards long. The hidden 
bird-catcher holds this stick and by it, when the birds approach, 
lifts up the net to its full height. The birds then go into the net of 
themselves. Sometimes so many are taken by this contrivance 
that there is not time to cut their throats. 1 

Though the Ala-sal pomegranates are not first-rate, they have 
local reputation because none are better there-abouts ; they are 
carried into Hindustan. Grapes also do not grow badly, and 
the wines of Ala-sal are better and stronger than those of 

Badr-au (Tag-au) is another buliik ; it runs with Ala-sal, grows 
no fruit, and for cultivators has corn-growing Kafirs. 2 

(f. Tribesmen of Kabul?) 

Just as Turks and (Mughul) clans (almdq] dwell in the open 
country of Khurasan and Samarkand, so in Kabul do the 
Hazara and Afghans. Of the Hazara, the most widely-scattered 
are the Sultan-mas'udi Hazara, of Afghans, the Mahmand. 

(g. Revenue of Kabtd?) 

The revenues of Kabul, whether from the cultivated lands 
or from tolls (tamgha) or from dwellers in the open country, 
amount to 8 laks of shahrukhis? Fol. 140^ 

(h. The mountain-tracts of Kabul?) 

Where the mountains of Andar-ab, Khwast, 4 and the Badakh- 
shanat have conifers (arc/to), many springs and gentle slopes, 
those of eastern Kabul have grass (aut), grass like a beautiful 
floor, on hill, slope and dale. For the most part it is buta-kah 
grass (aut\ very suitable for horses. In the Andijan country 
they talk of bilta-kdh^ but why they do so was not known (to 
me ?) ; in Kabul it was heard-say to be because the grass comes 

1 bughusIctrighS. fttrsat bulmas ; i, e. to kill them in the lawful manner, while 
pronouncing the Bi'smi 'Ha A. 

2 This completes the buluks of Kabul viz. Badr-au (Tag-au), Nur-valley, Chaghan- 
sarai, Kama and Ala-sal. 

3 The rupi being equal to z\ shahrukhis, the shahrukhi may be taken at lod. thus 
making the total revenue only 2^33,333 6s. &d. See Ayin-i-akbari ii, 169 (Erskine). 

4 sic in all B.N. MSS. Most maps print Khost. Muh. Salih says of Khwast, 
" Who sees it, would call it a Hell " (Vambery, p. 361). 

222 KABUL 

up in tufts (buta, buta)? The alps of these mountains are like 
those of Hisar, Khutlan, Farghana, Samarkand and Mughuli- 
stan, all these being alike in mountain and alp, though the 
alps of Farghana and Mughulistan are beyond comparison with 
the rest. 

From all these the mountains of Nijr-au, the Lamghanat and 
Sawad differ in having masses of cypresses, 2 holm-oak, olive and 
mastic (khanjaK) ; their grass also is different, it is dense, it is 
tall, it is good neither for horse nor sheep. Although these 
mountains are not so high as those already described, indeed 
they look to be low, none-the-less, they are strongholds ; what 
to the eye is even slope, really is hard rock on which it is 
impossible to ride. Many of the beasts and birds of Hindustan 
are found amongst them, such as the parrot, mma, peacock and 
luja (lukka\ the ape, nil-gau and hog-deer (kuta-pai) ; 3 some 
found there are not found even in Hindustan. 

The mountains to the west of Kabul are also all of one sort, 
those of the Zindan-valley, the Suf-valley, Garzawan and Ghar- 
jistan (Gharchastan)> Their meadows are mostly in the dales ; 
they have not the same sweep of grass on slope and top as some 
of those described have ; nor have they masses of trees ; they 
have, however, grass suiting horses. Oh their flat tops, where 
all the crops are grown, there is ground where a horse can gallop. 
They have masses of ktyik$ Their valley-bottoms are strong- 
holds, mostly precipitous and inaccessible from above. It is 
remarkable that, whereas other mountains have their fastnesses 
in their high places, these have theirs below. 

Of one sort again are the mountains of Ghur, Karnud (var. 
Kuzud) and Hazara ; their meadows are in their dales ; their 
trees are few, not even the archa being there ; 6 their grass is fit 

1 Babur's statement about this fodder is not easy to translate ; he must have seen 
grass grow in tufts, and must have known the Persian word bufa (bush). Perhaps 
kah should be read to mean plant, not grass. Would Wood's bootr fit in, a small 
furze bush, very plentiful near Bamian ? (Wood's Report VI, p. 23 ; and for regional 
grasses, Aitchison's Botany of the Afghan Delimitation Commission, p. 122.) 

2 nazu, perhaps cupressus terulosa (Bra-ndis, p. 693). 

3 f. 276. 

* A laborious geographical note of Mr, Erskine's is here regretfully left behind, as 
now needless (Mems. p. 152). 

5 Here, mainly wild-sheep and wild-goats, including mar-khiyar, 

6 Perhaps, no conifers ; perhaps none of those of the -contrasted hill-tract. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 223 

for horses and for the masses of sheep they keep. They differ 
from those last described in this, their strong places are not below. 
The mountains (south-east of Kabul) of Khwaja Isma'Il, Dasht, 
Dug! (Dukl) z and Afghanistan are all alike ; all low, scant of 
vegetation, short of water, treeless, ugly and good-for-nothing. 
Their people take after them, just as has been said, Ting bulmd- Fol. 
ghuncka tush bulmds? Likely enough the world has few moun- 
tains so useless and disgusting. 

(h. Fire-wood of Kabul,} 

The snow-fall being so heavy in Kabul, it is fortunate that 
excellent fire-wood is had near by. Given one day to fetch it, 
wood can be had of the khanjak (mastic), bilut (holm-oak), 
baddmcha (small-almond) and qarqand? Of these khanjak wood 
is the best ; it burns with flame .and nice smell, makes plenty of 
hot ashes and does well even if sappy. Holm-oak is also first- 
rate fire-wood, blazing less than mastic but, like it, making 
a hot fire with plenty of hot ashes, and nice smell. It has the 
peculiarity in burning that when its leafy branches are set alight, 
they fire up with amazing sound, blazing and crackling from 
bottom to top. It is good fun to burn it. The wood of the 
small-almond is the most plentiful and commonly-used, but it 
does not make a lasting fire. The qarqand is quite a low shrub, 
thorny, and burning sappy or dry ; it is the fuel of the Ghaznl 

(i. Fauna of Kdbid^} 

The cultivated lands of Kabul lie between mountains which 
are like great dams 4 to the flat valley-bottoms in which most 
villages and peopled places are. On these mountains kiyik and 

1 While here dasht (plain) represents the eastern skirt of the Mehtar Sulaiman 
range, duki or dugi (desert) seems to stand for the hill tracts on the west of it, and 
not, as on f. 152, for the place there specified. 

2 Mems. p. 152, "A narrow place is large to the narrow-minded" ; M&ms. i, 311, 
" Ce qui n'est pas trop large, ne reste pas vide." Literally, " So long as heights are 
not equal, there is no vis-a-vis," or, if tang be read for ting, "No dawn, no noon," 
i.e. no effect without a cause. 

3 I have not lighted on this name in botanical books or explained by dictionaries. 
Perhaps it is a Cis-oxanian name for the sax-aol of Transoxania. As its uses are 
enumerated by some travellers, it might be Haloxylon ammodendron, ta-ghaz etc. and 
sax-aol (Aitchison, p. 102). 

* f. 135^ note to Ghiir-bund. 

224 KABUL 

ahu * are scarce. Across them, between its summer and winter 
quarters, the dun sheep, 2 the arqarghalcha, have their regular 
track, 3 to which braves go out with dogs and birds 4 to take them. 
Towards Khurd-kabul and the Surkh-rud there is wild-ass, but 
there are no white klyik at all ;' Ghaznl has both and in few 
other places are white kiyik found in such good condition. 5 

In the heats the fowling-grounds of Kabul are crowded. The 
birds take their way along the Baran-water. For why ? It is 
because the river has mountains along it, east and west, and a 
great Hindu-kush. pass in a line with it, by which the birds must 
cross since there is no other near. 6 They cannot cross when the 
north wind blows, or if there is even a little cloud on Hindu-kush ; 
at such times they alight on the level lands of the Baran-water 
and are taken in great numbers by the local people. Towards the 
end of Avinter, dense flocks of mallards (aurduq) reach the banks 
of the Baran in very good condition. Follow these the cranes and 
herons, 7 great birds, in large flocks and countless numbers. 

(J. Bird-catching^} 

Along the Baran people take masses of cranes (turna} with 
the cord ; masses of auqdr, qarqara and qutan also. 8 This 

1 I understand that wild-goats, wild-sheep and deer (ahu) were not localized, but 
that the dun-sheep migrated through. Antelope (ahu) was scarce in Elphinstone's time. 

2 qizil kiyik which, taken with its alternative name, arqarghalcha, allows it to be 
the dun-sheep of Wood's Journey p. 241. From its second name it may be Ovis 
amnon (Raos], or 0. argali. 

3 tusqawal, _ var. tutqawal, tumqawal and tushqawal, a word which has given 
trouble to scribes and translators. As a sporting-term it is equivalent to skikar-i- 
nihilam ; in one or other of its forms I find it explained as Weg-hiiter, Fahnen-hiiter, 
Zahl-meister, Schlucht, Gefahrlicher-'weg and Schmaler-'weg. It recurs in the B.N. 
on f. I97<5 1. 5 and 1. 6 and there might mean either a narrow road or a Weg-hilter. 
If its Turk! root be tits, the act of stopping, all the above meanings can follow, but 
there may be two separate roots, the second, tush, the act of descent (JRAS 1900 
p. 137, H. Beveridge's art On the word nihilam}. 

4 qushlik, aitKk. Elphinstone writes (i, 191) of the excellent greyhounds and 
hawking birds of the region j here the bird may be the charkh, which works with the 
dogs, fastening on the head of the game (Von Sch warz, p. 1 1 7, for the same use of eagles). 

s An antelope resembling the usual one "of Hindustan is common south of Ghaznl 
(Vigne, p. 1 10) ; what is not found may be some classes of wild-sheep, frequent 
further north, at higher elevation, and in places more familiar to Babur. 

6 The Parwan or Hindu-kush pass, concerning the winds of which see 128. 

7 turna u qarqara. ; the second of which is the Hindi bugla, heron, egret ardea 
gazetta, the furnisher of the aigrette of commerce. 

8 The augdr is ardea cinerea, the grey heron ; the qarqara is ardea gazetta, the 
egret. Qutan is explained in the Elph. Codex (f. 1 10) by khawasil, goldfinch, but 
the context concerns large birds ; Scully (Shaw's Voc.) has qodan, water-hen, which 
suits better. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 225 

nethod of bird-catching is unique. They twist a cord as long 

is the arrow's * flight, tie the arrow at one end and a btldurga 2 

it the other, and wind it up, from the arrow-end, on a piece of 

vood, span-long and wrist-thick, right up to the bildurga. They Fol. 142 

:hen pull out the piece of wood, leaving just the hole it was in. 

Fhe bildurga being held fast in the hand, the arrow is shot off 3 

:o wards the corning flock. If the cord twist round a neck or 

ving;, it brings the bird down. On the Baran everyone takes 

)irds in this way ; it is difficult ; it must be done on rainy nights, 

>ecause on such nights the birds do not alight, but fly continually 

ind fly low till dawn, in fear of ravening beasts of prey. Through 

he night the flowing river is their road, its moving water showing 

hrough the dark ; then it is, while they come and go, up and down 

he river, that the cord is shot. One night I shot it ; it broke in 

Irawing in ; both bird and cord were brought in to me next day. 

Bythisdevice Baran people catch the many herons from which they 

ake the turban-aigrettes sent from Kabul for sale in Khurasan. 

Of bird-catchers there is also the band of slave-fowlers, two or 
hree hundred households, whom some descendant of Tlmur Beg 
nade migrate from near Multan to the Baran. 4 Bird-catching Fol. 143. 
s their trade ; they dig tanks, set decoy-birds 5 on them, put a net 
rver the middle, and in this way take all sorts of birds. Not fowlers 
mly catch birds, but every dweller on the Baran does it, whether 
>y shooting the cord, setting the springe, or in various other ways. 

k. Fishing?) 

The fish of the Baran migrate at the same seasons as birds. 
U those times many are netted, and many are taken on wattles 

1 giz, the short-flight, arrow. 

2 a small, round-headed nail with which a whip-handle is decorated (Vambery). 
uch a stud would keep the cord from slipping through the fingers and would not 
neck the arrow-release. 

3 It has been understood (Merns. p. 158 and Mems. i, 3 13) that the arrow was flung 
y hand but if this were so, something heavier than the giz would carry the cord 
etter, since it certainly would be difficult to direct a missile so light as an arrow 
ithout the added energy of the bow. The arrow itself will often have found its billet 
i the closely-flying flock ; the cord would retrieve the bird. The verb used in the 
t is aitm&q, the one common to express the discharge of arrows etc. 

4 For Tlmurids who may have immigrated the fowlers see Raverty's Notes p. 579 
id his Appendix p. 22. 

s milioah ; this has been read by all earlier translators, and also by the Persian 
inotator of the Elph. Codex, to mean shSkh, bough. For decoy-ducks see Bellow's 
r otes on Afghanistan p. 404. 

22 6 KABUL 

(ckigk} fixed- in the water. In autumn when the plant known 
as wtld-ass-tail' 1 has come to maturity, flowered and seeded, 
people take 10-20 loads (of seed?) and 20-30 of green branches 
(guk-sktbdk') to some head of water, break it up small and 
cast it in. Then going into the water, they can at once pick up 
drugged fish. At some convenient place lower down, in a hole 
below a fall, they will have fixed before-hand a wattle of 
finger-thick willow-withes, making it firm by piling stones on its 
sides. The water goes rushing and dashing through the wattle, 
but leaves on it any fish that may have come floating down. 
This way of catching fish is practised in Gul-bahar, Parwan and 

Fish are had in winter in the Lamghanat by this curious 
device : People dig a pit to the depth of a house, in the bed of 
a stream, below a fall, line it with stones like a cooking-place, 
and build up stones round it above, leaving one opening only, 
under water. Except by this one opening, tHe fish have no 
inlet or outlet, but the water finds its way through the stones. 
This makes a sort of fish-pond from which, when wanted in 
winter, fish can be taken, 30-40 together. Except at the opening, 
left where convenient, the sides of the fish-pond are made fast 
with rice-straw, kept in place by stones. A piece of wicker-work 
is pulled into the said opening by its edges, gathered together, 
and into this a second piece, (a tube,) is inserted, fitting it at the 
mouth but reaching half-way into it only. 2 The fish go through 
the smaller piece into the larger one, out from which they cannot 
get. The second narrows towards its inner mouth, its pointed 
ends being drawn so close that the fish, once entered, cannot 
turn, but must go on, one by one, into the larger piece. Out of 
that they cannot return because of the pointed ends of the inner, 
narrow mouth. The wicker-work fixed and the rice-straw making 
the pond fast, whatever fish are inside can be taken out ; 3 any 
also which, trying to escape may have gone into the wicker-work, 

1 qulan quyirughi. Amongst the many plants used to drug fish I have not found 
this one mentioned. Khar-zahra and kh&r-faq approach it in verbal meaning ; the 
first describes colocynth, the second, wild rue. See Watts' Economic Prodttcts of India 
iii, 366 and Bellew's Notes pp. 182, 471 and 478. 

a Much trouble would have been spared to himself and his translators, if Babur 
had known a lobster-pot. 

3 The fish, it is to be inferred, came down the fall into the pond. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 227 

are taken in it, because they have no way out. This method 
of catching fish we have seen nowhere else. 1 

(a. Departure of Muqim and allotment of lands.} 

A few days after the taking of Kabul, Muqim asked leave to 
set off for Qandahar. As he had come out of the town on 
terms and conditions, he was allowed to go to his father (Zu'n- 
nun) and his elder brother (Shah Beg), with all his various 
people, his goods and his valuables, safe and sound. 

Directly he had gone, the Kabul-country was shared out to 
the Mirzas and the guest-begs. 3 To Jahangir Mlrza was given 
Ghaznl with its dependencies and appurtenancies ; to Nasir 
Mlrza, the Nlngnahar t ft man, Mandrawar, Nur-valley, Kunar, 
Nur-gal (Rock-village?) and Chlghan-sarai. To some of the 
begs who had been with us in the guerilla-times and had come 
to Kabul with us, were given villages, fief-fashion. 4 Wildyat Foi. 144*5. 
itself was not given at all.5 It was not only then that I looked 
with more favour on guest-begs and stranger-begs than I did 
on old servants and Andijanls ; this I have always done when- 
ever the Most High God has shown me His favour ; yet it is 
remarkable that, spite of this, people have blamed me constantly 
as though I had favoured none but old servants and Andijanls. 
There is a proverb, (Turkl) " What will a foe not say ? what 
enters not into dream ? " and (Persian) " A town-gate can be 
shut, a foe's mouth never." 

1 Burnes and Vigne describe a fall 20 miles from Kabul, at "Tang! Gharoi", 
[below where the Tag-aii joins the Baran-water,] to which in their day, Kabulls went 
out for the amusement of catching fish as they try to leap up the fall. Were these 
migrants seeking upper waters or were they captives in a fish-pond ? 

* Elph. MS. f. m ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 1166 and 217 f. qjb; Mems. p. 155 ; 
Mims. i, 318. 

3 mihman-beglar, an expression first used by Babur here, and due, presumably, to 
accessions from Khusrau Shah's following. A parallel case is given in Max Mailer's 
Science of Language i, 348 ed. 1871, "Turkman tribes . . . call themselves, not 
subjects, but guests of the Uzbeg Khans. " 

4 tiyul-dik in all the Turk! MSS. Ilminsky, de Courteille and Zenker, yitul-dik, 
Turk!, a fief. 

$ Wilayat khitd hech birilmadi ; W.-i-B. 215 f. n6/>, Wil&yat dada na s/uida and 
217 f. 97<J, Wildyat khM hech dada na slnid. By this I understand that he kept the 
lands of Kabul itself in his own hands. He mentions (f. 350) and Gul-badan mentions 
(H.N. f. 406) his resolve so to keep Kabul. I think he kept not only the fort but 
all lands constituting the Kabul tuman (f. 135^ and note). 

228 ' KABUL 

(b. A levy in grain.} 

Many clans and hordes had come from Samarkand, Hisar 
and Qunduz into the Kabul-country. Kabul is a small country ; 
it is also of the sword, not of the pen ; * to take in money from 
it for all these tribesmen was impossible. It therefore seemed 
advisable to take in grain, provision for the families of these 
clans so that their men could ride on forays with the army. 
Accordingly it was decided to levy 30,000 ass-loads 2 of grain 
on Kabul, Ghaznl and their dependencies ; we knew nothing 
at that time about the harvests and incomings ; the impost was 
excessive, and under it the country suffered very grievously. 

In those days I devised the Baburi script.3 

(c. Foray on the Hazara^] 

A large tribute in horses and sheep had been laid on the 
Sultan Mas'udl Hazaras ; 4 word came a few days after collectors 
Fol. 145. had gone to receive it, that the Hazaras were refractory and 
would not give their goods. As these same tribesmen had 
before that come down on the Ghazm and Glrdiz roads, we got 
to horse, meaning to take them by surprise. Riding by the 
Maidan-road, we crossed the Nirkh-pass 5 by night and at the 
Morning-prayer fell upon them near Jal-tu (var. Cha-tu). The 
incursion was not what was wished. 6 We came back by .the 
Tunnel-rock (Sang-i-surakh) ; Jahanglr Mirza (there ?) took 
leave for Ghaznl. On our reaching Kabul, Yar-i-husain, son of 
Darya Khan, coming in from Bhlra, waited on me. 7 

1 Saifi diir, qalaml aimas, i.e. tax is taken by force, not paid on a written, 

3 Mar-war, about 700 Ibs Averdupois (Erskine). Cf.,, ii, 394). 

3 Nizamu'd-dln Ahmad and Badayunl both mention this script and say that in it 
Babur transcribed a copy of the Qoran for presentation to Maklca. Badayunl says 
it was unknown in his day, the reign of Akbar (Tabaq&t-i-akbari, lith. ed. p. 193, 
and Muntakhabi? t-iawarlkh Bib. Ind. ed. iii, 273). 

4 Babur's route, taken with, one given by Raverty (Notes p. 691), allows these 
Hazaras, about whose location Mr. Erskine was uncertain, to be located between the 
Takht-pass (Arghandl-Maidan-Unai road), on their east, and the Sang-lakh mountains, 
on their west. 

5 The Takht-pass, one on which from times -immemorial, toll (nirkh) has be^rt 

6 kkatir-khiiuah chapllmadi, which perhaps implies mutual discontent, Babur's with 
his gains, the Hazaras' with their losses. As the second Persian translation omits 
the negative, the Memoirs does the same. 

7 Bhira being in Shahpur, this Khan's darya will be the Jehlam. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 229 

(d. Babuls first start for Hindustan.} 

When, a few days later, the army had been mustered, persons 
acquainted with the country were summoned and questioned 
about its every side and quarter. Some advised a march to the 
Plain (Dasht) ; x some approved of Bangash ; some wished to 
go into Hindustan. The discussion found settlement in a move 
on Hindustan. 

It was in the month of Sha'ban (910 AH.-Jan. 1505 AD.), the 
Sun being in Aquarius, that we rode out of Kabul for Hindustan. 
We took the road by Badam-chashma and Jagdallk and reached 
Admapur in six marches. Till that time I had never seen 
a hot country or the Hindustan border-land. In Ningnahar 2 
another world came to view, other grasses, other trees, other 
animals, other birds, and other manners and customs of clan and 
horde. We were amazed, and truly there was ground for amaze. Fol. 

Nasir Mlrza, who had gone earlier to his district, waited on 
me in Admapur. We made some delay in Admapur in order 
to let the men from behind join us, also a contingent from the 
clans which had come with us into Kabul and were wintering 
in the Lamghanat. 3 All having joined us, we marched to below 
Jul-shahl and dismounted at Qush-gumbaz.4 There Nasir Mlrza 
asked for leave to stay behind, saying he would follow in a few 
days after making some sort of provision for his dependants 
and followers. Marching on from Qush-gumbaz, when we dis- 
mounted at Hot-spring (Garm-chashma), a head-man of the 
Gaglam was brought in, a Fajjip presumably with his caravan. 
We took him with us to point out the roads. Crossing Khaibar 
in a march or two, we dismounted at Jam. 6 

1 Babur uses Persian dasht and Hindi diiki, plain and hill, for the tracts east and 
west of Mehtar Sulaiman. The first, dasht, stands for Daman (skirt) and Dara-i-jat, 
the second, diikt, indefinitely for the broken lands west of the main range, but also, 
in one instance for the DukI [Dug!] district of Qandahar, as will be noted. 

* f. 132. The Jagdalilc-pass for centuries has separated the districts of Kabul and 
Ningnahar. Forster (Travels ii, 68), making the journey the reverse way, was 
sensible of the climatic change some 3m. east of Gandamak. Cf. Wood's Report I. p. 6. 

3 These are they whose families Nasir Mlrza shepherded out of Kabul later (f. 154, 

r . 155).. 

4 Bird's-dome, opposite the mouth of the Kiinar- water (S.'A. War, Map p. 64). 

5 This word is variously pointed and is uncertain. Mr. Erskine adopted "Pekhi", 
DUt, on the whole, it may be best to read, here and on f. 146, Ar. fajj or pers. faj, 
mountain or pass. To do so shews the guide to be one located in the Khaibar-pass, 
i Fajji or Paji. 

6 mod. Jam-rud (Jam-torrent), presumably. 

23 o KABUL 

Tales had been told us about Gur-khattrl ; * it was said to be 
a holy place of the Jogls and Hindus who come from long 
distances to shave their heads and beards there. I rode out at 
once from Jam to visit Bigram, 2 saw its great tree, 3 and all the 
country round, but, much as we enquired about Gur-khattri, 
our guide, one Malik Bu-sa'id Kamarl^ would say nothing 
Foi. 146. about it. When we were almost back in camp, however, he told 
Khwaja Muhammad-amm that it was in Bigram and that he 
had said nothing about it because of its confined cells and 
narrow passages. The Khwaja, having there and then abused 
him, repeated to us what he had said, but we could not go back 
because the road was long and the day far spent. 

(e. Move against Kohdt^) 

Whether to cross the water of Sind, or where else to go, was 
discussed in that camp.s Baqi Chaghanldrii represented that it 
seemed we might go, without crossing the river and with one 
night's halt, to a place called Kohat where were many rich 
tribesmen ; moreover he brought Kabulls forward who repre- 
sented the matter just as he had done. We had never heard of 
the place, but, as he, my man in great authority, saw it good to 
go to Kohat and had brought forward support of his recom- 
mendation, this being so ! we broke up our plan of crossing 
the Sind-water into Hindustan, marched from Jam, forded the 
Bara- water, and dismounted not far from the pass (ddbdn) 
through the Muhammad-mountain (fajj\ At the time the 
Gaglam Afghans were located in Parashawar but, in dread of 
our army, had drawn off to the skirt-hills. One of their head- 
men, coming into this camp, did me obeisance ; we took him, as 

1 G. of I. xx, 125 and Cunningham's Ancient History i, 80. Babur saw the place 
in 925 AH. (f. 232^). 

2 Cunningham, p. 29. Four ancient sites, not far removed from one another, bear 
this name, Bigram, viz. those near Hupian, Kabul, Jalalabad and Pashawar. 

3 Cunningham, i, 79. 

4 Perhaps a native of Kamarl on the Indus, but is a word of diverse 
application (index s.n. ). 

5 The annals of this campaign to the eastward shew that Babur was little of a free 
agent ; that many acts of his own were merciful ; that he sets down the barbarity of 
others as it was, according to his plan of writing (f. 86) ; and that he had with him 
undisciplined robbers of Khusrau Shah's former following. He cannot be taken as 
having power to command or control the acts of those, his guest-begs and their 
following, who dictated his movements in this disastrous journey, one worse than 
a defeat, says Haidar Mlrza. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 231 

well as the Fajjl, with us, so that, between them, they might Fol. 1466. 
point out the roads. We left that camp at midnight, crossed 
Muhammad-fajj at day-rise x and by breakfast-time descended 
on Kohat. Much cattle and buffalo fell to our men ; many 
Afghans were taken but I had them all collected and set them 
free. In the Kohat houses corn was found without limit. Our 
foragers raided as far as the Sind-river (darya}> rejoining us after 
one night's halt. As what Baql Chaghaniarii\i'z& led us to expect 
did not come to hand, he grew rather ashamed of his scheme. 

When our foragers were back and after two nights in Kohat, 
we took counsel together as to what would be our next good move, 
and we decided to over-run the Afghans of Bangash and the 
Bannu neighbourhood, then to go back to Kabul, either through 
Naghr (Baghzan ?), or by the Farmul-road (Tochi- valley ?). 

In Kohat, Darya Khan's son, Yar-i-husain, who had waited 
on me in Kabul made petition, saying, "If royal orders were 
given me for the Dilazak, 2 the Yusuf-zal, and the GaglanI, these 
would not go far from my orders if I called up the Padshah's 
swords on the other side of the water of Sind." 3 The farman 
he petitioned for being given, he was allowed to go from Kohat. 

(/ March to Thai.} 

Marching out of Kohat, we took the Hangu-road for Bangash. Fol. 147. 
Between Kohat and Hangu that road runs through a valley shut 
in on either hand by the mountains. When we entered this 
valley, the Afghans of Kohat and thereabouts who were gathered 
on both hill-skirts, raised their war-cry with great clamour. Our 
then guide, Malik Bu-sa'Id Kamari was well-acquainted with 
the Afghan locations ; he represented that further on there was 
a detached hill on our right, where, if the Afghans came down 
to it from the hill-skirt, we might surround and take them. God 
brought it right ! The Afghans, on reaching the place, did come 
down. We ordered one party of braves to seize the neck of 
land between that hill and the mountains, others to move along 

1 For the route here see Masson, i, 1 1 7 and Colquhoun's With the Kuram Field- 
force p. 48. 

3 The Ilai, MS. writes this Dilah-zak. 

3 i.e. raised a force in Babur's name. He took advantage of this farman in 911 AH. 
to kill Baql Chaghanlani (f. 1593-160). 

232 KABUL 

its sides, so that under attack made from all sides at once, the 
Afghans might be made to reach their doom. Against the all- 
round assault, they could not even fight ; a hundred or two were 
taken, some were brought in alive but of most, the heads only 
were brought. We had been told that when Afghans are power- 
less to resist, they go before their foe with grass between their 
teeth, this being as much as to say, " I am your cow." x Here 
Foi. itfb. we saw this custom ; Afghans unable to make resistance, came 
before us with grass between their teeth. Those our men had 
brought in as prisoners were ordered to be beheaded and a pillar 
of their heads was set up in our camp. 2 

Next day we marched forward and dismounted at Hangu, 
where local Afghans had made a sangur on a hill. I first heard 
the word sangur after coming to Kabul where people describe 
fortifying themselves on a hill as making a sangur. Our men 
went straight up, broke into it and cut off a hundred or two of 
insolent Afghan heads. There also a pillar of heads was set up. 
From Hangu we marched, with one night's halt, to Til (Thai), 3 
below Bangash ; there also our men went out and raided the 
Afghans near-by ; some of them however turned back rather 
lightly from a sangur* 

{g. Across country into Bannu.} 

On leaving Til (Thai) we went, without a road, right down 
a steep descent, on through out-of-the-way narrows, halted one 
night, and next day came down into Bannu,s man, horse and 
camel all worn out with fatigue and with most of the booty in 
cattle left on the way. The frequented road must have been 
a few miles to our right ; the one we came by did not seem 

1 Of the Yusuf-zal and Ranjit-singh, Masson says, (i, 141) "The miserable, hunted 
wretches threw themselves on the ground, and placing a blade or tuft of grass in their 
mouths, cried out, " I am your cow." This act and explanation, which would have 
saved them from an orthodox Hindfi, had no effect with the infuriated Sikhs." This 
form of supplication is at least as old as the days of FirdausI (Erskine, p. I59n. ). 
The Bahar-i-^ajam is quoted by Vullers as saying that in India, suppliants take straw 
in the mouth to indicate that they are blanched and yellow from fear. 

a This barbarous custom has always prevailed amongst the Tartar conquerors of 
Asia (Erskine). For examples under Timur see Raverty's Notes p. 137. 

3 For a good description of the road from Kohat to Thai see Bellew's Mission p. 104. 

4 F. 88<5 has the same phrase about the doubtful courage of one Sayyidl Qara. 

5 Not to the mod. town of Bannu, [that having been begun only in 1848 AD.] but 
wherever their wrong road brought them out into the Bannu amphitheatre. The 
Survey Map of 1868, No. I5> shews the physical features of the wrong route. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 233 

riding-road at all ; it was understood to be called the Gosfand- Fol. 148. 
/ar (Sheep-road), liydr being Afghani for a road, because 
imetimes shepherds and herdsmen take their flocks and herds 
? it through those narrows. Most of our men regarded our 
jing brought down. by that left-hand road as an ill-design of 
[alik Bu-sa c ld Kamari? 

i. Bannu and the l lsa-khail country?) 

The Bannu lands lie, a dead level, immediately outside the 
angash and Naghr hills, these being to their north. The 
angash torrent (the Kuram) comes down into Bannu and 
utilizes its lands. South(-east) of them are Chaupara and the 
ater of Sind ; to their east is Dm-kot ; (south-)west is the Plain 
Dasht), known also as Bazar and Taq. 2 The Bannu lands are 
ultivated by the KuranI, Kiwi, Sur, 'Isa-khail and Niarzal of 
ic Afghan tribesmen. 

After dismounting in Bannu, we heard that the tribesmen in 
:ie Plain (Dasht) were for resisting and were entrenching 
biemselves on a hill to the north. A force headed by Jahanglr 
/[Irza, went against what seemed to be the Kiwi sangur, took it 
t once, made general slaughter, cut off and brought in many 
eads. Much white cloth fell into (their) hands. In Bannu 
Iso a pillar of heads was set up. After the sangur had been 
aken, the Kiwi head-man, Shadi Khan, came to my presence, 
rith grass between his teeth, and did me obeisance. I pardoned 
,11 the prisoners. 

After we had over-run Kohat, it had been decided that 
3angash and Bannu should be over-run, and return to Kabul Fol. 
nade through Naghr or through Farmul. But when Bannu had 
>een over-run, persons knowing the country represented that the 
Plain was close by, with its good roads and' many people ; so it 
vas settled to over-run the Plain and to return to Kabul 
ifterwards by way of Farmul.3 

1 Perhaps he connived at recovery of cattle by those raided already. 
. 2 Taq is the Tank of Maps ; Bazar was s.w. of it. Tank for Taq looks _ to be 
i variant due to nasal utterance (Vigne, p. 77, P- 2O 3 and Ma P * and > as beann i on 
he nasal, in loco, Appendix E). 

3 If return had been made after over-running Bannu, it would have been made by 
he Tochl-valley and so through Farmul ; if after over-running the Plain, Babur s 
ietails shew that the westward turn was meant to be by the Gumal-valley and one of 

234 KABUL 

Marching next day, we dismounted at an 'Isa-khail village on 

that same water (the Kuram) but, as the villagers had gone into 

the Chaupara hills on hearing of us, we left it and dismounted 

on the skirt of Chaupara. Our foragers went from there into 

the hills, destroyed the 'Isa-khail sangur and came back with 

sheep, herds and cloth. That night the 'Isa-khail made an 

attack on us but, as good watch was kept all through these 

operations, they, could do nothing. So cautious were we that at 

night our right and left, centre and van were just in the way 

they had dismounted, each according to its place in battle, each 

prepared for its own post, with men on foot all round the camp, at 

an arrow's distance from the tents. Every night the army was 

posted in this way and every night three or four of my household 

Fol. 149. made the* rounds with torches, each in his turn. I for my part 

made the round once each night. Those not at their posts had 

their noses slit and were led round through the army. Jahanglr 

Mlrza was the right wing, with Baql Chaghanmnl, Sherlm Taghal, 

Sayyid Husain' Akbar, and other begs. Mlrza Khan was the 

left wing, with 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mlrza, Qasim Beg and other begs. 

In the centre there were no great begs, all were household-begs. 

Sayyid Qasim Lord-of-the-gate, was the van, with Baba Aughiill, 

Allah-bird! (var. Allah-qull Puran), and some other begs. The 

army was in six divisions, each of which had its day and night 

on guard. 

Marching from that hill-skirt, our faces set west, we dismounted 
on a waterless plain (gut) between Bannu and the Plain. The 
soldiers got water here for themselves, their herds and so on, by 
digging down, from one to one-and-a-half yards, into the dry 
water-course, when water came. Not here only did this happen 
for all the rivers of Hindustan have the peculiarity that water is 
safe to be found by digging down from one to one-and-a-half , 
yards in their beds. It is a wonderful provision of God that where, 
except for the great rivers, there are no running-waters, 1 water 
should be so placed within reach in dry water-courses. 

two routes out of it, still to Farmul ; but the extended march southward to near 
Dara-i-Ghazi Khan made the westward turn be taken through the valley opening at 

1 This will mean, none of the artificial runlets familiar where Babur had lived 
before getting to know Hindustan. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 235 

We left that dry channel next morning. Some of our inert, 
iding light, reached villages of the Plain in the afternoon, raided 
i few, and brought back flocks, cloth and horses bred for trade. T 
Pack-animals and camels and also the braves we had outdistanced, 
cept coming into camp all through that night till dawn and on 
:ill that morrow's noon. During our stay there, the foragers Fo!. 149 
Drought in from villages in .the Plain, masses of sheep and cattle, 
ind, from Afghan traders met on the roads, white cloths, aromatic 
.oots, sugars, tipiichaqs, and horses bred for trade. Hindi (var. 
Wind!) MugJnll unhorsed Krnvaja Khizr Lfthanl, a well-known 
ind respected Afghan merchant, cutting off and bringing in his 
lead. Once when Sherlm Taghal went in the rear of the foragers, 
in Afghan faced him on the road and struck off his index-finger, 

i. Return made for Kabul?} 

Two roads were heard of as leading from where we were to 
jhaznl ; one was the Tunnel-rock (Sang-i-surakh) road, passing 
3irk (Barak) and going on to Farmul ; the other was one along 
he Gumal, which also comes out at Farmul but without touching 
3irk (Barak). 2 As during our stay in the Plain rain had fallen 
ncessantly, the Gumal was so swollen that it would have been 
lifficult to cross at the ford .we came to ; moreover persons well- 
tcquainted with the roads, represented that going by the Gumal 
oad, this torrent must be crossed several times, that this was 
ilways difficult when the waters were so high and that there was 
ilways uncertainty on the Gifcnal road. Nothing was settled 
hen as to which of these two roads to take ; I expected it to be 
ettled next day when, after the drum of departure had sounded, Foi. 150. 
ire talked it over as we went.3 It was the 'Id-i-fitr (March 7th. 
505 AD.) ; while I was engaged in the ablutions due for the 
weaking of the fast, Jahanglr Mlrza and the begs discussed the 

* sauda-St, perhaps, pack-ponies, perhaps, bred for sale and not for own use. 
lurnes observes that in 1837 Luhan! merchants carried precisely the same articles of 
ade as in Babur's day, 532 years earlier (Report IX p. 99). 

2 Mr. Erskine thought it probable that the first of these routes went through 
Laniguram, and the second through the Ghwaliri-pass and along the Gumal. Birk, 
istness, would seem an appropriate name for Kaniguram, but, if Babur meant to go 
> Ghaznl, he would be off the ordinary Gfimal-Ghazn! route in going through Farmul 
\urgun). Raverty's Notes give much useful detail about these routes, drawn from 
ative sources. For Barak (Birk) see Notes pp. 88, 89; Vigne, p. 102. 

3 From this it would seem that the alternative roads were approached by one in 


236 KABUL 

question of the roads. Some-one said that if we were to turn 
the bill 1 of the Mehtar Sulaiman range, this lying between 
the Plain and the Hill-country (deskt u duki}? we should get 
a level road though it might make the difference of a few marches. 
For this they decided and moved off ; before my ablutions were 
finished the whole army had taken the road and most of it was 
across the Guma.1. Not a man of us had ever seen the road ; 
no-one knew whether it was long or short ; we started off just 
on a rumoured word ! 

The Prayer of the 'Id was made on the bank of the Gumal. 
That year New-year's Day3 fell close to the 'Id-i-fitr, there being 
only a few days between ; on their approximation I composed 
the following (Turkl) ode : 

Glad is the Bairam-moon for him who sees both the face of the Moon and the 

Moon-face of his friend ; 
Sad is the Bairam-moon for me, far away from thy face and from thee. 4 

Babur ! dream of your luck when your Feast is the meeting, your New-year 

the face ; " 
For better than that could not be with a hundred New-years and Bairams. 

After crossing the Gumal torrent, we took our way along the 
skirt of the hills, our faces set south. A mile or two further on, 
Foi. 150^. some death-devoted Afghans shewed themselves on the lower 
edge of the hill-slope. Loose rein, off we went for them ; most 
of them fled but some made foolish stand on rocky-piles 5 of the 
foot-hills. One took post on ,a single rock seeming to have 
a precipice on the further side of it, so that he had not even a way 
of escape. SI. Qull Chundq (One-eared), all in his mail as he was, 
got up, slashed at') and took him. This was one of SI. Qull's 
deeds done under my own eyes, which led to his favour and 
promotion. 6 At another pile of rock, when Qutluq-qadam 
exchanged blows with an Afghan, they grappled and came down 

1 tumshuq, a bird's bill, used here, as in Selsey-bill, for the naze (nose), or snout, 
the last spur, of a range. 

2 Here these words may be common nouns. 

3 Nu-roz, the feast of the 'old Persian New-year (Erskine) ; it is the day on which 
the Sun enters Aries. 

4 In the [Turk!] Elph. and Hai. MSS. and in some Persian ones, there is a space 
left here as though to indicate a known omission. 

s kaniari, sometimes a cattle-e* closure, which may serve as a sangur. The word 
may stand in one place of its Babur-nama uses for Gum-rahl (R.'s Notes s.n. Gum- 

6 Index s.n. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH'1505 AD. 237 

together, a straight fall of 10 to 12 yards ; in the end Qutluq- 
qadam cut off and brought in his man's head. Kupuk Beg got 
hand-on-collar with an Afghan at another hill ; both rolled down 
to the bottom ; that head also was brought in. All Afghans 
taken prisoner were set free. 

Marching south through the Plain, and closely skirting Mehtar 
Sulaiman, we came, with three nights' halt, to a small township, 
called Bllah, on the Sind-water and dependent on Multan. 1 The 
villagers crossed the water, mostly taking to their boats, but 
some flung themselves in to cross. Some were seen standing on 
an island in front of Bllah. Most of our men, man and horse in Fol. 151 
mail, plunged in and crossed to the island ; some were carried 
down, one being Qul-i-aruk (thin slave), one of my servants, 
another the head tent-pitcher, another Jahanglr Mirza's servant, 
QaTtmas Turkman?- Cloth and things of the baggage (partaldzk 
nima) fell to our men. The villagers all crossed by boat to the 
further side of the river ; once there, some of them, trusting to 
the broad water, began to make play with their swords. Qul-i- 
bayazld, the taster, one of our men who had crossed to the island, 
stripped himself and his horse and, right in front of them, 
plunged by himself into the river. The water on that side of 
the island may have been twice or thrice as wide as on ours. 
He swum his horse straight for them till, an arrow's-flight away, 
he came to a shallow where his weight must have been up-borne, 
the water being as high as the saddle-flap. There he stayed for 
as long as milk takes to boil ; no-one supported him from 
behind ; he had not a chance of support. He made a dash at 
them ; they shot a few arrows at him but, this not checking him, 
they took to flight. To swim such a river as the Sind, alone, 
bare on a bare-backed horse, no-one behind him, and to chase 
off a foe and occupy his ground, was a mightily bold deed ! He 
having driven the enemy off, other soldiers went over who Fol. 
returned with cloth and droves of various sorts. Qul-i-bayazld 
had already his place in my favour and kindness on account of 
his good service, and of courage several times shewn ; from the 
cook's office I had raised him to the royal taster's ; this time, as 

1 Vigne, p. 241. 

2 This name can be translated " He turns not back " or " He stops not ". 

238 KABUL 

will be told, I took up a position full of bounty, favour and 
promotion, in truth he was worthy of honour and advancement. 
Two other marches were made down the Sind-water. Our 
men, by perpetually gallopping off on raids, had knocked up 
their horses ; usually what they took, cattle mostly, was not 
worth the gallop ; sometimes indeed in the Plain there had been 
sheep, sometimes one sort of cloth or other, but, the Plain left 
behind, nothing was had but cattle. A mere servant would 
bring in 3 or 400 head during our marches along the Sind-water, 
but every march many more would be left on the road than 
they brought in. 

(j. The ^vestward march.} 

Having made three more marches 1 close along the Sind, we 
left it when we came opposite Plr Kanu's tomb. 2 Going to the 
tomb, we there dismounted. Some of our soldiers having injured 
several of those in attendance on it, I had them cut to pieces. 
It is a tomb on the skirt of one of the Mehtar Sulaiman 
mountains and held in much honour ; i Hindustan. 

Marching on from Plr Kanu, we dismounted in the (Pawat) 
pass ; next again in the bed of a torrent in Dukl.3 After we 
left this camp there were brought in as many as 20 to 30 
followers of a retainer of Shah Beg, Fazil Kukuldash, the 
darogha of SlwI. They had been sent to reconnoitre us but, as 
at that time, we were not on bad terms with Shah Beg, we let 
them go, with horse and arms. After one night's halt, we 
reached Chutiall, a village of Dukl. 

Although our men had constantly gallopped off to raid, both 
before we reached the Sind-water and all along its bank, they 
had not left horses behind, because there had been plenty of green 
food and corn. When, however, we left the river and set our 
faces for Plr Kanu, not even green food was to be had ; a little 
land under green crop might be found every two or three 

1 i.e. five from BTlah. 

2 Raverty gives the saint's name as Plr Kaniin (Ar. kan-un, listened to). It is the 
well-known Sakhi-sarwar, honoured by Hindus and Muhammadans. (G. of I., xxi, 
390 ; R.'sJVofes p. n and p. 12 and JASB 1855 ; Calcutta Review 1875, Macauliffe's 
art. On the fair at Sakhi-sarwar ; Leech's Report VII, for the route j Khazinatu 
'l-asfiya^ iv, 245. ) 

3 This seems to be the sub-district of Qandahar, Diik! or Dugi. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 239 

narches, but of horse-corn, none. So, beyond the camps 
mentioned, there began the leaving of horses behind. After 
Dassing Chutlall, my own felt-tent 1 had to be left from want of 
Daggage-beasts. One night at that time, it rained so much, that 
vater stood knee-deep in my tent (chdddr) ; I watched the night 
>ut till dawn, uncomfortably sitting on a pile of blankets. 

k. Bdqi Chaghdmdms treachery?) 

A few marches further on came Jahanglr Mirza, saying, " I Fol. 152**. 
lave a private word for you." When we were in private, he 
;aid, " BaqI Chaghdnidnl came and said to me, ' You make the 
Padshah cross the water of Sind with 7, 8, 10 persons, then 
nake yourself Padshah.' " Said I, " What others are heard of as 
:onsulting with him?" Said he, "It was but a moment ago 
3aqi Beg spoke to me ; I know no more." Said I, " Find out 
vho the others are ; likely enough Sayyid Husain Akbar and 
51. 'All the page are in it, as well as Khusrau Shah's begs and 
>raves." Here the Mirza really behaved very well and like 
L blood-relation ; what he now did was the counterpart of what 
had done in Kahmard, 2 in this same ill-fated mannildn's other 
cheme of treachery.3 

On dismounting after the next march, I made Jahanglr Mirza 
ead a body of well-mounted men to raid the Aughans (Afghans) 
)f that neighbourhood. 

Many men's horses were now left behind in each camping- 
ground, the day coming when as many as 2 or 300 were left. 
Braves of the first rank went on foot ; Sayyid Mahmud 
^ughldqchi, one of the best of the household-braves, left his 
lorses behind and walked. In this state as to horses we went 
,11 the rest of the way to Ghazni. 

Three or four marches further on, Jahanglr Mirza plundered Fol. 153. 
ome Afghans and brought in a few sheep. 

L The Ab-i-istdda?) 

When, with a few more marches, we reached the Standing- 
rater (Ab-i-istitda) a wonderfully large sheet of water presented 

, 1 khar-gah, a folding tent on lattice frame-work, perhaps a fyhibitka. 

- It may be more correct to write Kah-mard, as the Hai. MS. does and to under- 
and in the name a reference to the grass(&4)-yielding capacity of the place. 

3 f. 121. 

240 KABUL 

itself to view ; the level lands on its further side could not be 
seen at all ; its water seemed to join the sky ; the higher land 
and the mountains of that further side looked to hang between 
Heaven and Earth, as in a mirage. The waters there gathered 
are said to be those of the spring-rain floods of the Kattawaz- 
plain, the Zurmut-valley, and the Qara-bagh meadow of the 
Ghaznl-torrent, floods of the spring-rains, and the over-plus x of 
the summer-rise of streams. 

When within two miles of the Ab-i-istada, we saw a wonderful 
thing, something as red as the rose of the dawn kept shewing 
and vanishing between the sky and the water. It kept coming 
and going. When we got quite close we learned that what 
seemed the cause were flocks of geese, 2 not 10,000, not 20,000 
in a flock, but geese innumerable which, when the mass of birds 
flapped their wings in flight, sometimes shewed red feathers, 
sometimes not. Not only was this bird there in countless 
numbers, but birds of every sort. Eggs lay in masses on the 
shore. When two Afghans, come there to collect eggs, saw us, 
they went into the water half a kuroh (a mile). Some of our 
men following, brought them back. As far as they went the 
water was of one depth, up to a horse's belly ; it seemed not to 
lie in a hollow, the country being flat. 

We dismounted at the torrent corning down to the Ab-i-istada 
from the plain of Kattawaz. The several other times we have 
passed it, we have found a dry channel with no water whatever, 3 
but this time, there was so much water, from the spring-rains, 
that no ford could be found. The water was not very broad 
but very deep. Horses and camels were made to swim it ; some 
of the baggage was hauled over with ropes. Having got across, 
we went on through Old NanI and Sar-i-dih to Ghaznl where 
for a few days Jahanglr Mlrza was our host, setting food before 
us and offering his tribute. 

1 This may mean, what : '-'-' - ' s ised. 

2 Mr. Erskine notes th , . - j would lead us to imagine a flock of 
flamingoes. Masson found the lake filled with red-legged, white fowl (i, 262); these 
and also what Babur saw, may have been the China-goose which has body and neck 
white, head and tail russet (Bellew's Mission p. 402). Broadfoot seems to have visited 
the lake when migrants were few, and through this to have been led to adverse 
comment on Babur's accuracy (p. 350). 

3 The usual dryness of the bed may "have resulted from the irrigation of much land 
some 12 miles from Ghazni. 

910 AH. JUNE HTH 1504 TO JUNE 4rn 1505 AD. 241 

z. Return to Kabul?) 

That year most waters came down in flood. No ford was 
und through the water of Dih-i-yaq'ub. 1 For this reason we 
2nt straight on to Kamari, through the Sajawand-pass. At 
amarl I had a boat fashioned in a pool, brought and set on the 
ih-i-yaq'ub-water in front of Kamari. In this all our people 
2re put over. 

We reached Kabul in the month of Zu'1-hijja (May 1505' AD.). 2 
few days earlier Sayyid Yusuf Aughldqchi had gone to God's Fol. 154. 
ercy through the pains of colic. 

. Misconduct of Nasir Mzrzd.} 

It has been mentioned that at Qush-gumbaz, Nasir Mirza 
ked leave to stay behind, saying that he would follow in a few 
tys after taking something from his district for his retainers 
id followers. 3 But having left us, he sent a force against the 
:ople of Nur-valley, they having done something a little 
fractory. The difficulty of moving in that valley owing to the 
rong position of its fort and the rice-cultivation of its lands, 
LS already been described. 4 The Mirza" s commander, Fazli, in 
ound so impracticable and in that one-road tract, instead of 
fe-guarding his men, scattered them to forage. Out came the 
.lesmen, drove the foragers off, made it impossible to the rest 
keep their ground, killed some, captured a mass of others 
id of horses, precisely what would happen to any army 
Lancing to be under such a person as Fazll ! Whether because 
this affair, or whether from want of heart, the Mirza did not 
How us at all ; he stayed behind. 

Moreover Ayub's sons, Yusuf and Bahlul (Begchlk), more 
ditious, silly and arrogant persons than whom there may not 
:ist, to whom I had given, to Yusuf Alangar, to Bahlul 'All- 
ang, they like Nasir Mirza, were to have taken something from Fol. 154^ 
eir districts and to have come on with him, but, he not coming, 

: This is the Luhugur (Logar) water, knee-deep in winter at the ford but spreading 
flood with the spring-rains. Babur, not being able to cross it for the direct roads 

Kabul, kept on along its left bank, crossing it eventually at the Kamari of maps, 
. of Kabul. 

1 This disastrous expedition, full of privation and loss, had occupied some four 
mths (T.R. p. 201). 

' f. 145-5. 4 f- I33<5 and Appendix F. 

24 2 KABUL 

neither did they. All that winter they were the companions of 
his cups and social pleasures. They also over-ran the TarkalanI 
Afghans in it. 1 With the on-coming heats, the Mlrza made 
march off the families of the clans, outside-tribes and hordes who 
had wintered in Nlngnahar and the Lamghanat, driving them like 
sheep before him, with all their goods, as far as the Baran-water. 2 

(o. Affairs of Badakhshan^] 

While Nasir Mlrza was in camp on the Baran-water, he heard 
that the Badakhshls were united against the Auzbegs and had 
killed some of them. 

'Here are the particulars : When Shaibaq Khan had given 
Qunduz to Qambar Bl and gone himself to Khwarizm 3 ; Qambar 
Bl, in order to conciliate the Badakhshls, sent them a son of 
Muhammad-i-makhdumI, Mahmud by name, but Mubarak Shah, 
whose ancestors are heard of as begs of the Badakhshan 
Shahs, having uplifted his own head, and cut off Mahmud's and 
those of some Auzbegs, made himself fast in the fort once known 
as Shaf-tiwar but re-named by him Qila'-i-zafar. Moreover, in 
Rustaq Muhammad qiirchl, an armourer of Khusrau Shah, then 
occupying Khamalangan, slew Shaibaq Khan's sadr and some 
Auzbegs and made that place fast. Zubair of Ragh, again, 
whose forefathers also will have been begs of the Badakhshan 
Shahs, uprose in Ragh. 4 Jahanglr Turkman, again, a servant 
of Khusrau Shah's Wall, collected some of the fugitive soldiers 
and tribesmen Wall had left behind, and with them withdrew 
into a fastness. 5 

Nasir Mlrza, hearing these various items of news and spurred 
on by the instigation of a few silly, short-sighted persons to 
covet Badakhshan, marched along the Shibr-tu and Ab-dara 
road, driving like sheep before him the families of the men who 
had come into Kabul from the other side of the Amu. 6 

1 They were located in Mandrawar in 926 AH. (f. 251). 

2 This was done, manifestly, with the design of drawing after the families their 
fighting men, then away with Babur. 

3 f. 163. Shaibaq Khan besieged Chin Sufi, SI. Ilusain Mirza's man in Khwarizm 
(T. R. p. 204 ; Shaibani-nama, Vambery, Table of Contents and note 89). 

4 Survey Map 1889, Sadda. The Ragh-water flows n.w. into the Oxus (Amu). 

5 birk, a mountain stronghold ; cf. f. 149^ note to Birk (Barak). 

6 They were thus driven on from the Baran-water (f. If4^)- 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 243 

Affairs of Kkusrau Shah.} 

A.t the time Khusrau Shah and Ahmad-i-qasim were in flight 
m Ajar for Khurasan, 1 they meeting in with Badi'u'z-zaman 
rza and Zu'n-nun Beg, all went on together to the presence of 
Husain Mirza in Hen. All had long been foes of his ; all 
d behaved unmannerly to him ; what brands had they not set 
his heart ! Yet all now went to him in their distress, and all 
nt through me. For it is not likely they would have seen 
n if I had not made Khusrau Shah helpless by parting him 
>m his following, and if I had not taken Kabul from Zu'n'nun's 
"i, MuqTm. Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza himself was as dough in the Fol. 1550. 
nds of the rest ; beyond their word he could not go. SI. Husain 
irza took up a gracious attitude towards one and all, mentioned 
-one's misdeeds, even made them gifts. 

Shortly after their arrival Khusrau Shah asked for leave to go 

his own country, saying, " If I go, I shall get it all into my 

.nds." As he had reached Herl without equipment and without 

sources, they finessed a little about his leave. He became 

iportunate. Muhammad Baranduq retorted roundly on him 

ith, " When you had 30,000 men behind you and" the whole 

>untry in your hands, what did you effect against the Auzbeg ? 

7 hat will you do now with your 5 men and the Auzbegs in 

issession?" He added a little good advice in a few sensible 

ords, but all was in vain because the fated hour of Khusrau 

tiah's death was near. Leave was at last given because of his 

nportunity ; Khusrau Shah with his 3 or 400 followers, went 

.raight into the borders of Dahanah. There as Nasir Mirza 

ad just gone across, these two met. 

Now the BadakhshI chiefs had invited only the Mirza ; they 
ad not invited Khusrau Shah. Try as the Mirza did to persuade 
Ihusrau Shah to go into the hill-country, 2 the latter, quite 
nderstanding the whole time, would not consent to go, his own 
lea being that if he marched under the Mirza, he would get the Fol. 156. 
ountry into his own hands. In the end, unable to agree, each 
f them, near Ishkimlsh, arrayed his following, put on mail, drew 
ut to fight, and departed. Nasir Mirza went on forBadakhshan-; 
Chusrau Shah after collecting a disorderly rabble, good and bad 

1 f. 1263. = Hiar, presumably. 

244 KABUL 

of some 1,000 persons, went, with the intention of laying siege 
to Qunduz, to Khwaja Char-taq, one or two ytghdch outside it. 

(q. Death of Kkusrau Shah?) 

At the time Shaibaq Khan, after overcoming Sultan Ahmad 
Tambal and Andijan, made a move on Hisar, his Honour 
Khusrau Shah 1 flung away his country (Qunduz and Hisar) 
without a blow struck, and saved himself. Thereupon Shaibaq 
Khan went to Hisar in which were Sherim the page and a few 
good braves. They did not surrender Hisar, though their 
honourable beg had flung his country away and gone off ; they 
made Hisar fast. The siege of Hisar Shaibaq Khan entrusted to 
Hamza SI. and Mahdi Sultan, 2 went to Qunduz, gave Qunduz to 
his younger brother, Mahmud Sultan and betook himself without 
delay to Khwarizm against Chin Sufi. But as, before he reached 
Samarkand on his way to Khwarizm, he heard of the death in 
Qunduz of his brother, Mahmud Sultan, he gave that place to 
Qambar Bi of Marv.3 

Qambar Bi was in Qunduz when Khusrau Shah went against 

it ; he at once sent off galloppers to summon Hamza SI. and the 

Fol. i<b. others Shaibaq Khan had left behind. Hamza SI. came himself 

as far as the saral on the Amu bank where he put his sons and 

begs in command of a force which went direct against Khusrau 

Shah. There was neither fight nor flight for that fat, little man ; 

Hamza Sultan's men unhorsed him, killed his sister's son, 

Ahmad-i-qasim, Sherim the page and several good braves. Him 

they took into Qunduz, there struck his head off and from there 

sent it to Shaibaq Khan in Khwarizm. 4 

(r. Conduct in Kabul of Khusrau Shah's retainers?} 

Just as Khusrau. Shah had said they would do, his former 
retainers and followers, no sooner than he marched against 

1 Here ' ' His Honour " translates Babur's clearly ironical honorific plural. 

a These two sultans, almost always mentioned in alliance, may be Tmuirids by 
maternal descent (Index s.nn.}. So far I have found no direct statement of their 
parentage. My husband has shewn me what may be' one indication of it, viz. that 
two of the uncles of Shaibaq Khan (whose kinsmen the sultans seem to be), Quj-kunji 
and Suinjak, were sons of a daughter of the Tlmurid Aulugh Beg Samarkand* 
(H.S. ii, 318). See Vambery's Bukhara p. 248 note. 

3 For the deaths of Tambal and Mahmud, mentioned in the above summary of 
Shaibaq Khan's actions, see the ShaibanT-nama, Vambery, p. 323. 
, 4 H. S. ii, 323, for Khusrau Shah's character and death. 

910 AH. JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD. 245 

Qunduz, changed in their demeanour to me, 1 most of them 
marching off to near Khwaja-i-riwaj. 2 The greater number of 
the men in my service had been in his. The Mughuls behaved 
well, taking up a position of adherence to me. 3 On all this the 
news of Khusrau Shah's death fell like water on fire ; it put 
his men out. 

1 f. 124. 

2 Khwaja-of-the-rhubarb, presumably a shrine near rhubarb-grounds (i. 129$). 

3 yakshi bardilar, lit. went well, a common expression in the Babitr-namtt, of which 
the reverse statement is yamanllk btla bardi (f. 163). Some Persian MSS. make the 
Mughuls disloyal but this is not only in opposition to the TurkI text, it is a redundant 
statement since if disloyal, they are included in Babur's previous statement, as being 
Khusrau Shah's retainers. What might call for comment in Mughuls would be loyalty, 
to Babur. 

911 AH. JUNE 4ra 1505 TO MAY 24ra 1506 AD. 1 

(a. Death of Qutluq-nigdr Khdnmi.} 

In the month of Muharram my mother had fever. Blood 
was let without effect and a KhurasanI doctor, known as Sayyid 
Tablb, in accordance with the Khurasan practice, gave her 
water-melon, but her time to die must have come, for on the 
Saturday after six days of illness, she went to God's mercy. 

On Sunday I and Qasim Kukuldash conveyed her to the 
New-year's Garden on the mountain-skirt 2 where Aulugh Beg 
Mlrza had built a house, and there, with the permission of his 
heirs, 3 we committed her to the earth. While we were mourning 
for her, people let me know about (the death of) my younger 
Khan ddda Alacha Khan, and my grandmother- Alsan-daulat 
Beglm. 4 Close upon Khanlm's Fortieth 5 arrived from Khurasan 
Shah Beglm the mother of the Khans, together with my maternal- 
aunt Mihr-nigaf Khamm, formerly of SI. Ahmad Mlrza's haram, 
and Muhammad Husain Kurkdn Dfcghldt. 6 Lament broke out 
afresh ; the bitterness of these partings was extreme. When 
the mourning-rites had been observed, food and victuals set out 
for the poor and destitute, the Qoran recited, and prayers offered 
for the departed souls, we steadied ourselves and all took heart 

(b. A futile start for Qandahdr^) 

When set free from these momentous duties, we got an army 
to horse for Qandahar under the strong insistance of BaqI 

1 Elph. MS. f. 121,$ : W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 126 and 217 f. io65 ; Mems. p. 169. 
- tagh-damanasT, presumably the Koh-daman, and the garden will thus be the one 
off. 136*. 

3 If these heirs were descendants of Aulugh Beg M. one would be at hand in 
'Abdu'r-razzaq, then a boy, and another, a daughter, was the wife of Muqim Arghun. 
As Mr. Erskine notes, Musalmans are most scrupulous not to bury their dead in 
ground gained by violence or wrong. 

4 The news of Ahmad's death was belated ; he died some 13 months earlier, in the 
end of 99 AH. and in Eastern Turkistan. Perhaps details now arrived. 

5 i. e. the fortieth day of mourning, when alms are given. 

6 Of those arriving, the, first would find her step-daughter dead, the second her 
sister, the third, his late wife's sister (T. R. p. 196). 


911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 247 

Chagfidmdni, At the start I went to Qush-nadir (var. nawar) 
where on dismounting I got fever. It was a strange sort of 
illness for whenever with much trouble I had been awakened, 
my eyes closed again in sleep. In four or five days I got 
quite well. 

(c. An earthquake^} 

At that time there was a great earthquake 1 such that most of 
the ramparts of forts and the walls of gardens fell down ; houses 
were levelled to the ground in towns and villages and many 
persons lay dead beneath them. Every house fell in Paghman- Fol. 1570. 
village, and 70 to 80 strong heads-of-houses lay dead under 
their walls. Between Pagh-man and Beg-tut 2 a piece of ground, 
a good stone-throw 3 wide may-be, slid down as far as an 
arrow's-flight ; where it had slid springs appeared. On the 
road between Istarghach and Maidan the ground was so broken 
up for 6 to % ylghach (36-48 m.) that in some places it rose as 
high as an elephant, in others sank as deep ; here and there 
people were sucked in. When the Earth quaked, dust rose from 
the tops of the mountains.. Nuru'1-lah the tambourchi 4 had 
been playing before me ; he had two instruments with him and 
at the moment of the quake had both in -his hands ; so out of 
his own control was he that the two knocked against each other. 
Jahangir Mlrza was in the porch of an upper-room at a house 
built by Aulugh Beg Mlrza in Tlpa ; when the Earth quaked, 
he let himself down and was not hurt, but the roof fell on 
some-one with him in that upper-room, presumably one of his 
own circle ; that this person was not hurt in the least must have 
been solely through God's mercy. In Tlpa most of the houses 
were levelled to the ground. The Earth quaked 33 times on 
the first day, and for a month afterwards used to quake two or 
three times in the 24 hours. The begs and soldiers having been 

1 This will be the earthquake felt in Agra on Safar 3rd 911 AH. (July 5th 1505 AD. 
Erskine's History of India i, 229 note). Cf. Elliot and Dowson, iv, 465 and v, 99. 
* Raverty's Notes p. 690. 

3 bir kitta tash atimi; var. bash atimi. If task be right, the reference will 
probably be to the throw of a catapult. 

4 Here almost certainly, a drummer, because there were two tambours and because 
also Babur uses 'atidi & ghachaki for the other meanings of tambqitrchi, lutanist and 
guitarist. The word has found its way, as tambourgi, into Childe Harold s Pilgrimage 
(Canto ii, Ixxii. H.B.). 

248 KABUL 

ordered to repair the breaches made in the towers and ramparts 
of the fort (Kabul), everything was made good again in 20 days 
or a month by their industry and energy. 

(d. Campaign against Qaldt-i-ghilzdi?) 

Owing to my illness and to the earthquake, our plan of going 
to Qandahar had fallen somewhat into the background. The 
illness left behind and the fort repaired, it was taken up again. 
We were undecided at the time we dismounted below Shniz 1 
whether to go to Qandahar, or to over-run the hills and plains. 
Jahanglr Mlrza and the begs having assembled, counsel was 
taken and the matter found settlement in a move on Qalat. On 
this move Jahanglr Mlrza and Baqi Ckaghdmdminsht&d. strongly. 

At TazI 2 there was word that Sher-i-'all the page with Klchik 
Baqi Diwdna and others had thoughts of desertion ; all were 
arrested ; Sher-i- c all was put to death because he had given clear 
signs of disloyalty and misdoing both while in my service and 
not in mine, in this country and in that country. 3 The others 
were let go with loss of horse and arms. 

On arriving at Qalat we attacked at once and from all sides, 
without our mail and without siege-appliances. As has been 
mentioned in this History, Klchik Khwaja, the elder brother of 
Khwaja Kalian, was a most daring brave ; he had used his sword 
in my presence several times ; he now clambered up the south- 
west tower of Qalat, was pricked in the eye with a spear when 
almost up, and died of the wound two or three days after the 
place was taken. Here that Klchik Baqi Diwdna who had been 
arrested when about to desert with Sher-i-'all the page, expiated 
his baseness by being killed with a stone when he went under 
the ramparts. One or 'two other men died also. Fighting of 
this sort went on till the Afternoon Prayer when, just as our 
men were worn-out with the struggle and labour, those in the 
fort asked for peace and made surrender. Qalat had been given 
by Zu'n-nun Muqim, and in it now were Muqim's 
retainers, Farrukh Arghiin and Qara BUut (Afghan). When 
they came out with their swords and quivers hanging round 

1 Kabul-Ghazm road (R.'s Notes index s.n.}. 

s var. Yari. Tazl is on the Ghazni-Qalat-i-ghilzaT road (R.'s JVofes, Appendix p. 46). 

3 i.e. in Kabul and in the Trans-Himalayan country. 

911 AH. JUNE 4i H 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 249 

their necks, we forgave their offences. 1 It was not my wish to 
reduce this high family 2 to great straits ; for why? Because if 
we did so when such a foe as the Auzbeg was at our side, what * 
would be said by those of far and near, who saw and heard ? 

As the move on Qalat had been made under the insistance of 
Jahanglr Mirza and Baqi Chaghdnidm, it was now made over to 
the Mirza's charge. He would not accept it ; Baqi also could 
give no good answer in the matter. So, after such a storming 
and assaulting of Qalat, its capture was useless. 

We went back to Kabul after over-running the Afghans of 
Sawa-sang and Ala-tagh on the south of Qalat Foi. 159. 

The night we dismounted at Kabul I went into the fort ; 
my tent and stable being in the Char-bagh, a Khirilchi thief 
going into the garden, fetched out and took away a bay horse 
of mine with its accoutrements, and my khachar? 

(e. Death of Baqt Chaghdmdm.} 

From the time Baqi Chaghaniam joined me on the Amu-bank, 
no man of mine had had more trust and authority. 4 If a word 
were said, if an act were done, that word was his word, that act, 
his act. Spite of this, he had not done me fitting service, nor 
had he shewn me due civility. Quite the contrary ! he had 
done things bad and unmannerly. Mean he was, miserly and 
malicious, ill-tongued, envious and cross-natured. So miserly 
was he that although when he left Tirrniz, with his family and 
possessions, he may have owned 30 to 40,0x30 sheep, and 
although those masses of sheep used to pass in front of us at 
every camping-ground, he did not give a single one to our bare 

1 These will be those against Babur's suzerainty done by their defence of Qalat 
for Muqim. 

s tabaga, dynasty. By using this word Babur shews recognition of high birth. It is 
noticeable that he usually writes of an Arghun chief either simply as "Beg" or 
without a title. This does not appear-to imply admission of equality, since he styles 
even his brothers and sisters Mirza and BegTm ; nor does it shew familiarity of inter- 
course, since none seems to have existed between him and Zu'n-nun or Muqim. That 
he did not admit equality is shewn on f. 208. The T.R. styles Zu'n-nun " Mirza", 
a title by which, as also by Shah, his descendants are found styled (A.-i-a. 
Blochmann, s.n. ). 

3 Turk! khachar is a camel or mule used for carrying personal effects. The word 
has been read by some scribes as khanjar, dagger. 

4 In 910 AH. he had induced Babur to come to Kabul instead of going into Khurasan 
(H.S. iii, 319) ; in the same year he dictated the march to Kohat, and the rest of that 
disastrous travel. His real name was not Baqi but Muhammad Baqir (H.S. iii, 311). 

250 KABUL 

braves, tortured as they were by the pangs of hunger ; at last in 
Kah-mard, he gave 50 ! 

Spite of acknowledging me for his chief (pddshdK), he had 
nagarets beaten at his own Gate. He was sincere to none, had 
regard for none. What revenue there is from Kabul (town) 
comes from the tamgha 1 ; the whole of this he had, together 
Fol. i59<5. with the ddrogha-^cuQ in Kabul and Panjhlr, the Gadai (var. Kidi) 
Hazara, and kushluk 2 and control of the Gate.3 With all this 
favour and finding, he was not in the least content ; quite the 
reverse ! What medley of mischief he planned has been told ; 
we had taken not the smallest notice of any of it, nor had we 
cast it in his face. He was always asking for leave, affecting 
scruple at making the request. We used to acknowledge the 
scruple and excuse ourselves from giving the leave. This 
would put him down for a few days ; then he would ask again. 
He went too far with his affected scruple and his takings of 
leave ! Sick were we too of his conduct and his character. We 
gave the leave ; he repented asking for it and began to agitate 
against it, but all in vain ! He got written down and sent to 
me, " His Highness made compact not to call me to account till 
nine 4 misdeeds had issued from me." I answered with a reminder 
of eleven successive faults and sent this to him through Mulla 
Baba of Pashaghar. He submitted and was allowed to go 
towards Hindustan, taking his family and possessions. A few 
of his retainers escorted him through Khaibar and returned ; he 
joined Baql GdgldnVs caravan and crossed at Nll-ab. 

Darya Khan's son, Yar-i-husain was then in Kacha-kot,5 
having drawn into his service, on the warrant of the farmdn 
taken from me in Kohat, a few Afghans of the Dilazak (var. 
Dilah-zak) and Yusuf-za! and also a few Jats and Gujurs. 6 
With these he beat the roads, taking toll with might and main. 

1 These transit or custom duties are so called because the dutiable articles are 
stamped with a tamgha, a wooden stamp. 

2 Perhaps this word is an equivalent of Persian goshi, a tax on cattle and beasts 
of burden. 

3 Baqi was one only and not the head of the Lords of the Gate. 

4 The choice of the number nine, links on presumably to the mystic value attached 
to it e.g. Tarkhans had nine privileges ; gifts were made by nines. 

5 It is near Hasan-abdal (A. i-A. Jarrett, ii, 324). 

6 For tbefarmSn, f. 146* ; for Gujiirs, G. of I. 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 251 

Hearing about BaqI, he blocked the road, made the whole party Foi. 160. 
prisoner, killed BaqI and took his wife. 

We ourselves had let BaqI go without injuring him, but his 
own misdeeds rose up against him ; his own acts defeated him. 

Leave thou to Fate the man who does thee wrong ; 
For Fate is an avenging servitor. 

(f. Attack on the Turkman Hazaras?) 

That winter we just sat in the Char-bagh till snow had fallen 
once or twice. 

The Turkman Hazaras, since we came into Kabul, had done 
a variety of insolent things and had robbed on the roads. We 
thought therefore of over-running them, went into the town to 
Aulugh Beg Mlrza's house at the Bustan-saral, and thence rode 
out in the month of Sha'ban (Feb. 1 506 AD.). 

We raided a few Hazaras at Janglik, at the mouth of the 
Dara-i-khush (Happy-valley). 1 Some were in a cave near the 
valley-mouth, hiding perhaps. Shaikh Darwish Kukuldash went 

(Author's note on Shaikh Danvish.) He had been with me in the guerilla- 
times, was Master-armourer (qiir-begi), drew a strong bow and shot a good shaft. 

incautiously right (auq} up to the cave-mouth, was shot (auqldb) 
in the nipple by a Hazara inside and died there and then (auq}. z 

As most of the Turkman Hazaras seemed to be wintering 
inside the Dara-i-khush, we marched against them. 

The valley is shut in, 3 by a mile-long gully stretching inwards 
from its mouth. The road engirdles the mountain, having Fol. i6o<$. 
a straight fall of some 50 to 60 yards below it and above it 
a precipice. Horsemen go along it in single-file. We passed 
the gully and went on through the day till between the Two 
Prayers (3 p.m.) without meeting a single person. Having spent 
the night somewhere, we found a fat camel 4 belonging to the 
Hazaras, had it killed, made part of its flesh into kababs* and 

1 var. Khwesh. Its water flows into the Ghur-bund stream ; it seems to be the 
Dara-i-Turkman of Stanford and the Survey Maps both of which mark Janglik. For 
Hazara turbulence, f. 135^ and note. 

3 The repetition of auq in this sentence can hardly be accidental. 

3 taur [dara], which I take to be Turk!, round, complete. 

4 Three MSS. of the Turk! text write bir sinuzliiy tl-wah ; but the two Persian 
translations have^fl^ shttturlug farblh, a shuturlitq being a baggage-camel with little 
hair (Erskine). 

5 brocheifes, meat cut into large mouthfuls, spitted and roasted. 


252 KABUL 

cooked part in a ewer (aftdft}. Such good camel-flesh had never 
been tasted ; some could not tell it from mutton. 

Next day we marched on for the Hazara winter-camp. At 
the first watch (9 a.m.) a man came from ahead, saying that the 
Hazaras had blocked a ford -in front with branches, checked our 
men and were fighting. That winter the snow lay very deep ; 
to move was difficult except on the road. The swampy meadows 
(tuk-aft) along the stream were all frozen ; the stream could only 
be crossed from the road because of snow and ice. The Hazaras 
had cut many branches, put them at the exit from the water and 
were fighting in the valley-bottom with horse and foot or raining 
Fol. 161. arrows down from either side. 

Muhammad 'All Mubashshir'*- Beg one of our most daring 
braves, newly promoted to the rank of beg and well worthy of 
favour, went along the branch-blocked road without his mail, 
was shot in the belly and instantly surrendered his life. As 
we had gone forward in haste, most of us were not in mail. 
Shaft after shaft flew by and fell ; with each one Yusuf s Ahmad 
said anxiously, " Bare 3 like this you go into it ! I have seen 
two arrows go close to your head ! " Said I, " Don't fear ! 
Many as good arrows as these have flown past my head ! " So 
much said, Qasim Beg, his men in full accoutrement^ found 
a ford on our right and crossed. Before their charge the Hazaras 
could make no stand ; they fled, swiftly pursued and unhorsed 
one after the other by those just up with them. 

In guerdon for this feat Bangash was given to Qasim Beg 
Hatim the armourer having been not bad in the affair, wai 
promoted to Shaikh Darwish's office of qur-begt. Baba Quli'j 
Kipik (sic) also went well forward in it, so we entrusted Muh 
'All Mubashshir's office to him. 

SI. Qul! Chundq (one-eared) started in pursuit of the Hazara; 
but there was no getting out of the hollow because of the snow 
Fol. i6i<$. For my own part I just went with these braves. 

Near the Hazara winter-camp we found many sheep anc 
herds of horses. I myself collected as many as 4 to 500 sheej 

1 Perhaps he was officially an announcer ; the word means also bearer of good news 

2 yilang, without mail, as in the common phrase yigit yilang, a bare brave. 
* aitpckin> of horse and man (f. H3<5 and note). 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 253 

and from 20 to 25 horses. SI. Quli Chunaq and two or three of 
my personal servants were with me. I have ridden in a raid 
twice 1 ; this was the first time ; the other was when, corning in 
from Khurasan (912 AH.), we raided these same Turkman 
Hazaras. Our foragers brought in masses of sheep and horses. 
The Hazara wives and their little children had gone off up the 
snowy slopes and stayed there ; we were rather idle and it was 
getting late in the day ; so we turned back and dismounted in 
their very dwellings. Deep indeed was the snow that winter ! 
Off the road it was up to a horse's qaptal* so deep that the 
night-watch was in the saddle all through till shoot of dawn. 

Going out of the valley, we spent the next .night just inside 
the mouth, in the Hazara winter-quarters. Marching from there, 
we dismounted at Jangllk. At Jangllk Yarak Taghal and other 
late-comers were ordered to take the Hazaras who had killed 
Shaikh Darwlsh and who, luckless and death-doomed, seemed 
still to be in the cave. Yarak Taghal and his band by sending 
smoke into the cave, took 70 to 80 Hazaras who mostly died by 
the sword. 

(g. Collection of tke-Ntjr-ati tribute^) 

On the way back from the Hazara expedition we went to 
the Ai-tughdi neighbourhood below Baran 3 in order to collect 
the revenue of Nijr-au. Jahangir Mlrza., come up from Ghaznl, Fol. 162. 
waited on me there. At that time, on Ramzan I3th (Feb. 7th) 
such sciatic-pain attacked me that for 40 days some-one had 
to turn me over from one side to the other. 

Of the (seven) valleys of the Nijr-waterthe Plchkan-valley, 
and of the villages in the Pichkan-valley Ghain, and of Ghain 
its head-man Husain Ghainl in particular, together with his elder 
and younger brethren, were known and notorious for obstinacy 
and daring. On this account a force was sent, under Jahangir 
Mlrza, Qasim Beg going too, which went to Sar-i-tup (Hill-top), 
stormed and took a sangur and made a few meet their doom. 

1 Manifestly Babur means that he twice actually helped to collect the booty. 

a This is that part of a horse covered by the two side-pieces of a Turk! saddle, from 
which the side-arch springs on either side (Shaw). 

3 Baran-ning ayaghl. Except the river I have found nothing called Baran ; the 
village marked Baian on the French Map would suit the position ; it is n. e. of Char- 
yak-kar (f. 184^ note). 

254 KABUL 

Because of the sciatic pain, people made a sort of litter 
for me in which they carried me along the bank of the Baran 
and into the town to the Bustan-sarai. There I stayed for 
a few days ; before that trouble was over a boil came out on 
my left cheek ; this was lanced and for it I also took a purge. 
When relieved, I went out into the Char-bagh. 

(h. Misconduct of Jahanglr Mirza?} 

At the time Jahanglr Mirza waited on me, Ayub's sons 
Yusuf and Buhlul, who were in his service, had taken up a 
strifeful and seditious attitude towards me ; so the Mirza was 
not found to be what he had been earlier. In a few days 
he marched out of Tlpa in his mail, 1 hurried back to Ghaznl, 
there took Nam, killed some of its people and plundered all. 
After that he marched off with whatever men he had, through 
the Hazaras, 2 his face set for Bamlan. God knows that nothing 
had been done by rne or my dependants to give him ground 
for anger or reproach J What was heard of later on as perhaps 
explaining his going off in the way he did, was this ; When 
Qasim Beg went with other begs, to give him honouring 
meeting as he came up from Ghazni, the Mirza threw a falcon 
off at a quail. Just as the falcon, getting close, put out its 
pounce to seize the quail, the quail dropped to the ground. 
Hereupon shouts and cries, " Taken ! is it taken ? " Said 
Qasim Beg, " Who looses the foe in his grip ? " Their 
misunderstanding of this was their sole reason for going off, but 
they backed themselves on one or two other worse and weaker 
old cronish matters. 3 After doing in Ghazm what has been 
mentioned, they drew off through the Hazaras to the Mughul 

1 i.e. prepared to fight. 

2 For the Hazara (Turk!, Ming)" on the Mlrza's road see Raverty's routes from 
Ghazni to the north. An account given by the Tarlkh-i-rasJudl {p. 196) of Jahanglr's 
doings is confused ; its parenthetical "(at the same time)" can hardly be correct. 
Jahanglr left Ghazni now, (911 AH. ), as Babur left Kabul in 912 AH. without know- 
ledge of Husain's death (911 AH.). Babur had heard it (f. 183^) before Jahanglr 
joined him (912 AH.) ; after their meeting they went on together to Hen. The 
petition of which the T. R. speaks as ma'de by Jahangir to Babur, that he might go 
into Khurasan and help the Bai-qara Mirzas must have been made after the meeting 
of the two at-Saf-hill (f. i^). 

3 The plurals they and their of the preceding sentence stand no doubt for the Mirza, 
Yusuf and Buhlul who all had such punishment due as would lead them to hear threat 
in Qasim's words now when all were within Babur's pounce. 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 255 

clans. 1 These clans at that time had left Nasir Mirza but had 
not joined the Auzbeg, and were in Yal, Astar-ab and the 
summer-pastures thereabouts. 

(2. 67. Husain Mtrza calls up help against Shaibdq Khan.} 

SI. Husain Mlrza, having resolved to repel Shaibaq Khan, 
summoned all his sons ; me too he summoned, sending to me 
Sayyid Afzal, son of Sayyid 'All Khivab-bm (Seer-of-dreams). 
It was right on several grounds for us to start for Khurasan. 
One ground was that when a great ruler, sitting, as SI. Husain 
Mlrza sat, in Tlmur Beg's place, had resolved to act against Fol. 163. 
such a foe as Shaibaq Khan and had called up many men and 
had summoned his sons and his begs, if there were some who 
went on foot it was for us to go if on our heads ! if some took 
the bludgeon, we would take the stone ! A second ground was 
that, since Jahanglr Mlrza had gone to such lengths and had 
behaved so badly, 2 we had either to dispel his resentment or to 
repel his attack. 

(/. Chm Sufi's death.} 

This year Shaibaq Khan took Khwarizm after besieging Chin 
Sufi in it for ten months. There had been a mass of righting 
during the siege ; many were the bold deeds done by the 
Khwarizml braves ; nothing soever did they leave undone. Again 
and again their shooting was such that their arrows pierced 
shield and cuirass, sometimes the two cuirasses. 3 For ten 
months they sustained that siege without hope in any quarter. 
A few bare braves then lost heart, entered into talk with the 
Auzbeg and were in the act of letting him up into the fort 
when Chin Sufi had the news and went to the spot. Just as 
he was beating and forcing down the Auzbegs, his own page, 
in a discharge of arrows, shot him from behind. No man was 
left to fight ; the Auzbegs took Khwarizm. God's mercy on 

1 These are the aimaqs from which the fighting-men went east with Babur in 
910 AH. and the families in which Nasir shepherded across Hindu-kush (f. . 154 and 

f. 155)- 

2 yamanlik bila bardi ; cf. f. I $66 and n. for its opposite, yakhshi b&rdilar ; and 
T.R. p. 196. 

3 One might be of mail, the other of wadded cloth. 

256 KABUL 

Chin Sufi, who never for one moment ceased to stake his life 
Fol. 163*. for his chief I 1 

Shaibaq Khan entrusted Khwarizm to Kupuk (sic) Bl and 
went back to Samarkand. 
(k. Death of Sultan Husain Mzrsa.} 

SI. Husain Mirza. having led his army out against Shaibaq 
Khan as far as Baba Ilahl 2 went to God's mercy, in the month 
of Zu'1-hijja (Zu'1-hijja nth 911 AH. May 5th 1506 AD,). 


(.) His birth and descent. 

He was born in Herl (Harat), in (Muharram) 842 (AH. 
June-July, 1438 AD.) in Shahrukh Mlrza's time 4 and was the 
son of Mansur Mlrza, son of Bai-qara Mirza, son of 'Umar 
Shaikh Mirza, son of Amir Tlmur. Mansur Mlrza and Bai- 
qara Mlrza never reigned. 

His mother was Flruza Beglm, a (great-)grandchild (nablrd) 
of Tlmur Beg ; through her he became a grandchild of Miran- 
shah also.s He was of high birth on both sides, a ruler of royal 

* Chin Sufi was Husain Bai-qartfs man (T. R. p. 204). His arduous defence, 
faithfulness and abandonment recall the instance of a later time when also a long road 
stretched between the man and the help that failed him. But the Mlrza was old, his 
military strength was, admittedly, sapped by ease ; hence his elder Khartum, his 
neglect of his Gordon. 

It should be noted that no mention of the page's fatal arrow is made by the 
Skaibanl-nama (Vambery, p. 442), or by the Tarlkh-i-rashvdi (p. 204). Chin Sufi's 
death was on the 2ist of the Second Rab! 911 AH. {Aug. 22nd 1505 AD.). 

= This may be the " Baboulei" of the French Map of 1904., on the Heri-Kushk- 
Maruchaq road. 

3 Elph. MS. f. 127; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 132 and 217 f. mj Mems. p. 175; 
Mtms. i, 364. 

That Babur should have given his laborious account of the Court of Herl seems due 
both to loyalty to a great Timurid, seated in TTmur Beg's place (f. I22i), and to his 
own interest, as a man-of-letters and connoisseur in excellence, in that ruler's galaxy 
of talent. His account here opening is not complete ; its sources are various ; they 
include the Habibu 's-riyar and what he will have learned himself in Herl or from 
members of the Bai-qara family, knowledgeable women some of them, who were with 
him in Hindustan. The narrow scope of my notes shews that they attempt no more 
than to indicate further sources of information and to clear up a few obscurities. 

4 Timur's youngest son, d. 850 AH. (1446 AD.). Cf. H.S. iii, 203. The use in 
this sentence of Amir and not Beg as Timur's title is, up to this point, unique in the 
JBSbttr-nama ; it may be a scribe's error. 

s Firuza's paternal line of descent was as follows : Flruza, daughter of SI. Husain 
Qanjut, son of Aka Beglm, daughter of Tlmur. Her maternal descent was : Firiiza, 
d. of Qutluq-sultan Begim, d. of Miran-shah, s. of Tlmur. She died Muh. 24^874 AH. 
(July 25th 1489 AD. H.S. iii, 218). 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 257 

ineage. 1 Of the marriage (of Mansur with Flruza) were born 
:wo sons and two daughters, namely, Bal-qara Mirza and SI. 
Husain Mirza, Aka Beglm and another daughter, Badka Beglm 
,vhom Ahmad Khan took. 2 

Bal-qara Mirza was older than SI. Husain Mirza ; he was 
lis younger brother's retainer but used not to be present as 
lead of the Court ; 3 except in Court, he used to share his 
Drother's divan (tiishak}. He was given Balkh by his younger 
brother and was its Commandant for several years. He had three 
sons, SI. Muhammad Mirza, SI. Wais Mirza and SI. Iskandar 
Mirza. 4 

Aka Beglm was older than the Mirza ; she was taken by Fol. 164. 
SI. Ahmad Mlrza,s a grandson (nabira) of Mlran-shah ; by him 
she had a son (Muhammad Sultan Mirza), known as Kichlk 
(Little) Mirza, who at first was in his maternal-uncle's service, 
but later on gave up soldiering to occupy himself with letters. 
He is said to have become very learned and also to have taste 
in verse. 6 Here is a Persian quatrain of his : 

For long on a life of devotion I plumed me, 
As one of the band of the abstinent ranged me ; 
Where when Love came was devotion ? denial ? 
By the mercy of God it is I have proved me ! 

1 " No-one in the world had such parentage ", writes Kh wand-amir, after detailing 
the Timurid, Chlnglz-khanid, and other noted strains meeting in Husain Bal-qara 
(H.S. iii, 204). 

2 The Elph. MS. gives the Beglm no name ; BadiVl-jamal is correct (H.S. iii, 
242). The curious " Badka " needs explanation. It seems probable that Babur left 
one of his blanks for later filling-in ; the natural run of his sentence here is " Aka B. 
and Badl'u'l-jamal B." and not the detail, which follows in its due place, about the 
marriage with Ahmad. 

3 Dlivan bashida hazir bulmas aidi ; the sense of which may be that Bal-qara did 
not sit where the premier retainer usually sat at the head of the Court (Pers. trs. 

4 From this Wais and SI. Husain M.'s daughter Suljamm (f. 167^) were descended 
the Bal-qara Mlrzas who gave Akbar so much trouble. 

5 As this man might be mistaken for Babur' s uncle (g. t>.) of the same name, it may 
be well to set down his parentage. He was a s. of Mirza SayyidI Ahmad, s. of 
Mlran-shah, s. of Timur (H.S. iii, 217, 241): I have not found mention elsewhere 
of " Ahmad s. of Miran-shah " ; the sayyidi in his style points to a sayyida mother. 
He was Governor of Her! for a time, for SI. H. M. ; 'All-sher has notices of him and 
of his son, Kichlk Mirza (Journal Asiatique xvii, 293, M. Belin's art. where may be 
seen notices of many other men mentioned by Babur). 

6 He collected and thus preserved 'All-sher's earlier poems (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 294). 
Mu'inu'd-din al Zarnji writes respectfully of his being worthy of credence in some 
Egyptian matters with which he became acquainted in twice passing through that 
country on his Pilgrimage (Journal Asiatique xvi, 476, de Meynard's article). 

258 KABUL 

This quatrain recalls one by the Mulla. 1 Kichik Mirza made 
the circuit of the katba towards the end of his life. 

Badka (Badl'u'l-jamal) Begim also was older 2 than the 'Mirza. 
She was given in the guerilla times to Ahmad Khan of Hajl- 
tarkhan ; 3 by him she had two sons (SI. Mahmud Khan and 
Bahadur SI.) who went to Heri and were in the Mlrza's service. 

(#.) His appearance and habits. 

He was slant-eyed (qtytk guzluq] and lion-bodied, being 
slender from the waist downwards. Even when old and white- 
bearded, he wore silken garments of fine red and green. He 
used to wear either the black lambskin cap (burk} or the 
qdlptiq* but on a Feast-day would sometimes set up a little 
three-fold turban, wound broad and badly,5 stick a heron's 
plume in it and so go to Prayers. 

When he first took Hen, he thought of reciting the names of 
Fol. 1640. the Twelve Imams in the khutba? but 'AlT-sher Beg and others 
prevented it ; thereafter all his important acts were done in 
accordance with orthodox law. He could not perform the 
Prayers on account of a trouble in the joints, 7 and he kept no 
fasts. He was lively and pleasant, rather immoderate in temper, 
and with words that matched his temper. He shewed great 
.respect for the law in several weighty matters ; he once 
surrendered to the Avengers of blood a son of his own who had 

1 Kichik M.'s quatrain is a mere plagiarism of Jaml's which I am indebted to my 
husband for locating as in the Diwan I.O. MS. 47 p. 47 ; B.M. Add. 7774 P- 2 9 J 
and Add. 7775 p. 285. M. Belin interprets the verse as an expression of the rise 
of the average good man to mystical rapture, not as his lapse from abstinence to 
indulgence (I.e. xvii, 296 and notes). 

2 Elph. MS. younger but* Hai. MS. older in which it is supported by the "also " 
(ham) of the sentence. ' 

3 modern Astrakhan. Husain's guerilla wars were those through which he cut his 
way to the throne of Her!. This begim was married first to Pir Budagh SI. (H.S. iii, 
242) ; he dying, she was married by Ahmad, presumably by levirate custom 
(ylnkalik; f. 12 and note). By Ahmad she had a daughter, styled Khan-zada Begim 
whose affairs find comment on f. 206 and H. S. iii, 359. (The details of this note 
negative a suggestion of mine that Badka was the Rabl'a-sultan off. 168 (Gul-badan, 
App. s. nn.}.) 

4 This is a felt wide-awake worn by travellers in hot weather (Shaw) ; the Turkman 
bonnet (Erskine). 

s Hai. MS. yamanlik, badly, but Elph. MS. namayan, whence Erskine's showy. 
6 This was a proof that he was then a Shi'a (Erskine). 

? The word perform may be excused in speaking of Musalman prayers because they 
involve ceremonial bendings and prostrations (Erskine). 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 259 

killed a man, and had him taken to the Judgment-gate (DdnCl- 
qaza). He was abstinent for six or seven years after he took 
the throne ; later on he degraded himself to drink. During the 
almost 40 years of his rule J in Khurasan, there may not have 
been one single day on which he did not drink after the Mid-day 
prayer ; earlier than that however he did not drink. What 
happened with his sons, the soldiers and the town was that 
every-one pursued vice and pleasure to excess. Bold and daring 
he was ! Time and again he got to work with his own sword, 
getting his own hand in wherever he arrayed to fight ; no man 
of Timur Beg's line has been known to match him in the slashing 
of swords. He had a leaning to poetry and even put a diwan 
together, writing in Turkl with Husaini for his pen-name. 2 
Many couplets in his diwan are not bad ; it is however in one 
and the same metre throughout. Great ruler though he was, Foi. 165. 
both by the length of his reign (yds/i) and the breadth of his 
dominions, he yet, like little people kept fighting-rams, flew 
pigeons and fought cocks. 

(c.} His wars and encounters? 

He swam the Gurgan-water 4 in his guerilla days and gave 
a party of Auzbegs a good beating. 

Again, with 60 men he fell on 3000 under Pay-master 
Muhammad 'All, sent ahead by SI. Abu-sa'Id Mlrza, and gave 
them a downright good beating (868 AH.). This was his one 
fine, out-standing feat-of-arms.s 

Again, he fought and beat SI. Mahmud Mlrza near Astarabad 
(865 AH.). 6 

1 If Babur's 40 include rule in Herl only, it over-states, since Yaclgar died in 
875 AH. and Husain in 911 AH. while the intervening 36 years include the 5 or 6 
temperate ones. If the 40 count from 86 1 AH. when Husain began to rule in Merv, 
it under-states. It is a round number, apparently. 

2 Relying on the Ilminsky text, Dr. Rieu was led into the mistake of writing that 
Babur gave Husain the wrong pen-name, i.e. Husain, and not Husaini (Turk. Cat. 
p. 256). 

3 Daulat-shah says that as he is not able to enumerate all Husain's feats-of-arms, he, 
Turkman fashion, offers a gift of Nine. The Nine differ from those of Babur's list in 
some dates ; they are also records of victory only (Browne, p. 521 ; Not. et Extr. iv, 
262, de Sa9y's article). 

* Wolves' -water, a river and its town at the s.e. corner of the Caspian, the ancient 
boundary between Russia and Persia. The name varies a good deal in MSS. 

5 The battle was at Tarshiz j Abu-sa 'id was ruling in Heri ; Daulat-shah (1. c. p. 523) 
gives 96 and 10,000 as the numbers of the opposed forces ! 

6 f. z6b and note ; H.S. iii, 209 ; Daulat-shah p. 523. 

260 KABUL 

Again, this also in Astarabad, he fought and beat Sa'Idllq 
Sa'id, son of Husain Turkman (873 AH. ?). 

Again, after taking the throne (of Her! in Ramzan 873 AH. 
March 1469 AD.), he fought and beat Yadgar-i-muhammad Mirza 
at Chanaran (874 AH.). 1 

Again, coming swiftly 2 from the Murgh-ab bridge-head (Sar- 
i-pul), he fell suddenly on Yadgar-i-muhammad Mirza where 
he lay drunk in the Ravens'-garden (875 AH.), a victory which 
kept all Khurasan quiet. 

Again, he fought and beat SI. Mahmud Mirza at Chikman- 
saral in the neighbourhood of Andikhud and Shibrghan(876 AH.). 3 

Again, he fell suddenly on Aba-bikr Mirza 4 after that Mirza, 
joined by the Black-sheep Turkmans, had come out of 'Iraq, 
beaten Aulugh Beg Mirza (Kdbuli} in Takana and Khimar 
(van Himar), taken Kabul, left it because of turmoil in 'Iraq, 
crossed Khaibar, gone on to Khush-ab and Multan, on again to 
Fol. 1656. Slwi,5 thence to Karman and, unable to stay there, had entered 
the Khurasan country (884 AH.). 6 

Again, he defeated his son Badi'uVzaman Mirza at Pul-i- 
chiragh (902 AH.) ; he also defeated his sons Abu'l-muhsin 
Mirza and Kupuk (Round-shouldered) Mirza at Halwa-spring 

Again, he went to Qunduz, laid siege to it, could not take 
it, and retired ; he laid siege to Hisar, could not take that 
either, and rose from before it (901 AH.) ; he went into Zu'n-nun's 
. country, was given Bast by its ddrogha, did no more and retired 
(903 AH.). 8 A ruler so great and so brave, after resolving royally 
on these three movements, just retired with nothing done ! 

1 The loser was the last Shahrukbl ruler. Chanaran (variants) is near Ablward, 
Anwari's birth-place (H.S. iii, 218; D.S. p. 527). 

3 f. 85. D.S. (p. 540) and the H.S. (iii, 223) dwell on Husain's speed through 
three continuous days and nights. 

3 f. 26; H.S. iii, 227 ; D.S. p. 532. 

* Abu-sa'id's son by a Badakhshi Begim (T.R. p. 108) ; he became his father's 
Governor in Badakhshan and married Husain Bal-qartfs daughter Begun Sultan at 
a date after 873 AH. (f. 168 and note ; H.S. iii, 196, 229, 234-37 ; D.S. p. 535). 

s f. 152. 

6 Aba-bikr was defeated and put to death at the end of Rajab 884 AH. -Oct. 1479 AD. 
after flight before Husain across the Gurgan-water (H.S. iii, 196 and 237 but D.S. 
P- 539. Safar 885 AH. ). 

7 .f. 41, Pul-i-chiragh ; for Halwa-spring, H.S. iii, 283 and Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 443. 

8 f- 33 (P- 57) and f. $tf. 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 261 

Again, he fought his son Badfu'z-zaman Mirza in the 
Nlshln-meadow, who had come there with Zu'n-nun's son, Shah 
Beg (903 AH.). In that affair were these curious coincidences : 
The Mlrza's force will have been small, most of his men being 
in Astarabad ; on the very day of the fight, one force rejoined 
him coming back from Astarabad, and SI. Mas'ud Mirza arrived 
to join SI. Husain Mirza after letting Bal-sunghar Mirza take 
Hisar, and Haidar Mirza came back from reconnoitring Badfu'z- 
zaman Mirza at Sabzawar. 

(d.} His countries. 

His country was Khurasan, with Balkh to the east, Bistam 
and Damghan to the west, Khwarizm to the north, Qandahar Fol. 166. 
and Sistan to the south. When he once had in his hands such 
a town as Hen, his only affair, by day and by night, was with 
comfort and pleasure ; nor was there a man of his either who 
did not take his ease. It followed of course that, as he no 
longer tolerated the hardships and fatigue of conquest and 
soldiering, his retainers and his territories dwindled instead of 
increasing right down to the time of his departure. 1 

(e,} His children. 

Fourteen sons and eleven daughters were born to him. 2 The 
oldest of all his children was Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza ; (Bega 
Begim) a daughter of SI. Sanjar of Marv, was his mother. 

Shah-i-gharib Mirza was another ; he had a stoop (bukurt) ; 
though ill to the eye, he was of good character ; though weak 
of body, he was powerful of pen. He even put a diwdn together, 
using Gharbati (Lowliness) for his pen-name and writing both 
Turk! and Persian verse. Here is a couplet of his : 

Seeing a peri-face as I passed, I became its fool ; 
Not knowing what was its name, where was its home. 

For a time he was his father's Governor in Hen. He died 
before his father, leaving no child. 

1 In commenting thus Babur will have had in mind what he best knew, Husain's 
Futile movements at Qunduz and Hisar. 

2 qalib aidi ; if qaKb be taken as TurkI, survived or remained, it would not apply 
here since many of Husain's children predeceased him ; Ar. qalab would suit, meaning 
begotten, born. 

There are discrepancies between Babur's details here and Khwand-amtr's scattered 
through the Hablbii 's-siyar, concerning Husain's family. 

262 KABUL 

MuzafTar-i-husain Mirza was another ; he was his father's 
favourite son, but though this favourite, had neither accomplish- 
ments nor character. It was SI. Husain Mlrza's over-fondness 
for this son that led his other sons into rebellion. The mother 
of Shah-i-gharib Mirza and of Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza was 
}<oi. 1 664. Khadija Begim, a former mistress of SI. Abu-said Mirza by 
whom she had had a daughter also, known as Aq (Fair) 

Two other sons were Abu'l-husain Mirza and Kupuk (var. 
Klpik) Mirza whose name was Muhammad Muhsin Mirza ; 
their mother was Latlf-sultan Aghacha. 

Abu-turab Mirza was another. From his early years he 
had an excellent reputation. When the news of his father's 
increased illness T reached him and other news of other kinds 
also, he fled with his younger brother Muhammad-i-husain 
Mirza into Traq, 2 and there abandoned soldiering to lead the 
darwish-life ; nothing further has been heard about him. 3 His 
son Sohrab was in my service when I took Hisar after having 
beaten the sultans led by Harnza SI. and Mahdl SI. (917 AH. 
1511 AD.) ; he was blind of one eye and of wretchedly bad 
aspect ; his disposition matched even his ill-looks. Owing to 
some immoderate act (bi i l tzddl\ he could not stay with me, so 
went off. For some of his immoderate doings, Nijm Sam put 
him to death near Astarabad. 4 

Muhammad-i-husain Mirza was another. He must have been 
shut up (bund] with Shah Isma'Il at some place in Traq and 
have become his disciple ; 5 he became a rank heretic later on 
and became this although his father and brethren, older and 
younger, were all orthodox. He died in Astarabad, still on the 
same wrong road, still with the same absurd opinions. A good 
deal is heard about his courage and heroism, but no deed of his 

1 bi huquri, which may mean aversion due to Khadija Beglm's malevolence. 

2 Some of the several goings into 'Iraq chronicled by Babur point to refuge taken 
with Timurids, descendants of Khalll and 'Umar, sons of Mlran-shah (Lane-Poole's 
Muhammadan Dynasties, Table of the Timurids). 

3 He died before his father (H.S. iii, 327). 

4 He will have been killed previous to Ramzan 3rd 918 AH. (Nov. I2th, 1512 AD.), 
the date of the battle of Ghaj-dawan when Nijm Sam died. 

s The bund here may not imply that both were in prison, but that they were bound 
in close company, allowing Isma'Il, a fervent Shl'a, to convert the Mirza. 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 263 

lands out as worthy of record. He may have been poetically- 
isposed ; here is a couplet of his : 

Grimed with dust, from tracking what game dost thou come? 
Steeped in sweat, from whose heart of flame dost thou come ? 

Farldun-i-husain Mlrza was another. He drew a very strong Fol. 167. 
ow. and shot a first-rate shaft ; people say his cross-bow 
kaman-i-guroha) may have been 40 bdtmdns?- Fie himself was 
ery brave but he had no luck in war ; he was beaten wherever 
.e fought. He and his younger brother Ibn-i-husain Mlrza 
fere defeated at Rabat-i-duzd (var. Dudur) by Tlmur SI. and 
Jbaid SI. leading Shaibaq Khan's advance (9 1 3 AH. ?), but he 
.ad done good things there. 2 In Damghan he and Muhammad- 
zaman Mlrza 3 fell into the hands of Shaibaq Khan who, killing 
^either, let both go free. Faridun-i-husain Mlrza went later on 
o Qalat 4 where Shah Muhammad Diwdna had made himself 
ast ; there when the Auzbegs took the place, he was captured 
,nd killed. The three sons last-named were by Mlngli Bib! 
ighacha, SI. Husain Mirza's Auzbeg mistress. 

Haidar Mlrza was another ; his mother Payanda-sultan Begim 
/as a daughter of SI. Abu-sa'id Mlrza. Haidar Mlrza was 
jovernor of Balkh and Mashhad for some time during his father's 
ife. For him his father, when besieging Hisar (901 AH.) took 
Bega Begim) a daughter of SI. Mahmud Mlrza and Khan-zada 
Seglm ; this done, he rose from before Hisar. One daughter 
inly 5 was born of that marriage ; she was named Shad (Joy) 

1 The batman is a Turkish weight of I3lbs (Meninsky) or islbs (Wollaston). The 
weight seems likely to refer to the strength demanded for rounding the bow (kaman 
iiroha-si} i.e. as much strength as to lift 40 balmnns. Rounding or bending might 
tand for stringing or drawing. The meaning can hardly be one of the weight of the 
ross-bow itself. Erskine read gfirdehieh for guroha (p. 180) and translated by 
' double-slringed bow" ; de Courteille (i, 373) read gidrdhiyeh^ arrondl, circulaire, 
.1 this following Ilminsky who may have followed Erskine. The Elph. and Hai. 
ASS. and the first W.-i-B. (I.O. 215 f. H3/;) have kaman guroha-si ; the second 
V.-i-B. omits the passage, in the MSS. I have seen. 

3 yakhshllar barib tnr ; lit. good things went (on) ; cf. f. 156^ and note. 

3 Bad! 'u'z-zaman's son, drowned at Chausa in 946AH. (iS39AD.) A.N. (H. Beveridge, 
, 344)- 

4 Qalat-i-nadirl, in Khurasan, the birth-place of Nadir Shah (T.R. p. 209). 

s bir gina qlz, which on f. 865 can fitly be read to mean - 1 - v< *.'-". "-' J - '.hcn> 
lllette, but here and i.a. L 168, must have another rneanin . . may 

ie an equivalent of German Stiick and mean one only. Gul-badan gives an account 
if Shad's manly pursuits (II. N. f. 25/51). 

264 KABUL 

Beglrn and given to 'Adil SI. 1 when she came to Kabul later 
on. Haidar Mlrza departed from the world in his father's 
Fol. 167,5. life-time. 

Muhammad Ma'sum Mlrza was another. He had Qandahar 
given to him and, as was fitting with this, a daughter of 
Aulugh Beg Mlrza, (Bega Begim), was set aside for him ; when 
she went to Her! (902 AH.), SI. Husain Mlrza made a splendid 
feast, setting up a great chdr-tdq for it. 2 Though Qandahar 
was given to Muh. Ma'sum Mlrza, he had neither power nor 
influence there, since, if black were done, or if white were done, 
the act was Shah Beg Arghuris. On this account the Mlrza 
left Qandahar and went into Khurasan. He died before his 

Farrukh-i-husain Mlrza was another. Brief life was granted 
to him ; he bade farewell to the world before his younger brother 
Ibrahim-i-husain Mlrza. 

1 He was the son of Mahd! Si. (f. 320^) and the father of 'Aqil SI. Auzbeg (A.N. 
index s.n. ). Several matters suggest that these men were of the Shaban Auzbegs 
who intermarried with Husain Bat-qartfs family and some of whom went to Babur in 
Hindustan. One such matter is that Kabul was the refuge of dispossessed_Haratis, 
after the Auzbeg conquest ; that there 'Aqil married Shad Bai-qara and that 'Adil went 
on to Babur. Moreover Khan makes a statement which (if correct) would 
allow 'Adil's father Mahdi to be a grandson of Husain Bai-qara ; this statement is 
that when Babur defeated the Auzbegs in 916 AH. (1510 AD.), he freed from their 
captivity two sons (descendants) of his paternal uncle, named Mahdi SI. and Sultan 
Mlrza. [Leaving the authenticity of the statement aside for a moment, it will be 
observed that this incident is of the same date and place as another well- vouched for, 
namely that Babur then and there killed Mahdi SI. Auzbeg and Hamza SI. Auzbeg 
after defeating them.] What makes in favour of Khafl Khan's correctness is, not 
only that Babur's foe Mahdi is not known to have had a son 'Adil, but also that his 
" Sultan Mlrza" is not a style so certainly suiting Hamza as it does a Shaban sultan, 
one whose father was a Shaban sultan, and^whose mother was a Mirza's daughter. 
Moreover this point of identification is pressed by the correctness, according to 
oriental statement of relationship, of Khaf i Khan's ' ' paternal uncle " (of Babur), 
because this precisely suits SI. Husain Mirza with whose family these Shaban sultans 
allied themselves. On the other hand it must be said that Khafl Khan's statement 
is not in the English text of the Tarikh-i-rashtdi, the book on which he mostly relies 
at this period, nor is it in my husband's MS. [a copy from the Rampur Codex] ; and 
to this must be added the verbal objection that a modicum of rhetoric allows a death 
to be described both in Turki and Persian, as a release from the captivity of a sinner's 
own acts (f. 160). Still Khafl Khan may be right ; his statement may yet be found 
in some other MS. of the T.R. or some different source ; it is one a scribe copying 
the T. R. might be led to omit by reason of its coincidences. The killing and the release 
may both be right,; 'Adil's Mahdi may be the Shaban sultan inference makes him 
seem. This little crux presses home the need of much attention to the lacunae in the 
Babur-nama, since in them are lost some exits and some entries of Babur's dramatis 
personae^ pertinently, mention of the death of Mahdi with Hamza in 916 AH., and 
possibly also that of 'Adil's Mahdi's release. 

- A chdr-taq may be a large tent rising into four domes or having four porches. 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 265 

Ibrahim-i-husain Mlrza was another. They say his disposition 
was not bad ; he died before his father from bibbing and bibbing 
Herl wines. 

Ibn-i-husain Mlrza and Muh. Qasim Mlrza were others ; I 
their story will follow. Papa Aghacha was the mother of the 
five sons last-named. 

Of all the Mlrza's daughters, Sultanlm Begim was the oldest. 
She had no brother or sister of the full-blood. Her mother, 
known as Chull (Desert) Begim, was a daughter of one of the 
Azaq begs. Sultanlm Begim had great acquaintance with words 
(sos biliir aid?) ; she was never at fault for a word. Her father 
sent her out 2 to SI. Wais Mlrza, the middle son of his own elder 
brother Bal-qara Mlrza ; she had a son and a daughter by him ; 
the daughter was sent out to Alsan-qull SI. younger brother of 
Yill-bars of the Shaban sultans ; 3 the son is that Muhammad 
SI. Mlrza to whom I have given the Qanauj district. 4 At that 
same date Sultanlm Begirn, when on her way with her grandson Fol. 168. 
from Kabul to Hindustan, went to God's mercy at Nll-ab. Her 
various people turned back, taking her bones ; her grandson 
came on.-S 

Four daughters were by Payanda-sultan Begim. Aq Begim, 
the oldest, was sent out to Muhammad Qasim Arldt, a grandson 
of Bega Begim the younger sister of Babur Mlrza ; 6 there was one 
daughter (bir gma giz), known as Qara-guz (Dark-eyed) Begim, 
whom Nasir Mlrza (Mirdn-shdht] took. Klchik Begim was the 
second ; for her SI. Mas'ud Mlrza had great desire but, try as he 
would, Payanda-sultan Begim, having an aversion for him, would 
not give her to him ; 7 she sent Klchik Begim out afterwards 

1 H.S. iii, 367. 

2 This phrase, common but not always selected, suggests unwillingness to leave the 
paternal roof. 

3 Abu'l-ghazl's History of the Mtighuls, De"smaisons, p. 207. 

4 The appointment was made in 933 AH. (iS 2 7 AD.) and seems to have been held 
still in 934 AH. (ff. 329, 332). 

5 This grandson may have been a child travelling with his father's household, 

perhaps Aulugh Mlrza, the oldest son o f V-- 1 - -. - - 1 --.' - Mlrza (A. A. Blochmann, 

p. 461). No mention is made here of - : , mrriage with 'Abdu'1-baqi 

Mirza (f. 175). 

6 Abu'l-qasim Babur Shahrukhi presumably. 

7 The time may have been 902 AH. when Mas'ud took his sister Bega Begim to 
Heri for her marriage with Haidar (H.S. iii, 260). 

266 KABUL 

to Mulla Khwaja of the line of Sayyid Ata. 1 Her third and 
fourth daughters Bega Beglm and Agha Beglm, she gave to 
Babur Mlrza and Murad Mlrza the sons of her younger sister, 
Rabl'a-sultan Beglm. 2 

Two other daughters of the Mlrza were by Mingll Bib! 
Aghacha. They gave the elder .one, Bairam-sultan Beglm to 
Sayyid 'Abdu'1-lah, one of the sayyids of Andikhud who was 
a grandson of Bai-qara Mlrza 3 through a daughter. A son of 
this marriage, Sayyid Barka 4 was in my service when Samarkand 
was taken (917 AH.-iSii AD.) ; he went to Aurganj later and 
there made claim to rule ; the Red-heads s killed him in Astarabad. 
Mingll Blbl's second daughter was Fatima-sultan Begim ; her 
they gave to Yadgar(-i-farrukh) Mlrza of Tlmiir Beg's line. 6 

Three daughters 7 were, by Papa Aghacha. Of these the 

oldest, Sultan-nizhad Beglm was made to go out to Iskandar 

Mlrza, youngest son of SI. Husain Mlrza's elder brother Bai-qara 

Mirza. The second, (Sa c adat-bakht, known as) Begim Sultan, 

Fol. 1686. was given to SI. Mas'ud Mlrza after his blinding. 8 By SI. Mas'ud 

1 Khwaja Ahmad Ydsawi, known as Khwaja Ata, founder of the Yasawl religious 

2 Not finding mention of a daughter of Abu-sa'ld named Rabi'a-sultan, I think she 
may be the daughter styled Aq Beglm who is No. 3 in Gul-badan's guest-list for the 
Mystic Feast. 

3 This man I take to be Husain's grandfather and not brother, both because 'Abdu'l- 
lah was of Husain's and his brother's generation, and also because of the absence here 
of Babur's usual denning words "elder brother " (of SI. Husain Mlrza). In this I have 
to differ from Dr. Rieu (Pers. Cat. p. 152). 

4 So-named after his ancestor Sayyid Barka whose body was exhumed from Andi- 
khud for reburial in Samarkand, by Timur's wish and there laid in such a position that 
Tlmur's body was at its feet (Zafar-nama ii, 719; H.S. iii, 82). (For the above 
interesting detail I am indebted to my husband. ) 

s Qistl-bash, Persians wearing red badges or caps to distinguish them as Persians. 

6 Yadgar-i-farrukh Miran-shahi (H.S. iii, 327). He may have been one of those 
Mlran-shahls of 'Iraq from whom came Aka's and Sultanim's husbands, Ahmad and 
'Abdu'1-baql (ff. 164, 175^). 

7 This should be four (f. 169^). The H.S. (iii, 327) also names three only when 
giving Papa Aghacha's daughters (the omission linking it with the B.N. ), but elsewhere 
(iii, 229) it gives an account of a fourth girl's marriage ; this fourth is needed to make 
up the total of II daughters. Babur's and Khwand-amlr's details of Papa Aghacha's 
quartette are defective ; the following may be a more correct list : (i) Begirn Sultan 
(a frequent title), married to Aba-bikr Miran-shahi (who died 884 AH.) and seeming 
too old to be the one [No. 3] who married Mas'ud (H.S. iii, 229) ; (2) Sultan-nizhad, 
married to Iskandar Bai-qara ; (3) Sa'adat-bakht also known as Begim Sultan, married 
to Mas'ud Miran-shahi (H.S. iii, 327); (4) Manauwar-sultan, married to a son of 
Auliigh Beg Kabuli (H.S. iii, 327). 

8 This "after" seems to contradict the statement. (f. 58) that Mas'ful was made to 
kneel as a son-in-law (kuyadlik-ka yukundiirub} at a date previous to his blinding, 
but the seeming contradiction may be explained by considering the following details ; 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 267 

Vtlrza she had one daughter and one son. The daughter was 
Drought up by Apaq Beglm of SI. Husain Mlrza's haram ; from 
fieri she came to Kabul and was there given to Sayyid Mlrza 
f^paq. 1 (Sa'adat-bakht) Beglm Sultan after the Auzbeg killed 
ler husband, set out for the kafba with her son. 2 News has just 
:ome (circa 934 AH.) that they have been heard of as in Makka 
ind that the boy is becoming a bit of a great personage. 3 Papa 
A.ghacha's third daughter was given to a sayyid of Andikhud, 
generally known as Sayyid Mirza.4 

Another of the.,Mirza's daughters, 'Ayisha-sultan Beglm was 
3y a mistress, Zubaida Aghacha the grand-daughter of Husain-i- 
Shaikh Tlmur. 5 They gave her to Qasim SI. of the Shaban 
sultans ; she had by him a son, named Qasim-i-husain SI. who 
;ame to serve me in Hindustan, was in the Holy Battle with 
Rana Sanga, and was given Badayun. 6 When Qasim SI. died, 
'his widow) 'Ayisha-sultan Beglm was taken by Buran SI. one 
Df his relations, 7 by whom she had a son, named 'Abdu'1-lah SI. 
now serving me and though young, not doing badly. 

'j. His wives and concubines^} 

The wife he first took was Bega Sultan Beglm, a daughter of 
SI. Sanjar of Marv. She was the mother of Badl'u'z-zaman 
Mlrza. She was very cross-tempered and made the Mlrza endure 

be left Herl hastily (f. 58), went to Khusrau Shah and was blinded by him, all in 
the last two months of 903 AH. (1498 AD.), after the kneeling on Zu'1-qa'da 3rd, 
(June 23rd) in the Ravens' -garden. Here what Babur says is that The Beglm was 
given (birib) after the blinding, the inference allowed being that though Mas'ud had 
kneeled before the blinding, she had remained in her father's house till his return 
after the blinding. 

1 The first W.-i-B. writes "Apaq Beglm" (I.O. 215 f. 136) which would allow 
Sayyid Mlrza to be a kinsman of Apaq BegTm, wife of Husain Bai-qara. 

2 This brief summary conveys the impression that the Beglm went on her pilgrimage 
shortly after Mas 'fid's death (913 AH. ?), but maybe wrong : After Mas'ud's murder, 
by one Blmash Mlrza, darogka of Sarakhs, at Shaibaq Khan's order, she was married 
by Blmash M. (H.S. iii, -278). How long after this she went to Makka is not said; 
it was about 934 AH. when Babur heard of her as there. 

3 This clause is in the Hai. MS. but not in the Elph. MS. (f. 131), or Kehr's 
(Ilminsky, p. 2ic), or in either Persian translation. The boy may have been 17 or 18. 

4 This appears a mistake (f. 168 foot, and note on Papa's daughters), 
s f. 171,5. 

6 933 AH.-I527 AD. (f. 329). 

7 Presumably this was a ylnkalik marriage ; it differs from some of those chronicled 
and also from a levirate marriage in not being made with a childless wife. (Cf. index 
s. n. yinkalik, ) 


268 KABUL 

much wretchedness, until driven at last to despair, he set himself 
Fol. 169. free by divorcing her. What was he to do? Right was with him. 1 

A bad wife in a good man's house 
Makes this world already his hell. 2 

God preserve every Musalman from this misfortune ! Would 
that not a single cross or ill-tempered wife were left in the world ! 

Chuli Beglm was another ; she was a daughter of the Azaq 
begs and was the mother of Sultanlm Beglm. 

Shahr-banu Beglm was another ; she was SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza's 
daughter, taken after SI. Husain Mirza took the throne (873 AH.). 
When the Mirza's other ladies got out of their litters and mounted 
horses, at the battle of Chlkman, Shahr-banu Beglrn, putting her 
trust in her younger brother (SI. Mahmud M.), did not leave her 
litter, did not mount a horse ; 3 people told the Mirza of this, so 
he divorced her and took her younger sister Payanda-sultan 
Beglm. When the Auzbegs took Khurasan (9 1 3 AH.), Payanda- 
sultan Beglm went into 'Iraq, and in 'Iraq she died in great 

Khadfja Beglm was another. 4 She had been a mistress of 
SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza and by him had had a daughter, Aq Beglm ; 
after his defeat (8/3 AH.-I468 AD.) she betook herself to Hen 
where SI. Husain Mirza took her, made her a great favourite, 
and promoted her to the rank of Beglm. Very dominant indeed 
she became later on ; she it was wrought Muh. Mumin Mirza's 
death ; s she in chief it was caused SI. Husain Mirza's sons to 
rebel against him. She took herself for a sensible woman but 
was a silly chatterer, may also have been a heretic. Of her were 
Fol. 1695. born Shah-i-gharib Mirza and Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza. 

_ Apaq Beglm was another ; 6 she had no children ; that Papa 
Aghacha the Mirza made such a favourite of was her foster-sister. 

1 Khwand-amir says that Bega Beglm was jealous, died of grief at her divorce, and 
was buried in a College, of her own erection, in 893 AH. (1488 AD. H.S. iii, 245). 

2 Gulistan Gap. II, Story 31 (Platts, p. 114). 

3 i.e. did not get ready to ride off if her husband were beaten by her brother (f. 1 1 
and note to Habiba). 

4 Khadlja Begi Agha (H.S. ii, 230 and iii, 327)5 she would be promoted probably 
after Shah-i-gharib's birth. 

5 He was a son of Badt'u'z-zaman. 

6 It is singular that this honoured woman's parentage is not mentioned ; if it be right 
on f. 168(5 (y.v. with note) to read Sayyid Mirza of Apaq Beglm, she may be a sayyida 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 269 

eing childless, Apaq BegTm brought up as her own the 
lildren of Papa Aghacha. She nursed the Mlrza admirably 
hen he was ill ; none of his other wives could nurse as she did. 
he year I came into Hindustan (932 AH.) 1 she came into Kabul 
om Hen and I shewed her all the honour and respect I could, 
/hlle I was besieging Chandiri (934 AH.) news came that in 
:abul she had fulfilled God's will. 2 

One of the Mlrza's mistresses was Latif-sultan Aghacha of the 
har-shamba people 3 ; she became the mother of Abu'l-muhsin 
[Irza and Kupuk (or Kipik) Mlrza (i.e. Muhammad Muhsin). 

Another mistress was Mlngll Bib! Aghacha, 4 an Auzbeg and 
ie of Shahr-banu Begim's various people. She became the 
lother of Abu-turab Mlrza, Muhammad-i-husain Mirza,Faridun- 
husain Mlrza and of two daughters. 

Papa Aghacha, the foster-sister of Apaq Begim was another 
listress. The Mirza saw her, looked on her with favour, took 
er and, as has been mentioned, she became the mother of five 
f his sons and four of his daughters.^ 

Begl Sultan Aghacha was another mistress ; she had no child, 
'here were also many concubines and mistresses held in little 
ispect ; those enumerated were the respected wives and 
dstresses of SI. Husain Mirza. 

Strange indeed it is that of the 14 sons born to a ruler so 
reat as SI. Husain Mlrza, one governing too in such a town as 
[erl, three only were born in legal marriage. 6 In him, in his 
ms, and in his tribes and hordes vice and debauchery were Fol. 170. 
stremely prevalent. What shews this point precisely is that of 
le many sons born to his dynasty not a sign or trace was left 

1 As Babur left Kabul on Safar 1st (Nov. I7th 1525 AD.), the Begim must have 
rived in Muharram 932 AH. (Oct. l8th to Nov. I7th). 

2 f. 333. As Chandiri was besieged in Rabi'u'l-akhar 934 AH. this passage shews 
at, as a minimum estimate, what remains of Babur's composed narrative (i.e. down 

f. 2165) was written after that date (Jan. 1528). 

3 Ckar-shambalar. Mention of another inhabitant of this place with the odd name, 
r ednesday (Char-shamba), is made on f. 423, 

4 Mole-marked Lady; most MSS. style her BI but H.S. iii, 327, writes Bibi ; 
varies also by calling her a Turk. She was a purchased slave of Shahr-banu's 

id "was given to the Mlrza by Shahr-banu at the time of her own marriage 
ith him. 

s As noted already, f. 1683 enumerates three only. 

6 The three were almost certainly Badl'u'z-zaman, Haidar, son of a Timurid mother, 
id Muzaffar-i-husain, born after his mother had been legally married. 

ayo KABUL 

in seven or eight years, excepting only Muhammad-i-zaman 
Mlrza. 1 

(g. His amzrs.} 

There was Muhammad Baranduq Barlas, descending from 
Chaku Barlas as follows, Muhammad BarandQq, son of 'All, 
son of Baranduq, son of Jahan-shah, son of Chaku Barlds? He 
had been a beg of Babur Mlrza's presence ; later on SI. Abu-sa c ld 
Mirza favoured him, gave him Kabul conjointly with Jahanglr 
Barlas, and made him Aulugh Beg Mlrza's guardian. After the 
death of SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza, Aulugh Beg Mlrza formed designs 
against the two Barlas ; they got to know this, kept tight hold 
of him, made the tribes and hordes march, 3 moved as for Qunduz, 
and when up on Hmdu-kush, courteously compelled Aulugh Beg 
Mlrza to start back for Kabul, they themselves going on to 
SI. Husain Mlrza in Khurasan, who, in his turn, shewed them 
great favour. Muhammad Baranduq was remarkably intelligent, 
a very leaderlike man indeed ! He was extravagantly fond of 
a hawk ; so much so, they say, that if a hawk of his had strayed 
or had died, he would ask, taking the names of his sons on his 
lips, what it would have mattered if such or such a son had died 
or had broken his neck, rather than this or that bird had died 
or had strayed. 

Muzaffar Barlas was another. 4 He had been with the Mlrza 
in the guerilla fighting and, for some cause unknown, had received 
extreme favour. In such honour was he in those guerilla days 
that the compact was for the Mlrza to take four dang (sixths) 
Fol. 170-5. of any country conquered, and for him to take two dang, 
A strange compact indeed ! How could it be right to make 
even a faithful servant a co-partner in rule ? Not even a younger 

1 Seven sons predeceased him : Farrukh, Shah-i-gharib, Muh. Ma 'sum, Haidar, 
Ibrahim-i-husain, Muh'. Husain and Abu-turab. So too five daughters : Aq, Bega, 
Agha, Klchik and Fatima-sultan Begims. So too four wives : Bega-sultan and 
Chull Begtms, Zubaida and Latif-sultan Aghachas (H.S. iii, 327). 

z Chaku, a Barlas, as was Timur, was one of Timur's noted men. 

At this point some hand not the scribe's has entered on the margin of the Hai. MS. 
the descendants of Muh. Baranduq down into Akbar's reign : Muh. Fari'dun, bin 
Muh. Quli Khan, bin Mirza_ 'All, bin Muh. Baranduq Barlas. Of these Faridun and 
Muh. Quli are amirs of the Ayln-i-akbari list (Blochmann, pp. 341, 342; H.S. iii,233). 

3 Enforced marches of Mughiils and other nomads are mentioned also on f. 1541? 
andf. 155. 

+ H,S. iii, 228, 233, 235. 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 271 

brother or a son obtains such a pact ; how then should a beg ? I 
When the Mirza had possession of the throne, he repented the 
compact, but his repentance was of no avail ; that muddy-minded 
mannikin, favoured so much already, made growing assumption 
to rule. The Mirza acted without judgment ; people say 
Muzaffar Barlds was poisoned in the end. 2 God knows the 
truth ! 

'All-sher Nazvd'i was another, the Mlrza's friend rather than 
his beg. They had been learners together in childhood and even 
then are said to have been close friends. It is not known for 
what offence SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza drove 'All-sher Beg from Heri ; 
he then went to Samarkand where he was protected and 
supported by Ahmad Haji Beg during the several years of his 
stay. 3 He was noted for refinement of manner ; people fancied 
this due to the pride of high fortune but it may not have been 
so, it may have been innate, since it was equally noticeable also 
in Samarkand.- 4 'All-sher Beg had no match. For as long as 
verse has been written in the Turkl tongue, no-one has written 
so much or so well as he. He wrote six books of poems 
(masnawt), five of them answering to the Quintet (Khamsah\$ 
the sixth, entitled the Lisdnu" t-tair (Tongue of the birds), was 
in the same metre as the Mantiqdt-tair (Speech of the birds). 6 
He put together four dlwdns (collections) of odes, bearing the 
names, Curiosities of Childhood, Marvels of Youth, Wonders of 
Manhood and Advantages of Age. 7 There are good quatrains 
of his also. Some others of his compositions rank below those Fol. 171. 
mentioned ; amongst them is a collection of his letters, imitating 
that of Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahrnan Jdmi and aiming at gathering 
together every letter on any topic he had ever written to any 
person. He wrote also the Misdnu'l - auzdn (Measure of 
measures) on prosody ; it is very worthless ; he has made 
mistake in it about the metres of four out of twenty-four 

J beg kiski, beg-person. 

2 Khwand-amlr says he died a natural death (H.S. iii, 235). 

3 f. 21. For a fuller account of Nawa'i, J. Asiatique xvii, 175, M. Belin's article. 

4 i.e. when he was poor and a beg's dependant. He went back to Her! at 
SI. Husain M.'s request in 873 AH. 

s Nizami's (Rieu's Pers. Cat. s.n.). 

6 Faridu'd-din- 'attar's (Rieu I.e. and Ency. Br.). 

7 Ghara!ib-i?s-sighar, Nawadinfsh-shahab, Badc?i l ifl-wasat, and Fawa'idifl-kibr. 

272 KABUL 

' quatrains, while about other measures he has made mistake such 
as any-one who has given attention to prosody, will understand. 
He put a Persian diwdn together also, Fan! (transitory) being 
his pen-name for Persian verse. 1 Some couplets in it are not 
bad but for the most part it is flat and poor. In music also he 
composed good things (nima\ some excellent airs and preludes 
(nakhsh u peshrau]. No such patron and protector of men of 
parts and accomplishments is known, nor has one such been 
heard of as ever appearing. It was through his instruction and 
support that Master (Ugtad) Qul-i-muhammad the lutanist, 
Shaikh! the flautist, and Husain the lutanist, famous performers 
all, rose to eminence and renown. It was through his effort and 
supervision that Master Bih-zad and Shah Muzaffar became so 
distinguished in painting. Few are heard of as having helped 
to lay the good foundation for future excellence he helped to lay. 
He had neither son nor daughter, wife or family ; he let the 
world pass by, alone and unencumbered. At first he was Keeper 
of the Seal ; in middle-life he became a beg and for a time was 
Commandant in Astarabad ; later on he forsook soldiering. He 
took nothing from the Mirza, on the contrary, he each year 
Fol. 171*. offered considerable gifts. When the Mirza was returning from 
the Astarabad campaign, 'Ali-sher Beg went out to give him 
meeting ; they saw one another but before 'Ali-sher Beg should 
have risen to leave, his condition became such that he could not 
rise. He was lifted up and carried away ; the doctors could not 
tell what was wrong ; he went to God's mercy next day, 2 one of 
his own couplets suiting his case : 

I was felled by a stroke out of their ken and mine j 
What, in such evils, can doctors avail ? 

Ahmad the son of Tawakkal Barlds was another ; 3 for a time 
he held Qandahar. 

Wall Beg was another; he was of Hajl Saifu'd-dln Beg's 
line, 4 and had been one of the Mirza's father's (Mansur's) great 

1 Every Persian poet has a takhattus (pen-name) which he introduces into the last 
couplet of each ode (Erskine). 

2 The death occurred in the First Jumada 906 AH. (Dec. 1500 AD.). 

3 Niz : amu'd-dln Ahmad bin Tawakkal Barlas (H.S. iii, 229). 

4 This may be that uncle of Timur who made the Haj (T. R. p. 48, quoting the 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 273 

jegs. 1 Short life was granted to him after the Mirza took the 
hrone (973 AH.) ; he died directly afterwards. He was orthodox 
md made the Prayers, was rough (turk} and sincere. 

Husain of Shaikh Tlmur was another; he had been favoured and 
aised to the rank of beg 2 by Babur Mirza. 

Nuyan Beg was another. He was a Sayyid of Tirmlz on his 
ather's side ; on his mother's he was related both to SI. Abu-sa'id 
Vllrza and to SI. Husain Mlrza.3 SI. Abu-said Mirza had 
avoured him ; he was the beg honoured in SI. Ahmad Mirza's 
)resence and he met with very great favour when he went to 
51. Husain Mirza's. He was a bragging, easy-going, wine-bibbing, 
oily person. Through being in his father's service, 4 Hasan of 
ifa'qub used to be called also Nuyan's Hasan. 

Jahanglr Barlas was another, s For a time he shared the 
abul command with Muhammad Baranduq Barlas, later on Fol 172. 
vent to SI. Husain Mirza's presence and received very great 
avour. His movements and poses (Jiarakdt u sakandt] were 
graceful and charming ; he was also a man of pleasant temper. 
\s he knew the rules of hunting and hawking, in those matters 
he Mirza gave him chief charge. Fie was a favourite of 
3adi ( u'z-zaman Mirza and, bearing that Mirza's friendliness in 
nind, used to praise him. 

Mirza Ahmad of 'All Farsl Barlas was another. Though he 
vrote no verse, he knew what was poetry. He was a gay-hearted, 
:legant person, one by himself. 

'Abdu'l-khallq Beg was another. Firuz Shah, Shahrukh Mirza's 

1 Some MSS. omit the word "father" here but to read it obviates the difficulty of 
ailing Wall a great beg of SI. Husain Mirza although he died when that mirza took 
he throne (973 AH. ) and although no leading place is allotted to him in Babur's list 
f Her! begs. Here as in other parts of Babur's account of Hen, the texts vary 
iuch whether Turk! or Persian, e.g. the Elph. MS. appears to call Wall a blockhead 
iunkuz diir), the Hai. MS. writing n:kuz dur(?). 

2 He had been Babur ShahrukhP s yasawal (Court-attendant), had. fought against 
lusain for Yadgar-i-muhammad and had given a daughter to Husain (H.S. iii, 206, 
28, 230-32; D.S. \T\Not. etEx, de Sa9y p. 265). 

3 f. 29/5. 

+ Sic, Elph. MS. and both Pers. trss. but the Hai. MS. omits ''father". To read 
:, however, suits the circumstance that Hasan of Ya'qub was not with Husain and 
i Harat but was connected with Mahmud Miranshahi and Tirmlz (f. 24). Nuyan is 
.ot a personal name but is a title ; it implies good-birth ; all uses of it I have seen are 
Dr members of the religious family of Tirmlz. 

5 He was the son of Ibrahim Barlas and a Badakhshi beglm (T.R. p. 108). 

274 KABUL 

greatly favoured beg, was his grandfather ; z hence people called 
him Flruz Shah's 'Abdu'l-khallq. He held Khwarizm for a time. 
Ibrahim Dulddt was another. He had good knowledge of 
revenue matters and the conduct of public business ; his work 
was that of a second Muh. Baranduq. 

Zu'n-nun Arghun was another. 2 He was a brave man, using 
his sword well in SI. Abu-sa'id Mlrza's presence and later on 
getting his hand into the work whatever the fight. As to his 
courage there was no question at all, but he was a bit of a fool. 
After he left our (Miran-shahi} Mirzas to go to SI. Husain 
Mlrza, the Mlrza gave him Ghur and the Nikdirls. He did 
Fol. 1725. excellent work in those parts with 70 to 80 men, with so few 
beating masses and masses of Hazaras and Nikdirls ; he had 
not his match for keeping those tribes in order. After a while 
Zamm-dawar was given to him. His son Shah-i-shuja' Arghun 
used to move about with him and even in childhood used to 
chop away with his sword. The Mlrza favoured Shah-i-shuja' 
and, somewhat against Zu'n-nun Beg's wishes, joined him with 
his father in the government of Qandahar. Later on this father 
and son made dissension between that father and that son, 3 and 
stirred up much commotion. After I had overcome Khusrau 
Shah and parted his retainers from him, and after I had taken 
Kabul from Zu'n-nun Arghuris son Muqlm, Zu'n-nun Beg and 
Khusrau Shah both went, in their helplessness, to see SI. Husain 
Mlrza. Zu'n-nun Arghun grew greater after the Mlrza's death 
when they gave him the districts of the Her! Koh-daman, such 
as Auba (Ubeh) and Chachcharan. 4 He was made Lord of 
Badfu'z-zaman Mlrza's Gate s and Muhammad Baranduq Barlds 
Lord of Muzaffar-i-husain Mlrza's, when the two Mirzas became 

1 He will have been therefore a collateral of Daulat-shah whose relation to 
Firuz-shah is thus expressed by Nawa'i : Mir Daulat-shah Firuz-shah Beg-mng 
'amm-zada-'siAnur l AlSifd-daula Isfarayinl-mng aughutt dur, i.e. Mir Daulat-shah 
was the son of Firuz-shah Beg's paternal uncle's son, Amir 'Ala'u'd-daula Isfaraylm. 
Thus, Firuz-shah and Isfaraylm were first cousins ; Daulat-shah and 'Abdu'l-khaliq's 
father were second cousins ; while Daulat-shah and Firuz-shah were first cousins, 
once removed (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 534; Browne's D.S. English preface p. 14 and its 
reference to the Pers. preface). 

2 Tarkhan-nama, E. & D.'s History of India i, 303 ; H.S. iii, 227. 

3 f. 41 and note. 

4 Both places are in the valley of the Herl-rud. 

s Badi'u'z-zaman married a daughter of Zu'n-niin ; she died in 911 AH. (E. & D. i, 
305; H.S. iii, 324). 

911 AH. JUNE. 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 275 

joint-rulers in Her!. Brave though he was, he was a little crazed 
and shallow-pated ; if he had not been so, would he have accepted 
flattery as he did? would he have made himself so contemptible? 
Here are the details of the matter : While he was so dominant 
and so trusted in Hen, a few shaikhs and mullas went to him 
and said, "The Spheres are holding commerce with us; you are 
to be styled Hisabru'l-lah (Lion of God) ; you will overcome 
the Auzbeg." Fully accepting this flattery, he put his futa 
(bathing-cloth) round his neck I and gave thanks. Then, after 
Shaibaq Khan, coming against the Mlrzas, had beaten them one Foi. 173. 
by one near Badghis, Zu'n-nun Arghun met him face to face 
near Qara-rabat and, relying on that promise, stood up against 
him with 100 to 150 men. A mass of Auzbegs came up, over- 
came them and hustled them off ; he himself was taken and put 
to death. 2 He was orthodox and no neglecter of the Prayers, 
indeed made the extra ones. He was mad for chess ; he played 
it according to his own fancy and, if others play with one hand, 
he played with both. 3 Avarice ,and stinginess ruled in his 

Darwlsh-i-'all Beg was another, 4 the younger full-brother of 
'Ali-sher Beg. He had the Balkh Command for a time and 
there did good beg-like things, but he was a muddle-head and 
somewhat wanting in merit. He was dismissed from the Balkh 
Command because his muddle-headedness had hampered the 
Mirza in his first campaign against Qunduz and Hisar. He came 
to rny presence when I went to Qunduz in 916 AH. (1510 AD.), 
brutalized and stupefied, far from capable begship and out-side 
peaceful home-life. Such favour as he had had, he appears to 
have had for 'All-sher Beg's sake. 

Mughul Beg was another. He was Governor of Her! for 
a time, later on was given Astarabad, and from there fled to 
Ya'qub Beg in 'Iraq. He was of amorous disposition 5 and an 
incessant dicer. 

1 This indicates, both amongst Musalmans and Hindus, obedience and submission. 
Several instances occur in Macculloch's Bengali Household Stories. 
3 T.R. p. 205. 

3 This is an idiom expressive of'great keenness (Erskine). 

4 H.S. iii, 250, kitabdar, librarian; so too Hai. MS. f. I74<5. 

5 mutaiyam (f. 'jb and note). ' Mir Mughul Beg was put to death for treachery in 
'Iraq (H.S. iii, 227, 248). 

276 KABUL 

Sayyid Badr (Full-moon) was another, a very strong man, 

Fol. i73<5. graceful in his movements and singularly well-mannered. He 

danced wonderfully well, doing one dance quite unique and 

seeming to be his own invention. 1 His whole service was with 

the Mirza whose comrade he was in wine and social pleasure. 

I slim Bar Ids was another, a plain (turk] person who understood 
hawking well and did some things to perfection. Drawing a bow 
of 30 to 40 bdtmdns strength, 2 he would make his shaft pass right 
through the target (takhta). In the gallop from the head of the 
qabaq-inaiddn? he would loosen his bow, string it again, and 
then hit the gourd (qabaq}. He would tie his string-grip (zih-gtr} 
to the one end of a string from I to \\ yards long, fasten the 
other end to a tree, let his shaft fly, and shoot through the string- 
grip while it revolved. 4 Many such remarkable feats he did. He 
served the Mirza continuously and was at every social gathering. 

SI. Junaid Barlds was another ; s in his latter days he went to 
SI. Ahmad Mirza's presence. 6 He is the father of the SI. Junaid 
Barlds on whom at the present time 7 the joint-government of 
Jaunpur depends. 

Shaikh Abu-sa'Id Khan Dqr-miydn (In-between) was another. 
It is not known whether he got the name of Dar-miyan because 
he took a horse to the Mirza in the middle of a fight, or whether 
because he put himself in between the Mirza and some-one 
designing on his life. 8 

1 Babur speaks as an eye-witness (f. 1876). For a single combat of Sayyid Badr, 
H.S. iii, 233. 

2 f. 157 and note to batman. 

3 A level field in which a gourd (qabaq} is set on a pole for an archer's mark to be 
hit in /. . ' . ' '\ '.Hop (f. i8 and note). 

4 O : . ;. . the gallop the archer turned in the saddle and shot backwards. 

5 Junaid was the father of Nixamu'd-din 'All, Babur's Khalifa (Vice-gerenl). 
That Khalifa was of a religious house on his mother's side may be inferred from his 
being styled both Sayyid and Khwaja neither of which titles could have come from 
his TurkI father. His mother may have been a sayyida of one of the religious families 
of Marghinan (f. 18 and note), since Khalifa's son Muhibb-i-'all writes his father's 
name " Mzamu'd-din 'All Marghilanl" (Marghinani] in the Preface of his Book on 
Sport (Rieii's Pers. Cat. p. 485). 

6 This northward migration would take the family into touch with Babur's in 
Samarkand and Farghana. 

i He was left in charge of Jaunpur in Rabi' I, 933 AH. (Jan. 1527 AD.) but 
exchanged for Chunar in Ramzan 935 AH. (June 1529 AD. ) ; so that for the writing of 
this part of the Babur-nama we have the major and minor limits of Jan. 1527 and 
June 1529. 

8 H.S. iii, 227. 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 277 

Bih-bud Beg was another. He had served in the pages' circle 
(chuhra jirgasi) during the guerilla times and gave such Fol. 174. 
satisfaction by his service that the Mlrza did him the favour of 
putting his name on the stamp (tamgha} and the coin (sikka}^ 

Shaikhim Beg was another. 2 People used to call him 
Shaikhlm Suhaili because Suhaill was his pen-name. He wrote 
all sorts of verse, bringing in terrifying words and mental images. 
Here is a couplet of his : 

In theaaguish of my nights, the whirlpool of my sighs engulphs the firmament ; 
Lib"a dragon, the torrent of my tears swallows the quarters of the world. 

Well-known it is that when he once recited that couplet in 
Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahman J ami's presence, the honoured Mulla 
asked him whether he was reciting verse or frightening people. 
He put a diwdn together ; masnawis of his are also in 

Muhammad-i-wall Beg was another, the son of the Wall Beg 
already mentioned. Latterly he became one of the Mlrza's 
great begs but, great beg though he was, he never neglected his 
service and used to recline (ydstdmb} day and night in the Gate. 
Through doing this, his free meals and open table were always 
set just outside the Gate. Quite certainly a man who was so 
constantly in waiting, would receive the favour he received ! It 
is an evil noticeable today that effort must be made before the 
man, dubbed Beg because he has five or six of the bald and blind 
at his back, can be got into the Gate at all ! Where this sort 
of service is, it must be to their own misfortune ! Muhammad - 
i-wall Beg's public table and free meals were good ; he kept his 
servants neat and well-dressed and with his own hands gave Fol. 174*. 
ample portion to the poor and destitute, but he was foul-mouthed 
and evil-spoken. He and also DarwTsh-i-'all the librarian were 
in my service when I took Samarkand in 9 17 AH. (Oct. 1511 AD.) ; 
he was palsied then ; his talk lacked salt ; his former claim to 
favour was gone. His assiduous waiting appears to have been 
the cause of his promotion. 

1 See Appendix H, On the counter-mark Bih-bud on coins. 

3 Nizamu'd-din Amir Shaikh Ahmadu's-suhaill was surnamed Suhaill through a/5/ 
(augury) taken by his spiritual guide, Kamalu'd-dm Husain G&zur-gahi ; it was he 
induced Husain Kashifi to produce his Anwar-i-suhaili (Lights of Canopus) (f. 125 
and note ; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 756 ; and for a couplet of his, H.S. iii, 242 1. ro). 

278 KABUL 

Baba 'All the Lord of the Gate was another. First, 'All-sher 
Beg showed him favour ; next, because of his courage, the Mlrza 
took him into service, made him Lord of the Gate, and promoted 
him to be a beg. One of his sons is serving me now (circa 934 AH.), 
that Yunas of 'All who is a beg, a confidant, and of my household. 
He will often be mentioned. 1 

Badru'd-dln (Full-moon of the Faith) was another. He had 
been in the service of SI. Abu-sa'id Mlrza's Chief Justice Mlrak 
'Abdu'r-rahim ; it is said he was very nimble and sure-footed, 
a man who could leap over seven horses at once. He and Baba 
'All were close companions. 

Hasan of 'All Jaldtr was another. His original name was 
Husain_/<z/fr but he carne to be called 'All's Hasan. 2 His father 
'All Jaldir must have been favoured and made a beg by Babur 
Mlrza ; no man was greater later on when Yadgar-i-muhamrnad 
M. took Hen. Hasan-i-'al! was SI. Husaih Mlrza's Qush-begi? He 
made Tufaill (Uninvited-guest) his pen-name ; wrote good odes 
and was the Master of this art in his day. He wrote odes on 
my name when he came to my presence at the time I took 
Samarkand in 917 AH. (1511 AD.). Impudent (bi bdk} and 
prodigal he was, a keeper of catamites, a constant dicer and 

Khwaja 'Abdu'1-lah Marwdrid (Pearl) 4 was another; he was 
at first Chief Justice but later on became one of the Mlrza's 
favourite household-begs. He was full of accomplishments ; on 
the dulcimer he had no equal, and he invented the shake on 
the dulcimer ; he wrote in several scripts, most beautifully in .the 
ta'liq ; he composed admirable letters, wrote good verse, with 
Bayani for his pen - name, and was a pleasant companion. 
Compared with his other accomplishments, his verse ranks low, 
but he knew what was poetry. Vicious and shameless, he became 

1 Index s.n. 

" Did the change complete an analogy between 'All Jaldir and his (perhaps) elder 
son with 'AH Khalifa and his elder son Hasan ? 

3 The Qush-beg! is, in Central Asia, a high official who acts for an absent ruler 
(Shaw) ; he does not appear to be the Falconer, for whom Babur's name is Qushchi 
(f. I5n.). 

+ He received this sobriquet because when he returned from an embassy to the 
Persian Gulf, he brought, from Bahrein, to his Tlmurid master a gift of royal pearls 
(Sam Mlrza). For an account of Marwarld see Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 1094 and (re 
portrait) p. 787. 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 279 

the captive of a sinful disease through his vicious excesses, out- 
lived his hands and feet, tasted the agonies of varied torture for 
several years, and departed from the world under that affliction. 1 

Sayyid Muhamrnad-i-aurus was another.; he was the son of 
that Aurus (Russian?) Arghiln who, when SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza 
took the throne, was his beg in chief authority. At that time 
there were excellent archer-braves ; one of the most distinguished 
was Sayyid Muhammad-i-aurus. His bow strong, his shaft long, 
he must have been a bold (yurak} shot and a good one. He was 
Commandant in Andikhud for some time. 

Mir (Qambar-i-yall the Master of the Horse was another. He 
it was who, by sending a man to SI. Husain Mirza, brought him 
down on the defenceless Yadgar-i-muhammad Mirza. 

Sayyid Hasan Ailghlaqchl was another, a son of Sayyid 
Aughldqchi and a younger brother of Sayyid Yusuf Beg. 2 He 
was the father of a capable and accomplished son, named Mirza 
Farrukh. He had come to my presence before I took Samar- Fol. 175*. 
kand in 917 AH. (1511 AD.). Though he had written little verse, 
he wrote fairly ; he understood the astrolabe and astronomy well, 
was excellent company, his talk good too, but he was rather 
a bad drinker (bad shrUb}. He died in the fight at Ghaj-dawan. 3 

Tmgri-birdl the storekeeper (sdmanchi} was another ; he was 
a plain (turk\ bold, sword-slashing brave. As has been said, 
he charged out of the Gate of Balkh on Khusrau Shah's great 
retainer Nazar Bahadur and overcame him (903 AH.). 

There were a few Turkman braves also who were received 
with great favour when they came to the Mirza's presence. One 
of the first to come was 'All Khan Bdyandar.^ Asad Beg and 
Taham-tan (Strong-bodied) Beg were others, an elder and 
younger brother these ; Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza took Taham-tan 
Beg's daughter and by her had Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza. 
Mir ( Umar Beg was another ; later on he was in Badl'u'z-zaman 
Mirza's service ; he was a brave, plain, excellent person. His 

1 Sam Mirza specifies this affliction as abla-i-farang, thus making what may be one 
of the earliest Oriental references to morbus gallicus [as de Say here translates the 
name], the foreign or European pox, the " French disease of Shakespeare " (H.B. ). 

2 Index s. n. Yusuf. 

3 Ramzan 3rd 918 AH. -Nov. I2th 1512. 

4 i.e. of the White-sheep Turkmans. 

280 KABUL 

son, Abu'1-fath by name, came from 'Iraq to my presence, 
a very soft, unsteady and feeble person ; such a son from such 
a father ! 

Of those who came into Khurasan after Shah Isma'll took 
'Iraq and Azarbaljan (circa 906 AH.- 1500 AD.), one was 'Abdu'l- 
baql Mlrza of Timur Beg's line. He was a Mlran-shahi r whose 
ancestors will have gone long before into those parts, put thought 
Fol, 176. of sovereignty out of their heads, served those ruling there, and 
from them have received favour. That Timur 'Us man who was 
the great, trusted beg of Ya'qub Beg ( White-sheep Turkman^ 
and who had once even thought of sending against Khurasan 
the mass of men lie had gathered to himself, must have been 
this 'Abdu'1-baqi Mlrza's paternal-uncle. SI. Husain Mlrza took 
'Abdu'1-baql Mlrza at once into favour, making him a son-in-law 
by giving him Sultanlm Beglm, the mother of Muhammad SI. 
Mlrza. 2 Another late-comer was Murad Beg Bayandari. 

(it. His Chief Justices 

One was Mir Sar-i-barahna (Bare-head) 3 ; he was from 
a village in Andijan and appears to have made claim to be 
a sayyid (inutasayyict). He was a very agreeable companion, 
pleasant of temper and speech. His were the judgment and 
rulings that carried weight amongst men of letters and poets of 
Khurasan. He wasted his time by composing, in imitation of 
-the story of Amir Hamza,4 a work which is one long, far- 
fetched lie, opposed to sense and nature. 

Kamalu'd-dln Husain Gdzur-gahl^ was another. Though 
not a Sufi, he was mystical. 6 Such mystics as he will have 

1 His paternal line was, 'Abdu'1-baql, son of 'Usman, son of SayyidI Ahmad, son 
of Miran-shah. His mother's people were begs of the White-sheep (H.S. iii, 290). 

2 Sultanlm had married Wais (f. 157) not later than 895 or 896 AH. (H.S. iii, 253); 
she married 'Abdu'1-haql in 908 AH. (1502-3 AD.). 

3 Sayyid Shamsu'd-dm Muhammad, Mir Sayyid Sar-i-barahna owed his sobriquet 
of Bare-head to love-sick wanderings of his youth (H.S. iii, 328). The H.S. it is 
clear, recognizes him as a sayyid. 

4 Rieu's Pers. Cat p. 760 ; it is immensely long and " filled with tales that shock 
all probability" (Erskine). 

5 f. 94 and note. SI. Husain M. made him curator of Ansari's shrine, an officer 
represented, presumably, by Col. Yate's " Mir of Gazur-gah ", and he became Chief 
Justice in 904 AH. (1498-99 AD.). See H.S. iii, 330 and 340 ; JASB 1887, art. On 
the city of Harat (C. E. Yate) p. 85. 

6 mutasauwif, perhaps meaning not a professed Sufi. 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 281 

gathered in 'Ali-sher Beg's presence and there have gone into 
their raptures and ecstacies. Kamalu'd-din will have been 
better-born than most of them ; his promotion will have been 
due to his good birth, since he had no other merit to speak erf. 1 
A production of his exists, under the name Majdlisdl-ushshaq 
(Assemblies of lovers), the authorship of which he ascribes (in 
its preface) to SI. Husain Mirza. 2 It is mostly a lie and a taste- 
less lie. He has written such irreverent things in it that some Fol. 17615. 
of them cast doubt upon his orthodoxy ; for example, he 
represents the Prophets, Peace be on them, and Saints as 
subject to earthly passion, and gives to each a miriion and 
a mistress. Another and singularly absurd thing is that, although 
in his preface he says, " This is SI. Husain Mlrza's own written 
word and literary composition," he, never-the-less, enters, in the 
body of the book, " All by the sub-signed author ", at the head 
of odes and verses well-known to be his own. It was his flattery 
gave Zu'n-nun Arghim the title Lion of God. 

(z. His wasirs?) 

One was Majdu'd-dln Muhammad, son of Khwaja Plr Ahmad 
of Khwaf, the one man (yak-qalaiii) of Shahrukh Mlrza's 
Finance-office. 3 In SI. Husain Mlrza's Finance-office there was 
not at first proper order or method ; waste and extravagance 
resulted ; the peasant did not prosper, and the soldier was not 
satisfied. Once while Majdu'd-dln Muhammad was still par- 
wanchi^ and styled Mlrak (Little Mir), it became a matter of 
importance to the Mirza to have some money ; when he asked 
the Finance-officials for it, they said none had been collected and 
that there was none. Majdu'd-dln Muhammad must have heard 
this and have smiled, for the Mirza asked him wly he smiled ; 
privacy was made and he told Mirza what was in his mind. 

1 He was of high birth on both sides, of religious houses of Tabas and Nishapur 
(D.S. pp. 161, 163). " s 

2 In agreement with its preface, Dr. Rieu entered the book as written by SI. Husain 
Mirza ; in his Addenda, however, he quotes Babur as the authority for its being by 
Gazur-gah! ; Khwand-amlr's authority can be added to Babur' s (H.S. 340; Pers. Cat. 
pp. 35:, 1085). 

3 Dlinan. The Wazlr is a sort of Minister of Finance ; the Diwan is the office of 
revenue receipts and issues (Erskine). 

4 a secretary who writes out royal orders (H.S. iii, 244). 

282 KABUL 

Said he, "If the honoured Mirza will pledge himself to strengthen 
FoL 177. my hands by not opposing my orders, it shall so be before long 
that the country shall prosper, the peasant be content, the soldier 
well-off, and the Treasury full." The Mirza for his part gave 
the pledge desired, put Majdu'd-dm Muhammad in authority 
throughout Khurasan, and entrusted all public business to him. 
He in his turn by using all possible diligence and effort, before 
long had made soldier and peasant grateful and content, filled 
the Treasury to abundance, and made the districts habitable 
and cultivated. He did all this however in face of opposition 
from the begs and men high in place, all being led by 'Ali-sher 
Beg, all out of temper with what Majdu'd-dln Muhammad had 
effected. By their effort and evil suggestion he was arrested 
and dismissed. 1 In succession to him Nizamu'1-mulk of Khwaf 
was made Dlwan but in a short time they got him arrested also, 
and him they got put to death. 2 They then brought Khwaja 
Afzal out of 'Iraq and made him Dlwan ; he had just been 
made a beg when I came to Kabul (910 AH.), and he also 
impressed the Seal in Dlwan. 

Khwaja 'Ata 3 was another ; although, unlike those already 
mentioned, he was not in high office or Finance-minister (dzwdn\ 
nothing was settled without his concurrence the whole Khura- 
sanat over. He was a pious, praying, upright (inutadaiyin} 
person ; he must have been diligent in business also. 

1 Count von Noer's words about a cognate reform of later date suit this man's work, 
it also was " a bar to the defraudment of the Crown, a stumbling-block in the path of 
avaricious chiefs" {Emperor Akbar trs. i, n). The opposition made by 'Ali-sher to 
reform so clearly to Husain's gain and -to Husain's begs' loss, stirs the question, 
" What was the source of his own income ? " Up to 873 AH. he was for some years 
the dependant of Ahmad Haji Beg ; he took nothing from the Mirza, but gave to 
him ; he must have spent much in benefactions. The question may have presented 
itself to M. Belin for he observes, ' ' 'Ali-sher qui sans doute, a son retour de 1'exil, 
recouvra 1'he'ritage de ses peres, et depuis occupade hautes positions dansle gouverne- 
ment de son pays, avait acquis une grande fortune" (J. Asiatique xvii, 227). While 
not contradicting M. Belin's view that vested property such as can be described as 
" paternal inheritance", may have passed from father to son, even in those days of 
fugitive prosperity and changing appointments, one cannot but infer, from Nawa'i's 
opposition to Majdu'd-dm, that he, like the rest, took a partial view of the "rights" 
of the cultivator. 

2 This was in 903 AH. after some 20 years of service (M.S. iii, 231 ; Ethe I.O. 
Cat. p. 252). 

3 Amir Jamalu'd-din 'Ata'u'1-lah, known also as Jamalu'd-din Husain, wrote a 
History of Muhammad (H.S. iii, 345 ; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p., 147 (a correction) 
p. 1081). 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 283 

(/. Others of the Court.} 

Those enumerated were SI. Husain Mirza's retainers and 
followers. 1 His was a wonderful Age ; in it Khurasan, and Fol. 177*5. 
Hen above all, was full of learned and matchless men. What- 
ever the work a man took up, he aimed and aspired at bringing 
that work to perfection. One such man was Maulana 'Abdu'r- 
rahman Jdmz, who was unrivalled in his day for esoteric and 
exoteric knowledge. Famous indeed are his poems ! The 
Mulla's dignity it is out of my power to describe ; it has occurred 
to me merely to mention his honoured name and one atom of 
his excellence, as a benediction and good omen for this part of 
my humble book. 

Shaikhu'l-islam Saifu'd-dm Ahmad was another. He was of 
the line of that Mulla Sa'du'd-dln (Mas'ud) Taftasdni" 2 - whose 
descendants from his time downwards have given the Shaikhu'l- 
islam to Khurasan. He was a very learned man, admirably 
versed in the Arabian sciences 3 and the Traditions, most God- 
fearing and orthodox. Himself a Shafi'l, 4 he was tolerant of all 
the sects. People say he never once in 7 years omitted the 
Congregational Prayer. He was martyred when Shah Isma'il 
took Her! (916 AH.) ; there now remains no man of his 
honqured line. 5 

M'aulana Shaikh Husain was another ; he is mentioned here, 
although his first appearance and his promotion were under 
SI. Abu-sa'id Mlrza, because he was living still under SI. Husain Fol. 178. 
Mirza. Being well-versed in the sciences of philosophy, logic 
and rhetoric, he was able to find much meaning in a few words 
and to bring it out opportunely in conversation. Being very 
intimate and influential with SI. Abu-sa'id Mlrza, he took part 
in all momentous affairs of the Mirza's dominions ; there was 

1 Amongst noticeable omissions from Babur's list of Her! celebrities are Mir 
Khwand Shah (" Mirkhond"), his grandson Khwand-amir, Husain Kashifi and 
Muinu'd-dln al Zamjl, author of a History of HarUt which was finished in 
?97 AH. 

2 Sa'du'd-dln Mas'ud, son of 'Umar, was a native of Taft in Yazd, whence his 
:ognomen (Bahar-i-'ajam) ; he died in 792 AH.-I39O AD. (H.S. iii, 59, 343 > T.R. 
p. 236 ; Rieu's Pers. Cat. pp. 352, 453). 

3 These are those connected with grammar and rhetoric (Ersldne). 

4 This is one of the four principal sects of Muhammadanism (Erskine). 

5 T.R. p. 235, for Shah Isma'il's murders in Hen. 

284 KABUL 

no better muktasib J ; this will have been why he was so much 
trusted. Because he had been an intimate of that Mlrza, the 
incomparable man was treated with insult in SI. Husain 
Mirza's time. 

Mulla-zada Mulla 'Usman was another. He was a native of 
Chlrkh, in the Luhugur tumdn of the tumdn of Kabul 2 and was 
called the Born Mulla {Mulla-zada) because in Aulugh Beg 
Mirza's time he used to give lessons when 14 years old. He went 
to Hen on his way from Samarkand to make the circuit of the 
kctba> was there stopped, and made to remain by SI. Husain 
Mlrza. He was very learned, the most so of his time. People 
say he was nearing the rank of Ijtihad 3 but he did not reach it. 
It is said of him that he once asked, " How should a person 
forget a thing heard ? " A strong memory he must have had ! 

Mir Jamalu'd-dm the Traditionalist 4 was another. He had no 
equal in Khurasan for knowledge of the Muhammadan Traditions. 
He was advanced in years and is still alive (934 to 937 AH.). 

Mir Murtaz was another. He was well-versed in the sciences 
Fol. 178*. of philosophy and metaphysics ; he was called murtaz (ascetic) 
because he fasted a great deal. He was madly fond of chess, 
so much so that if he had met two players, he would hold one 
by the skirt while he played his game out with the other, as 
much as to say, " Don't go ! " 

Mir Mas'ud of Sherwan was another.s 

Mir 'Abdu'l-ghafur of Lar was another. Disciple and pupil 
both of Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahman Jdmt, he had read aloud most 
of the Mulla's poems (masnawt) in his presence, and wrote 
a plain exposition of the Nafahdt. 6 He had good acquaintance 

1 Superintendent of Police, who examines weights, measures and provisions, also 
prevents gambling, drinking and so on. 

a f. 137- 

3 The rank of Mujtahid, which is not bestowed by any individual or class of men 
but which is the- result of slow and imperceptible opinion, finally prevailing and 
universally acknowledged, is 'one of the greatest peculiarities of the religion of Persia. 
The Mujtahid is supposed to be elevated above human fears and human enjoyments, 
and to have a certain degree of infallibility and inspiration. He is consulted with 
reverence and awe. There is not always a Mujtahid necessarily existing. See 
Kaempfer, Amoenitates Exoticae (Erskine). 

* muhaddasj one versed in the traditional sayings and actions of Muhammad. 

s H.S. iii, 340. 

6 B.M. Or. 218 (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 350). The Commentary was made in order 
to explain the Nafahat to Jaml's son. 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 285 

with the exoteric sciences, and in the esoteric ones also was very 
successful. He was a curiously casual and unceremonious 
person ; no person styled Mulla by any-one soever was debarred 
from submitting a (Qoran) chapter to him for exposition ; more- 
over whatever the place in which he heard there was a darwlsh, 
he had no rest till he had reached that darwlsh's presence. He 
was ill when I was in Khurasan (912 AH.) ; I went to enquire 
for him where he lay in the Mulla's College, 1 after I had made 
the circuit of the Mulla's tomb. He died a few days later, of 
that same illness. 

Mir 'Ata'u'1-lah of Mashhad was another. 2 He knew the 
Arabian sciences well and also wrote a Persian treatise on rhyme. 
That treatise is well-done but it has the defect that he brings 
into it, as his examples, couplets of his own and, assuming them Fol. 179. 
to be correct, prefixes to each, " As must be observed in the 
following couplet by your slave " (bandd]. Several rivals of his 
find deserved comment in this treatise. He wrote another on 
the curiosities of verse, entitled Baddi ( u's-sandi\ a very well- 
written treatise. He may have swerved from the Faith. 

Qazi Ikhtiyar was another. He was an excellent Qazi and 
wrote a treatise in Persian on Jurisprudence, an admirable 
treatise ; he also, in order to give elucidation (iqtibds)> made 
a collection of homonymous verses from the Qoran. He came 
with Muharnmad-i-yusuf to see me at the time I met the Mlrzas 
on the Murgh-ab (912 AH.). Talk turning on the Baburl script, 3 
he asked me about it, letter by letter ; I wrote it out, letter by 
letter ; he went through it, letter by letter, and having learned 
its plan, wrote something in it there and then. 

Mir Muhammad-i-yusuf was another ; he was a pupil of the 
Shaikhu'l-islam 4 and afterwards was advanced to his place. 
In some assemblies he, in others, Qazi Ikhtiyar took the 
higher place. Towards the end of his life he was so infatuated 

1 He .was buried by the Mulla's side. 

a Amir Burhanu'd-din 'Ata'u'1-lah bin Mahmudu'l-husaim was born in Nishapur 
but known as Mashhadi because he retired to that holy spot after becoming blind. 

3 f. 144^ and note. QazI Ikhtiyaru'd-din Hasan (H.S. iii, 347) appears to be the 
Khwaja Ikhtiyar of the Ayin~i-akbari> and, if so, will have taken professional interest 
in the script, since Abu'1-fazl describes him as a distinguished calligrapher in SI. 
Husain M.'s presence (Blochmann, p. 101). 

4 Saifu'd-dm (Sword of the Faith) Ahmad, presumably. 

286 KABUL 

with soldiering and military command, that except of those two 
tasks, what could be learned from his conversation ? what known 
from his pen ? Though he failed in both, those two ambitions 
ended by giving to the winds his goods and his life, his house 
and his home. He may have been a Shl'a. 

(k. The Poets.} 

Fol. 179^. The all-surpassing head of the poet-band was Maulana 
f Abdu'r-rahmanyzf. Others were Shaikhim Suhaill and Hasan 
of'AllJatdzr 1 whose names have been mentioned already as in 
the circle of the Mirza's begs and household. 

Asaf I was another, 2 he taking Asafi for his pen-name because 
he was a wazlr's son. His verse does not want for grace or 
sentiment, but has no merit through passion and ecstacy. He 
himself made the claim, " I have never packed up (bulmddt) my 
odes to make the oasis (wadi) of a collection." 3 This was 
affectation, his younger brothers and his intimates having 
collected his odes. He wrote little else but odes. He waited 
on me when I went into Khurasan (9 1 2 AH.). 

Bana'i was another ; he was a native of Her! and took such 
a pen-name (Bana'i) on account of his father Ustad Muhammad 
Sabz-bana* His odes have grace and ecstacy. One poem 
{masnawi} of his 'on the topic of fruits, is in the, mutaqdrib 
measure ; 5 it is random and not worked up. Another short 
poem is in the khafif measure, so also is a longer one finished 
towards the end of his life. He will have known nothing of 
music in his young days and c Ali-sher Beg seems to have taunted 
him about it, so one winter when the Mlrza, taking 'Ali-sher Beg 

1 A sister of his, Apaq Bega, the wife of 'AH-sher's brother Darwlsh-i- 'all kitabd&r, 
is included as a poet in the Biography of Ladies (Sprenger's Cat. p. n). Amongst 
the 20 women named one is a wife of Shaibaq Khan, another a daughter of Hilall. 

2 He was the son of Khw. Ni'amatu'1-lah, one of SI. Abu-sa'id M.'s wazlrs. 
When dying aet. 70 (923 AH.), he made this chronogram on his own death, "With 
70 steps he measured the road to eternity." The name Asaf, so frequent amongst 
wazlrs, is that of Solomon's wazlr. / 

3 Other interpretations are open ; wadi, taken as river, might refer to the going on 
from one poem to another, the stream of verse ; or it might be taken as desert, with 
disparagement of collections. 

4 Maulana Jamalu'd-din JSana'i was the son of a sabz-bana, an architect, a good 

3 Steingass's Dictionary allows convenient reference for examples of metres. 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 287 

with him, went to winter in Merv, Bana'i stayed behind in Hen 
and so applied himself to study music that before the heats he 
had composed several works. These he played and sang, airs 
with variations, when the Mirza came back to Herl in the heats. Fol. 180. 
All amazed, 'AH-sher Beg praised him. His musical compositions 
are perfect ;. one was an air known as Nuh-rang (Nine modula- 
tions), and having both the theme (tukdnasli) and the variation 
(yila) on the note called rast(f). Bana'i was 'All-sher Beg's 
rival ; it will have been on this account he was so much ill-treated. 
When at last he could bear it no longer, he went into Azerbaijan 
and 'Iraq to the presence of Ya'qub Beg ; he did not remain how- 
sver in those parts after Ya'qub Beg's death (896 AH.- 1491 AD.) 
but went back to Hen, just the same with his jokes and retorts. 
Here is one of them : 'Ali-sher at a chess-party in stretching 
his leg touched Bana'i on the hinder-parts and said jestingly, 
" It is the sad nuisance of Her! that a man can't stretch his leg 
without its touching a poet's backside." " Nor draw it up again," 
retorted Bana'i. 1 In the end the upshot of his jesting was that 
he had to leave Her! again ; he went then to Samarkand. 2 
A great many good new things used to be made for 'Ali-sher 
Beg, so whenever any-one produced a novelty, he called it 'All- 
sher's in order to give it credit and vogue. 3 Some things were 
:alled after him in compliment e.g. because when he had ear-ache, 
be wrapped his head up in one of the blue triangular kerchiefs 
kvomen tie over their heads in winter, that kerchief was called 
Ali-sher's comforter. Then again, Bana'i when he had decided 
:o leave Her!, ordered a quite new kind of pad for his ass and Fol. 1806. 
dubbed it 'Ali-sher's. 

1 Other jokes made by BanaHi at the expense of Nawa'i are recorded in the various 

2 Babur saw Bana'i in Samarkand at the end of 901 AH. (1496 AD. f. 38). 

Here Dr. Leyden's translation ends ; one other fragment which he translated will 
je found under the year 925 AH. (Erskine). This statement allows attention to be 
hawn to the inequality of the shares of the work done for the Memoirs of 1826 by 
Leyden and by Erskine. It is just to Mr. Erskine, but a justice he did not claim, 
o point out that Dr. Leyden's share is slight both in amount and in quality; his 
issential contribution was the initial stimulus he gave to the great labours of his 

3 So of Lope de Vega (b. 1562 d. 1635 AD.), " It became a common proverb to 
Draise a good thing by calling it a Lope, so that jewels, diamonds, pictures, etc. were 
aised into esteem by calling them his" (Montalvan in Ticknor's Spanish Literature 
i, 270). 

288 KABUL 

Maulana Saif! of Bukhara was another ; x he was a Mulla 
complete 2 who in proof of his mulla-ship used to give a list of 
the books he had read. He put two diwans together, one being 
for the use of tradesmen (karfa-kar), and he also wrote many 
fables. That he wrote no masnawl is shewn by the following 
_ quatrain : 

Though the magnawi he the orthodox verse, 
/ know the ode has Divine command ; 

Five couplets that charm the heart 

/know to outmatch the Two Quintets. 3 

A Persian prosody he wrote is at once brief and prolix, brief in 
the sense of omitting things that should be included, and prolix in 
the sense that plain and simple matters are detailed down to the 
diacritical points, down even to their Arabic points. 4 He is said 
to have been a great drinker, a bad drinker, and a mightily strong- 
fisted man. 

'Abdu'^-lah the masnawi-vtntQY was another.^ He was from 
Jam and was the Mulla's sister's son. Hatifi was his pen-name. 
He wrote poems (masnawt) in emulation of the Two Quintets, 6 
and called them Haft-manzar (Seven-faces) in imitation of the 
Haft-paikar (Seven-faces). In emulation of the Sikandar-ndma 
he composed the Timur-ndma. His most renowned masnawiis 
Laila and Majnun, but its reputation is greater than its charm. 

Mir Husain the Enigmatist 7 was another. He seems to have 
had no equal in making riddles, to have given his whole time to 
it, and to have been a curiously humble, disconsolate (nd-murdd) 
Fol. 181. and harmless (bt-bacT) person. 

Mir Muhammad Badakhshi of Ishkimlsh was another. As 
Ishklmish is not in Badaklishan, it is odd he should have made it 

1 Maulana Saif I, known as 'Aritzl from his mastery in prosody (Rieu's Pers. Cat. 

P- 525)- 

2 Here pedantry will be implied in the mullahood. 

3 Khamsattn {infra f. i8o and note). 

4 This appears to mean that not only the sparse diacritical pointing common in 
writing Persian was dealt with but also the fuller Arabic. 

s He is best known by his pen-name Hatifi. The B.M. and I.O. have several of 
his books. 

6 Khamsattn. Hatifi regarded himself as the successor of Nigaml and Khusrau ; 
this, taken with Babur's use of the word Khamsatin on f. 7 and here, and Saifi's 
just above, leads to the opinion that the Khamsatin of the Babur-nama are always 
those of Nigaml and Khusrau, the Two Quintets (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 653). 

7 Maulana Mir Kamalu'd-dm Husain of Nishapur (Rieu I.e. index s. n. ; Ethe's 
I.O. Cat. pp. 433 and 1134). ' 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 289 

his pen-name. His verse does not rank with that of the poets 
previously mentioned, 1 and though he wrote a treatise on riddles, 
his riddles are not first-rate. He was a very pleasant companion ; 
he waited on me in Samarkand (9 17 AH.). 

Yusuf the wonderful (bad?} 2 was another. He was from the 
Farghana country ; his odes are said not to be bad. 

Ahl was another, a good ode-writer, latterly in Ibn-i-husain 
Mlrza's service, and sahib-i-diwdn? 

Muhammad Sdlih was another. 4 His odes are tasty but better- 
flavoured than correct. There is Turk! verse of his also, not 
badly written. He went to Shaibaq Khan later on and found 
complete favour. He wrote a TurkI poem (masnawt}, named 
from Shaibaq Khan, in the raml masaddas majnun measure, that is 
to say the metre of the Subhat.S It is feeble and flat; Muhammad 
Sdlik's reader soon ceases to believe in him. 6 Here is one of his 
good couplets : 

A fat man (Tambal) has gained the land of Farghana, 
Making Farghana the house of the fat-man (Tambal-khana), 

Farghana is known also as Tambal-khana. 7 I do not know 
whether the above couplet is found in the masnawi mentioned. 

1 One of his couplets on good and bad fortune is striking ; " The fortune of men is 
like a sand-glass; one hour up, the next down." See D'Herbelot in his article 

3 H.S. iii, 336; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. loSg. 

3 Ah! (sighing) was with Shah-i-gharib before Ibn-i-husain and to him dedicated 
his cKwan. The words mhib-i-diw&n seem likely to be used here with double 
meaning i.e. to express authorship and finance office. Though Babur has made 
frequent mention of authorship of a di-vaan and of office in the JDiwan, he 1 has not used 
these words hitherto in either sense ; there may be a play of words here. 

* Muhammad dlih Mirza JZhwarizmt, author of the Shaibani-nama which 
manifestly is the poem (masnawi) mentioned below. This has been published with 
a German translation by Professor Vambe'ry and has been edited with Russian notes 
by Mr. Platon Melioransky (Rieu's Turkish Cat. p. 74; H.S. iii, 301). 

5 Jaml's Subhatd l-abrar (Rosary of the righteous). 

6 The reference may be to things said by Muh. Salih the untruth of which was 
known to Babur through his own part in the events. A crying instance of mis- 
representation is Salih's assertion, in rhetorical phrase, that Babur took booty in 
jewels from Khusrau Shah ; other instances concern the affairs of The Khans and of 
Babur in Transoxiana (f. 124(5 and index s.nn. Ahmad and Mahmud Chagh&tai etc. ; 
T. R. index s. nn. ). 

7 The name Fat-land (Tambal-khana) has its parallel in Fat-village (Slmlz-kint) 
a name of Samarkand ; in both cases the nick-name is accounted for by the fertility 
of irrigated lands. We have not been able to find the above-quoted couplet in the 
Shaibani-nama (Vambe'ry) ; needless to say. the pun is on the nick-name [iambal, fat] 
of SI. Ahmad Tambal. 

290 KABUL 

Muhammad Salih was a very wicked, tyrannical and heartless 
person. 1 

Maulana Shah Husain Kami' 2 - was another. There are not- 
bad verses of his ; he wrote odes, and also seems to have put 
a dlwdn together. 

Hilall (New-moon) was another ; he is still alive. 3 Correct and 
graceful though his odes are, they make little impression. There 
is a dlwdn of his ; 4 and there is also the poem (jnasnawi) in the 
Fol. i8ii. khaftf measure, entitled Shah and Darwlsh of which, fair though 
many couplets are, the basis and purport are hollow and bad. 
Ancient poets when writing of love and the lover, have represented 
the lover as a man and the beloved as a woman ; but Hilall has 
made the lover a darwish, the beloved a king, with the result 
that the couplets containing the king's acts and words set him 
forth as shameless and abominable. It is an extreme effrontery 
in Hilall that for a poem's sake he should describe a young man 
and that young man a king, as resembling the shameless and 
immoral.s It is heard-said that Hilall had a very retentive 
memory, and that he had by heart 30 or 40,000 couplets, and the 
greater part of the Two Quintets, all most useful for the minutiae 
of prosody and the art of verse. 

AhlT 6 was another ; he was of the common people ('ami), 
wrote verse not bad, even produced a dlwdn. 

1 Muh. Salih does not show well in his book ; he is sometimes coarse, gloats over 
' spoil whether in human captives or goods, and, his good-birth not-forbidding, is 

a servile flatterer. Babur's word c ' heartless " is just ; it must have had sharp 
prompting from Salih's rejoicing in the downfall of The Khans, Babur's uncles. 

2 the Longer (H.S. iii, 349). 

3 Maulana Badru'd-din (Full-moon of the Faith) whose pen-name was Hilall, was 
of Astarabad. It may be noted- that two dates of his death are found, 936 and 
939 AH. the first given by de Sa9y, the second by Rieu, and that the second seems to 
be correct (Not. et Extr, p. 285 ; Pers. Cat. p. 656 ; Hammer's Geschichte p. 368). 

4 B.M. Add. 7783. 

5 Opinions differ as to the character of this work : Babur's is uncompromising ; 
von Hammer (p. 3^9) describes it as "em romantisches Gedicht, Welches eine 
sentiment ale Mannerliebe behandelt" ; Sprenger (p. 427), as a mystical masnaisl 
(poem) ; Rieu finds no spiritual symbolism in it and condemns it (Pers. Cat. p. 656 
and, quoting the above passage of Babur, p. 1090) ; Ethe, who has translated it, takes 
it to be mystical and symbolic (I.O. Cat. p. 783)., 

6 Of four writers using the pen-name Ahll (Of-the-people), viz. those of Turan, 
Shlraz, Tarshiz (in Khurasan), and 'Iraq, the one noticed here seems to be he of 
Tarshiz. Ahll of Tarshiz was the son of a locally-known pious father and became 
a Superintendent of the Mint ; Babur's ''ami may refer to Ahll's first patrons, tanners 
and shoe-makers by writing for whom he earned his living (Sprenger, p. 319). 
Erskine read 'ummi, meaning that Ahll could neither read nor write ; de Courteille 
that he was un homme du commun. 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 291 

/. Artists.} 

Of fine pen-men there were many ; the one standing-out in 
lakhsh ta'ltg was SI. 'All of Mashhad 1 who copied many books for 
:he Mirza and for 'All-sher Beg, writing daily 30 couplets for 
;he first, 20 for the second. 

Of the painters, one was Brh-zad. 2 His work was very dainty 
Dut he did not draw beardless faces well ; he used greatly to 
engthen the double chin (ghab-ghafr) ; bearded faces he drew 

Shah Muzaffar was another ; he painted dainty portraits, Fol. 182. 
representing the hair very daintily. 3 Short life was granted 
him ; he left the world when on his upward way to fame. 

Of musicians, as has been said, no-one played the dulcimer 
so well as Khwaja 'Abdu'1-lah Marwdrld. 

Qul-i-muhammad the lutanist i^audi] was another ; he also 
played the guitar (ghichafc) beautifully and added three strings 
to it. For many and good preludes (peshrati) he had not his 
equal amongst composers or performers, but this is only true of 
his preludes. 

Shaikhl the flautist (ndyi} was another ; it is said he played 
also the lute and the guitar, and that he had played the flute 
from his 1 2th or 1 3th year. He once produced a wonderful air 
on the flute, at one of Badl'u'z-zaman Mlrza's assemblies ; Qul-i- 
muhamrnad could not reproduce it on the guitar, so declared 
this a worthless instrument ; Shaikhl Ndyi at once took the 
guitar from Qul-i-muhammad's hands and played the air on it, 
well and in perfect tune. They say he was so expert in music 
that having once heard an air, he was able to say, "This or that 
is the tune of so-and-so's or so-and-so's flute." 4 He composed 
few works ; one or two airs are heard of. 

Shah Qull the guitar-player was another ; he was of 'Iraq, came 
into Khurasan, practised playing, and succeeded. He composed 
many airs, preludes and works (nakhsh> peshrau u aishldr}. 

1 He was an occasional poet (H.S. iii, 350 and iv, 118 ; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 531 ; 
Ethd's I.O. Cat. p. 428). 

2 Ustad Kamalu'd-dln Bih-zad (well-born; H.S. iii, 350). Work of his is 
reproduced in Dr. Martin's Painting and Painters of Persia of 1913 AD. 

3 This sentence is not in the Elph. MS. 

4 Perhaps he could reproduce tunes heard and say where heard. 

292 KABUL 

Husain the lutanist was another ; he composed and played 
with taste ; he would twist the strings of his lute into one and 
play on that. His fault was affectation about playing. He 
made a fuss once when Shaibaq Khan ordered him to play, and 
not only played badly but on a worthless instrument he had 
brought in place of his own. The Khan saw through him at 
once and ordered him to be well beaten on the neck, there and 
then. This was the one good action Shaibaq Khan did in the 
world ; it was well-done truly ! a worse chastisement is the due 
of such affected mannikins ! 

Ghulam-i-shadl (Slave of Festivity), the son of Shad! the 
reciter, was another of the musicians. Though he performed, 
he did it less well than those of the circle just describe'd. There 
are excellent themes (siif) and beautiful airs (nakhsh} of his ; 
no-one in his day composed such airs and themes. In the end 
Shaibaq Khan sent him to the Qazan Khan, Muhammad Amin ; 
no further news has been heard of him. 

Mir Azu was another composer, not a performer; he produced 
few works but those few were in good taste. 

Bana'i was also a musical composer ; there are excellent airs 
and themes of his. 

An unrivalled man was the wrestler Muhammad Bu-sa'id ; 
he was foremost amongst the wrestlers, wrote verse too, com- 
posed themes and airs, one excellent air of his being in chdr-gdh 
(four-time), and he was pleasant company. It is extraordinary 
that such accomplishments as his should be combined with 
wrestling. 1 


(a. Burial of SI. 'Husain Mtrzd^} 

At the time ( SI. Husain Mlrza took his departure from the 
world, there were present of the Mirzas' only Badl'u'z-zaman 
Mlrza and Muzaffar-i-husain Mlrza. The latter had been his 
father's favourite son ; his leading beg was Muhammad Baranduq 
Barlds ; his mother Khadlja Beglm had been the Mlrza's most 

1 M. Belin quotes quatrains exchanged by 'AH-sher and this man (f. Asiatique 
xvii, 199). 

911 AH. JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD. 293 

influential wife ; and to him the Mlrza's people had gathered. Fol. 183. 
For these reasons Badfu'z-zaman Mirza had anxieties and 
thought of not coming, 1 but Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza and Mu- 
hammad Baranduq Beg themselves rode out, dispelled his fears 
and brought him in. 

SI. Husain Mirza was carried into Hen and there buried in 
his own College with royal rites and ceremonies. 

(b. A dual succession!) 

At this crisis Zu'n-nun Beg was also present. He, Muh.. 
Baranduq Beg, the late Mlrza's begs and those of the two (young) 
Mirzas having assembled, decided to make the two Mirzas 
joint-rulers in Hen. Zu'n-nun Beg was to have control in 
Badfu'z-zaman Mlrza's Gate, Muh. Baranduq Beg, in Muzaffar- 
i-husain Mlrza's. Shaikh 'All TaghaT was to be ddrogha in Her! 
for the first, Yusuf-i-'all for the second. Theirs was a strange 
plan ! Partnership in rule is a thing unheard of ; against it 
stand Shaikh Sa'dl's words in the Gulistan : " Ten darwishes 
sleep under a blanket (giUni) ; two kings find no room in 
a clime " (aqlim}. z 

1 i.e. from his own camp to Baba Ilahi. 

a f. 121 has a fuller quotation. On the dual succession, see T.R. p. 196. 

912 AH. MAY 24ra 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 1 

(a. Babur starts to join SI. Husain Mirza?) 

In the month of Muharram we set out by way of Ghur-bund 
Fol. 183^. and Shibr-tu to oppose the Auzbeg. 

As Jahangfr Mlrza had gone out of the country in some sort 
of displeasure, we said, " There might come much mischief and 
trouble if he drew the clans (aimdq) to himself ; " and " What 
trouble might come of it ! " and, " First let's get the clans in 
hand ! " So said, we hurried forward, riding light and leaving 
the baggage (auruq] at Ushtur-shahr in charge of Wall the 
treasurer and Daulat-qadam of the scouts. That day we reached 
Fort Zahaq ; from there we crossed the pass of the Little-dome 
(Gumbazak-kutal), trampled through Salghan, went over the 
Dandan-shikan pass and dismounted in the meadow of Kahmard. 
From Kahmard we sent Sayyid Afzal the Seer-of-dreams 
{Khwab-btri) and SI. Muhammad Diildm to SI. Husain Mlrza 
with a letter giving the particulars of our start from Kabul. 2 

Jahanglr Mlrza must have lagged on the road, for when he 
got opposite Barman and went with 20 or 30 persons to visit it, 
he saw near it the tents of our people left with the baggage. 
Thinking we were there, he and his party hurried back to their 
camp and, without an eye to anything, without regard for their 
own people marching in the rear, made off for Yaka-aulang. 3 

(b. Action of Shaibdq Khan.} 

When Shaibaq Khan had laid siege to Balkh, in which was 
SI. Qul-i-nachaq, 4 he sent two or three sultans with 3 or 4000 
men to overrun Badakhshan. At the time Mubarak Shah and 

1 Elph. MS. f. 144 ; W. -i-B. I.O. 215 f. 148,5 and 217 f. 1255 ; Mentis, p. 199. 

2 News of Husain's death in 911 AH. (f. 1635) did not reach Babur till 912 AH. 
(f. 184*). 

3 Lone-meadow (f. 195^)- Jahanglr will have come over the 'Iraq-pass, Babur's 
baggage-convoy, by Shibr-tu. Cf. T.R. p. 199 for Babur and Jahanglr at this time. 

4 Servant-of-the-mace ; but perhaps, Qilinj-chaq, swords-man. 


912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 295 

Zubair had again joined Nasir Mlrza, spite of former resentments 
and bickerings, and they all were lying at Shakdan, below Kishm FoL. 184. 
and east of the Kishm-water. Moving through the night, one 
body of Auzbegs crossed that water at the top of the morning 
and advanced on the Mlrza ; he at once drew off to rising-ground, 
mustered his force, sounded trumpets, met and overcame them. 
Behind the Auzbegs was the Kishm-water in flood, many were 
drowned in it, a mass of them died by arrow and sword, more 
were made prisoner. Another body of Auzbegs, sent against 
Mubarak Shah and, Zubair where they lay, higher up the water 
and nearer Kishm, made them retire to the rising-ground. Of this 
the Mlrza heard ; when he had beaten off his own assailants, he 
moved against theirs. So did the Kohistan begs, gathered with 
horse and/oot, still higher up the river. Unable to make stand 
against this attack, the Auzbegs fled, but of this body also a mass 
died by sword, arrow, and water. In all some 1000 to 1500 may 
have died. This was Nasir Mlrza's one good success ; a man of 
his brought us news about it while we were in the dale of Kahmard. 

(c. Bdbur moves on into Khurasan?) 

While we were in Kahmard, our army fetched corn from 
Ghurt and Dahana. There too we had letters from Sayyid Fol. 1845. 
Afzal and SI. Muhammad Dulddt whom we had sent into 
Khurasan ; their news was of SI. Husain Mirza's death. 

This news notwithstanding, we set forward for Khurasan ; 
though there were other grounds for doing this, what decided 
us was anxious thought for the reputation of this (Tlmurid) 
dynasty. 'We went up the trough (aichi) of the Ajar- valley, on 
over Tup and Mandaghan, crossed the Balkh-water and came 
out on Saf-hill. Hearing there that Auzbegs were overrunning 
San and Char-yak, 1 we sent a force under Qasim Beg against 
them ; he got up with them, beat them well, cut many heads 
off, and returned. 

We lay a few days in the meadow of Saf-hill, waiting for 
news of Jahanglr Mlrza and the clans (aimaq) to whom persons 

1 One of four, a fourth. Char-yak may be a component of the name of the well- 
known place, n. of Kabul, " Charikar " ; but also the Char in it may be Hindustani i 
and refer to the permits-to-pass after tolls paid, given to caravans halted there for 
taxation. Raverty writes it Chariakar. 

296 KABUL 

had been sent. We hunted once, those hills being very full of 
wild sheep and goats (kiyik}. All the clans came in and waited 
on me within a few days ; it was to me they came ; they had 
not gone to Jahanglr Mlrza though he had sent men often 
enough to them, once sending even 'Imadu'd-din Mas'ud. He 
himself was forced to come at last ; he saw me at the foot of 
the valley when I came down off Saf-hill. Being anxious about 
Khurasan, we neither paid him attention nor took thought for 
the clans, but went right on through Gurzwan, Almar, Qaisar, 
Chichlk-tu, and Fakhru'd-dm's-death (auliun) into the Bam- 
Fol 185. valley, one of the dependencies of Badghis. 

The world being full of divisions, 1 things were being taken 
from country and people with the long arm ; we ourselves began 
to take something, by laying an impost on the Turks and clans 
of those parts, in two or three months taking perhaps 300 tumdns 
of kipkt? 

(d. Coalition of the Khurasan Mirzds^} 

A few days before our arrival (in Barn-valley ?) some of the 
Khurasan light troops and of Zu'n-nun Beg's men had well 
beaten Auzbeg raiders in Pand-dih (Panj-dih?) and Maruchaq, 
killing a mass of men.3 

Badl'u'z - zaman Mlrza and Muzaffar-i-husain Mlrza with 
Muhammad Baranduq Barlds, Zu'n-nun Arghun and his son 
Shah Beg resolved to move on Shaibaq Khan, then besieging 
SI. Qul-i-nachaq (?) in Balkh. Accordingly they summoned all 
SI. Husain Mlrza's sons, and got out of Her! to effect their 
purpose. At Chihil-dukhtaran Abu'l-muhsin M. joined them 
from Marv ; Ibn-i-husain M. followed, coming up from Tun and 
Qaln. Kupuk (Kipik) M. was in Mashhad ; often though they 
sent to him, he behaved unmanly, spoke senseless words, and did 
not come. Between him and Muzaffar Mlrza, there was jealousy ; 
when Muzaffar M. was made (joint-)ruler, he said, " How should 
/ go to his presence ? " Through this disgusting jealousy he did 

1 Amongst the disruptions of the time was that of the Khanate of Qibchaq (Erskine). 

- The nearest approach to kipkl we have found in Dictionaries is kziflaki, which 
comes close to the Russian copeck. Erskine notes that the casbekt is an oval copper 
coin (Tavernier, p. 121) ; and that a tuman is a myriad (10,000). Cf. Manucci 
(Irvine), i, 78 and iv, 417 note ; Chardin iv, 278. 

? Muharram 912 All. -June 1506 AD. (H.S, iii, 353). > 

912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 297 

not come now, even at this crisis when all his brethren, older and 
younger, were assembling in concord, resolute against such a foe Fol. 185$. 
as Shaibaq Khan. Kupuk M. laid his own absence to rivalry, 
but everybody else laid it to his cowardice. One word ! In this 
world acts such as his outlive the man ; if a man have any share 
of intelligence, why try to be ill-spoken of after death ? if he 
be ambitious, why not try so to act that, he gone, men will praise 
him ? In the honourable mention of their names, wise men find 
a second life ! 

Envoys from the Mirzas came to me also, Muh. Baranduq 
Barlds himself following them. As for me, what was to hinder 
my going ? It was for that very purpose I had travelled one or 
two hundred yighdch (500-600 miles)! I at once started with 
Muh. Baranduq Beg for Murgh-ab x where the Mirzas were lying. 

(e. Babur meets the Mirzds?) 

The meeting with the Mirzas was on Monday the 8th of the 
latter Jumada (Oct. 26th 1 506 AH.). Abu'l-muhsin Mirza came 
out a mile to meet me ; we approached one another ; on my side, 
I dismounted, on his side, he ; we advanced, saw one another 
and remounted. Near the camp Muzaffar Mirza and Ibn-i-husain 
Mirza met us ; they, being younger than Abu'l-muhsin Mirza 
ought to have come out further than he to meet me. 2 Their 
dilatoriness may not have been due to pride, but to heaviness Fol. 186. 
after wine ; their negligence may have been no slight on me, 
but due to their own social pleasures. On this. Muzaffar Mirza 
laid stress ; 3 we two saw one another without dismounting, so 
did Ibn-i-husain Mirza and I. We rode on together and, in an 
amazing crowd and press, dismounted at Badl'u'z-zaman Mlrza's 
Gate. Such was the throng that some were lifted off the ground 
for three or four steps together, while others, wishing for some 
reason to get out, were carried, willy-nilly, four or five steps the 
other way. 

1 I take Murgh-ab here to be the fortified place at the crossing of the river by the 
main n. e. road ; Babur when in Dara-i-bam was on a tributary of the Murgh-ab. 
Khwand-amlr records that the information of his approach was hailed in the Mirzas' 
camp as good news (H.S. iii, 354). 

2 Babur gives the Mirzas precedence by age, ignoring Muzaffar's position as 

3 mubalgha qildi ; perhaps he laid stress on their excuse ; perhaps did more than 
was ceremonially incumbent on him. 

298 KABUL 

We reached Badfu'z-zaman Mlrza's Audience-tent. It had 
been agreed that I, on entering, should bend the knee {yukunghdi) 
once, that the Mirza should rise and advance to the edge of the 
estrade, 1 and that we should see one another there. I went in, 
bent the knee once, and was going right forward ; the Mirza 
rose rather languidly and advanced rather slowly ; Qasim. Beg, 
as he was my well-wisher and held my reputation as his own, 
gave my girdle a tug ; I understood, moved more slowly, and 
so the meeting was on the appointed spot. 

Four divans (tushufs) had been placed in the tent. Always 
in the Mlrza's tents one side was like a gate-way 2 and at the 
edge of this gate-way he always sat. A divan was set there now 
Fol. 1 86/5. on which he and Muzaffar Mirza sat together. Abu'l-muhsin, 
Mirza and ' I sat on another, set in the right-hand place of 
honour (tur). On another, to Badfu'z-zaman Mlrza's left, sat 
Ibn-i-husain Mirza with Qasim SI. Ausbeg, a son-in-law of the 
late Mirza and father of Qasim-i-husain Sultan. To my right 
and below my divan was one on which sat Jahanglr Mirza and 
'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza. To. the left of Qasim SI. and Ibn-i-husain 
Mirza, but a good deal' lower, were Muh. Baranduq Beg, Zu'n- 
nun Beg and Qasim Beg, 

Although, this was not a social gathering, cooked viands were 
brought in, drinkables 3 were set with the food, and near them 
gold and silver cups. Our forefathers through a long space of 
time, had respected the Chlngiz-tura (ordinance), doing nothing 
opposed to it, whether in assembly or Court, in sittings-down 

1 'zVy, to which estrade answers in its sense of a carpet on which stands a' raised seat. 

2 Perhaps it was a recess, resembling a gate- way (W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 151 and 217 
f. 127/5). The impression conveyed by Babur's words here to the artist who in B.M. 
Or. 3714, has depicted the scene, is that there was a vestibule opening into the tent by 
a door and that the Mirza sat near that door. It must be said however that the 
illustration does not closely follow the text, in some known details. 

3 shira, fruit-syrups, sherbets. Babur's word for wine is chaghir (q,v. index) and 
this reception being public, wine could hardly have been offered in Sunn! HerL 
Babur's strictures can apply to the vessels of precious metal he mentions, these being 
forbidden _to Musalmans ; from his reference to the Tura it would appear to repeat 
the same injunctions. Babur broke up such vessels before the battle of Kanwaha 
(f. 3 1 5)- Shah-i-jahan did the same ; when sent by his father Jahanglr to reconquer 
the Deccan (1030 AH.-i62i AD.) he asked permission to follow the example of his 
ancestor Babur, renounced wine, poured his stock into the Chambal, broke up his 
cups and gave the fragments to the poor (' Amal-i-salify, ; Hughes' Diet, of Islam 

, - quoting >h- T T ^=- -.' - i Mi$hkat, s. nn. Drinkables, Drinking- vessels, and Gold ; 
Lane's V ' ,: '. , .-.-p. 125 n.). 

912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 299 

or risings-up. Though it has not Divine authority so that 
a man obeys it of necessity, still good rules of conduct must be 
obeyed by whom-soever they are left ; just in the same way 
that, if a forefather have done ill, his ill must be changed 
for good. 

After the meal I rode from the Mirza's camp some 2 miles to Fol. 187. 
our own dismounting-place. 

(/. Bdbur claims due respect?} 

At my second visit Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza shewed me less 
respect than at my first. I therefore had it said to Muh. 
Baranduq Beg and to Zu'n-nun Beg that, small though my age 
was (aet. 24), my place of honour was large ; that I had seated 
myself twice on the throne of our forefathers in Samarkand by 
blow straight-dealt ; and that to be laggard in shewing me 
respect was unreasonable, since it was for this (Timurid) dynasty's 
sake I had thus fought and striven with that alien foe. This 
said, and as it was reasonable, they admitted their mistake at 
once and shewed the respect claimed. 

(g. Babuls temperance,} 

There was a wine-party (chdghir-majlisi) once when I went 
after the Mid-day Prayer to Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's presence. 
At that time I drank no wine. The party was altogether 
elegant ; every sort of relish to wine {gazak) was set out on the 
napery, with brochettes of fowl and goose, and all sorts of 
viands. The Mirza's entertainments were much renowned ; 
truly was this one free from the pang of thirst (bighalt), reposeful 
and tranquil. I was at two or three of his wine-parties while 
we were on the bank of the Murgh-ab ; once it was known I did 
not drink, no pressure to do so was put on me. 

I went to one wine-party of MuzafFar Mirza's. Husain of 
'All Jaldir and Mir Badr were both there, they being in his 
.service. When Mir Badr had had enough (kaifiyaf), he danced, Fol. 1875. 
and danced well what seemed to be his own invention, 

(/&. Comments on the Mirsds.} 

Three months it took the Mlrzas to get out of Hen, 
.agree amongst themselves, collect troops, and 

3oo KABUL 

Meantime SI. Qul-i-nachaq (?), reduced to extremity, had 
surrendered Balkh to the Auzbeg but that Auzbeg, hearing of 
our alliance against him, had hurried back to Samarkand. The 
Mirzas were good enough as company and in Social matters, 
in conversation and parties, but they were strangers to war, 
strategy, equipment, bold fight and encounter. 

(z. Winter plans?) 

While we were on the Murgh-ab, news came that Haq-nazlr 
Chapd (var. Hian) was over-running the neighbourhood of 
Chlchlk-tu with 4 or 5 men.- All the Mirzas there present, 
do what they would, could not manage to send a light troop 
against those raiders! It is 10 ylghdch (50-55 m.) from 
Murgh-ab to Chlchlk-tu. I asked the work ; they, with a thought 
for their own reputation, would not give it to me. 

The year being almost at an end when Shaibaq Khan retired, 
the Mirzas decided to winter where it was convenient and to 
reassemble next summer in order to repel their foe. 

They pressed me to winter in Khurasan, but this not one of 
my well-wishers saw it good for me to do because, while Kabul 
and Ghaznl were full of a turbulent and ill-conducted medley of 
Foi. 188. people and hordes, Turks, Mughuls, clans and nomads (aimdq u 
ahskain), Afghans and Hazara, the roads between us and that 
not yet desirably subjected country of Kabul were, one, the 
mountain-road, a month's journey even without delay through 
snow or other cause, the other, the low-country road, a journey 
of 40 or 50 days. 

Consequently we excused ourselves to the Mirzas, but they 
would accept no excuse and, for all our pleas, only urged 
the more. In the end Badi'u'z-zaman Mlrza, Abu'l-muhsin 
Mirza and Muzaffar Mirza themselves rode to my tent and 
urged me to stay the winter. It was impossible to refuse men 
of such ruling position, come in person to press us to stay on. 
Besides this, the whole habitable world has not such a town as 
Her! had become under SI. Husain Mlrza, whose orders and 
efforts had increased its splendour and beauty as ten to one, 
rather, as twenty to one. As I greatly wished to stay, I con- 
sented to do so. 

912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 301 

Abu'l-muhsin M. went to Marv, his own district ; Ibn-i-husain 
M. went to his, Tun and Qaln ; Badl'u'z-zaman M. and 
Muzaffar M. set off for Hen ; I followed them a few days later, 
taking the road by Chihil-dukhtaran and Tash-rabat 1 

(/. Babur visits the Beglms in Heri.} 

All the Beglms, i.e. my paternal-aunt Payanda-sultan Beglm, 
Khadlja Beglm, Apaq Begim, and my other paternal-aunt Beglms, 
daughters of SI. Abu-sa'Id Mlrza, 2 were gathered together, at the 
time I went to see them, in SI. Husain Mlrza's College at his Fol. 1883. 
Mausoleum. Having bent the knee with (yukiinub btla] Payanda- 
sultan Beglm first of all, I had an interview with her ; next, not 
bending the knee,3 I had an interview with Apaq Beglm ; next, 
having bent the knee with Khadlja Beglm, I had an interview 
with her. After sitting there for some time during recitation of 
the Qoran, 4 we went to the South College where Khadlja Beglm's 
tents had been set up and where food was placed before us. 
After partaking of this, we went to Payanda-sultan Beglm's 
tents and there spent the night. 

The New-year's Garden was given us first for a camping- 
ground ; there our camp was arranged ; and there I spent the 
night of the day following my visit to the Beglms, but as I did 
not find it a convenient place, 'All-sher Beg's residence was 

1 This may be the Rabat-i-sanghl of some maps, on a near road between the 
' ' Forty-daughters " and Harat ; or Babur may have gone out of his direct way to 
visit Rabat-i-sang-bast, a renowned halting place at the Carfax of the Heri-Tus and 
Nishapur-Mashhad roads, built by one Arslan Jazala who lies buried near, and rebuilt 
with great magnificence by 'All-sher Naive? i (Daulat-shah, Browne, p. 176). 

2 The wording here is confusing to those lacking family details. The paternal -aunt 
begTms can be Payanda-sultan (named), Khadija-sultan, Apaq-sultiin, and Fakhr-jahan 
Beglms, all daughters of Abu-sa'id. The Apaq Begun named above (also on f. i68<5 
q.-v. ) does not now seem to me to be Abu-sa'id's daughter (Gul-badan, trs. Bio. App. ). 

3 yukunmai. Unless all copies I have seen reproduce a primary clerical mistake 
of Babur's, the change of salutation indicated by there being no kneeling with Apaq 
Begim, points to a nuance of etiquette. Of the verb yukunnuik it may be noted that 
it both describes the ceremonious attitude of intercourse, i.e. kneeling and sitting back 
on both heels (Shaw), and also the kneeling on meeting. From Babur's phrase 
Begim blla yiikunub [having kneeled with], it appears that each of those meeting 
made the genuflection ; I have not found the phrase used of other meetings ; it is not 
the one used when a junior or a man of less degree meets a senior or superior in rank 
(e.g. Khusrau and Babur f. 123, or Babur and Badl'u'z-zaman f. 186). 

4 Musalmans employ a set of readers who succeed one another in reading (reciting) 
the Qoran at the tombs of their men of eminence. This reading is sometimes continued 
day and night. The readers are paid by the rent of lands or other funds assigned for 
the purpose (Erskine). 

302 KABUL 

assigned to me, where I was as long as I stayed in Her!, every 
few days shewing myself in Badl'u'z-zaman Mlrza's presence in 
the World-adorning Garden. 

(k. The Mirzds entertain Bdbur in HerL} 

A few days after Muzaffar Mlrza had settled down in the 
White-garden, he invited me to his quarters ; Khadlja Beglm 
was also there, and with me went Jahanglr Mirza. When we 
had eaten a meal in the Beglm's presence, 1 Muzaffar Mlrza took 
me to where there was a wine-party, in the Tarab-khana (Joy- 
house) built by Babur Mlrza, a sweet little abode, a smallish, 
two-storeyed house in the middle of a smallish garden. Great 
pains have been taken with its upper storey ; this has a retreat 
(hujra) in each of its four corners, the space between each two 
retreats being like a shah-mshln 2 ; in between these retreats and 
Fol. 189. shah-nishlns is one large room on all sides of which are pictures 
which, although Babur Mlrza built the house, were commanded 
by Abu-sa'id Mlrza and depict his own wars and encounters. 

Two divans had been set in the north shdh-mshm, facing each 
other, and with their sides turned to the north. On one Muzaffar 
Mlrza and I sat, on the other SI. Mas'ud Mlrza 3 and Jahanglr 
Mlrza. We being guests, Muzaffar Mlrza gave me place above 
himself. The social cups were filled, the cup-bearers ordered to 
carry them to the guests ; the guests drank down the mere wine 
as if it were water-of-life ; when it mounted to their heads, the 
party waxed warm. 

They thought to make me also drink and to draw me into 
their own circle. Though up till then I had not committed the 
sin of wine-drinking 4 and known the cheering sensation of 
comfortable drunkenness, I was inclined to drink wine and my 
heart was drawn to cross that stream (wdda). I had had no 
inclination for wine in my childhood ; I knew nothing of its 
cheer and pleasure. If, as sometimes, my father pressed wine 

1 A suspicion that Khadlja put poison in Jahanglr's wine may refer to this occasion 
(T.R. p. 199). 

2 These are jharokha-i-darsan, windows or balconies from which a ruler shews 
himself to the people. 

3 Mas'ud was then blind. 

4 Babur first drank wine not earlier than 917 AH. (f. 49 and note), therefore when 
nearing 30. 

912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 303 

on me, I excused myself; I did not commit the sin. After he Fol. 1893. 
died, Khwaja Qazl's right guidance kept me guiltless ; as at that 
time I abstained from forbidden viands, what room was there 
for the sin of wine? Later on when, with the young man's 
lusts and at the prompting of sensual passion, desire for wine 
arose, there was no-one to press it on me, no-one indeed aware 
of my leaning towards it ; so that, inclined for it though my 
heart was, it was difficult of myself to do such a thing, one 
thitherto undone. It crossed my mind now, when the Mlrzas 
were so pressing and when too we were in a town so refined as 
Hen, " Where should I drink if not here ? here where all the 
chattels and utensils of luxury and comfort are gathered 
and in use." So saying to myself, I resolved to drink wine ; 
I determined to cross that stream ; but it occurred to me that as 
I had not taken wine in Badfu'z-zaman Mirza's house or from 
his hand, who was to me as an elder brother, things might find 
way into his mind if I took wine in his younger brother's house 
and from his hand. Having so said to myself, I mentioned my 
doubt and difficulty. Said they, " Both the excuse and the 
obstacle are reasonable," pressed me no more to drink then but 
settled that when I was in company with both Mlrzas, I should 
drink under the insistance of both. 

Amongst the musicians present at this party were Hafiz Hajl, Fol. 190. 
Jalalu'd-.dln Mahmud the flautist, and Ghulam shades younger 
brother, Ghulam bacha the Jews'-harpist. Hafiz Hajl sang well, 
as Her! people sing, quietly, delicately, and in tune. With 
Jahanglr Mlrza was a Samarkand! singer Mir Jan whose 
singing was always loud, harsh and out-of-tune. The Mlrza, 
having had enough, ordered him to sing ; he did so, loudly, 
harshly and without taste. Khurasams have quite refined 
manners ; if, under this singing, one did stop his ears, the face 
of another put question, not one could stop the singer, out of 
consideration for the Mirza. 

After the Evening Prayer we left the Tarab-khana for a new 
house in Muzaffar Mirza's winter-quarters. There Yusuf-i-'ali 
danced in the drunken time, and being, as he was, a master in music, 
danced well. The party waxed very warm there. Muzaffar Mlrza 
gave me a sword-belt, a lambskin surtout, and a grey ttpuchdq 

304 KABUL 

(horse). Janak recited in Turk!. Two slaves of the Mirza's, 
known as Big-moon and Little-moon, did offensive, drunken 
tricks in the drunken time. The party was warm till night when 
those assembled scattered, I, however, staying the night in that 

Qasim Beg getting to hear that I had been pressed to drink 
wine, sent some-one to Zu'n-nun Beg with advice for him and 
for Muzaffar Mlrza, given in very plain words ; the result was 
Fol. 190*. that the Mfrzas entirely ceased to press wine upon me. 

Badl'u'z-zaman Mlrza,hearmgthat Muzaffar M.had entertained 
me, asked me to a party arranged in the Maqauwl-khana of the 
World-adorning Garden. He asked also some of my close 
circle x and some of our braves. Those about me could never 
drink (openly) on my own account ; if they ever did drink, 
they did it perhaps once in 40 days, with doorstrap fast and 
under a hundred fears. Such as these were now invited ; here 
too they drank with a hundred precautions, sometimes calling 
off my attention, sometimes making a screen of their hands, 
notwithstanding that I had given them permission to follow 
common custom, because this party was given by one standing 
to me as a father or elder brother. People brought in weeping- 
willows . . . 2 

At this party they set a roast goose before me but as I was 
no carver or disjointer of birds, I left it alone. " Do you not 
like it ? " inquired the Mlrza. Said I, " I am a poor carver." 
On this he at once disjointed the bird and set it again before 
Fol. 191. me. In such matters he had no match. At the end of the 
party he gave me an enamelled waist-dagger, a char-qab? and 
a tipuchdq. 

(/. Bdbur sees the sights of HerL} 


Every day of the time I was in Hen I rode out to see a new 
sight; my guide in these excursions was Yusuf-i-'all Kukuldash; 
wherever we dismounted, he set food before me. Except SI. 

1 aichkilar, French, intfriezir, 

a The obscure passage following here is discussed in Appendix I, On 
willows off.i god. 

3 Here this may well be a gold- embroidered garment. 

912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 305 

Husain Mirza's Almshouse, not one famous spot, maybe, was 
left unseen in those 40 days. 

I saw the Gazur-gah, 1 'All-sher's Baghcha (Little-garden), 
the Paper-mortars, 2 Takht-astaria (Royal-residence), Pul-i-gah, 
Kahad-stan,3 Nazar-gah-garden, Ni'matabad (Pleasure-place), 
Gazur-gah Avenue, SI. Ahmad Mirza's Hazirat,4 Takht-i-safar,s 
Takht-i-nawa'I, Takht-i-barkar, Takht-i-HajI Beg, Takht-i-Baha'- 
u'd-dm 'Umar, Takht-i-Shaikh Zainu'd-dln, Maulana 'Abdu'r- 
rahman famf's honoured shrine and tomb, 6 Namaz-gah-i- 
mukhtar, 7 the Fish-pond, 8 Saq-i-sulaiman, 9 Bulurl (Crystal) 
which originally may have been Abu'l-walld, 10 Imarn Fakhr," 
Avenue-garden, Mirza's Colleges and tomb, Guhar-shad Beglm's 
College, tomb, 12 and Congregational Mosque, the Ravens'-garden, 

1 This, the tomb of Khwaja 'Abdu'1-lah Atisarf (d. 481 AH.) stands some 2m. 
north of Heri. Babur mentions one of its numerous attendants of his day, Kamalu'd- 
din Husain Gazur-gahi. Mohan Lall describes it as he saw it in 1831 ; says the 
original name of the locality was Kar-zar-gah, place-of-battle ; and, as perhaps his 
most interesting detail, mentions that Jalalu'd-dln Rumfs Masnawi was recited every 
morning near the tomb and that people fainted during the invocation ( Travels in the 
Panj-ab etc. p. 252). Colonel Yate has described the tomb as he saw it some 50 years 
later (JASB 1887) ; and explains the name Gazur-gah (lit. bleaching-place) by the 
following words of an inscription there found ; "His tomb (Ansari's) is a washing- 
place (gazur-gaK) wherein the cloud of the Divine forgiveness washes white the black 
records of men" (p. 88 and p. 102). 

2 jitaz-i-kaghazlar (f. 47<5 and note). 

3 The Habibis-siyarvx\d. Hai. MS. write this name with medial " round ha " ; this 
allows it to be Kahad-stan, a running-place, race-course. Khwand-amir and Daulat- 
shah call it a meadow (aiilang} ; the latter speaks of a feast as held there ; it was 
Shaibanl's head -quarters when he took Harat. 

4 var. Khatira ; either an eqclosure (quritq ?) or a fine and lofty building. 

s This may have been a usual halting-place on a journey (safar) north. It was 
built by Husain Bai-qara, overlooked hills and fields covered with arghwan (f. 137(5) 
and seems once to have been a_Paradise (Mohan Lall, p. 256). 

6 Jaml's tomb was in the 'Id-gah of Heri (H.S. ii, 337), which appears to be the 
Musalla (Praying-place) demolished by Amir 'Abdu'r-rahman in the rgth century. 
Col. Yate was shewn a tomb in the Musalla said to be Jaml's and agreeing in the 
a e > 8r, given on it, with Jaml's at death, but he found a crux in the inscription 
(pp. 99, 106). 

7 This may be the Musalla (Yate, p. 98). 

8 This place is located by the H.S. at $farsakh from Her! (de Meynard at 25 kilo- 
mtires). It appears to be rather an abyss or fissure than a pond, a crack from the 
.sides of which water trickles into a small bason in which dwells a mysterious fish, the 
beholding of which allows the attainment of desires. The story recalls Wordsworth's 
undying fish of Bow-scale Tarn. (Cf. H.S. Bomb. ed. ii, Khatmat p. 20 and de 
Meynard, Journal Asiatique xvi, 480 and note. ) 

9 This is on maps to the north of Heri. 

10 d. 232 AH. (847 AD. ). See Yate, p. 93. 

" Imam Fakhru'd-dln Razl (de Meynard, Journal Asiatique xvi, 481). 
" d. 86 1 AH. -145 7 AD. Guhar-shad was the wife of Timiir's son Shahrukh. See 
Mohan Lall, p. 257 and Yate, p. 98. 

306 KABUL 

New-garden, Zubaida-garden, 1 SI. Abu-sa'ld Mlrza's White-house 
Fol. 191^. outside the 'Iraq-gate, Puran, 2 the Archer's-seat, Chargh (hawk)- 
meadow, Amir Wahid,3 Malan -bridge, 4 Khwaja-taq,S White- 
garden, Tarab-khana, Bagh-i-jahan-ara, Kushk, 6 MaqauwT-khana, 
Lily-house, Twelve-towers, the great tank to the north of Jahan- 
ara and the four dwellings on its four sides, the five Fort-gates, 
viz. the Malik, 'Iraq, Flruzabad, Khush 7 and Qlbchaq Gates, Char- 
su, Shaikhu'l-islam's College, Maliks' Congregational Mosque, 
Town-garden, Badl'u'z-zaman Mlrza's College on the bank of 
the Anjil-canal, AlI-sher Beg's dwellings where we resided and 
which people call Unsiya (Ease), his tomb and mosque which 
they call Qudsiya (Holy), his College and Almshouse which 
they call Khalasiya and Akhlaslya (Freedom and Sincerity), 
his Hot-bath and Hospital which they call Safa'iya and 
Shafa'iya. All these I visited in that space of time. 

(m. Bdbur engages Ma'suma-sultan in marriage?} 

It must have been before those throneless times 8 that Hablba- 
sultan Beglm, the mother of SI. Ahmad Mlrza's youngest 
daughter Ma'suma-sultan Begfm, brought her daughter into Hen. 
One day when I was visiting my Aka, Ma'suma-sultan Beglm 
came there with her mother and at once felt arise in her a great 
inclination towards me. Private messengers having been sent, 
my Aka and my Ymka, as I used to call Payanda-sultan Beglm 
Fol. 192. and Hablba-sultan Beglm, settled between them that the latter 
should bring her daughter after me to Kabul.9 

1 This Marigold-garden may be named after Harunu'r-rashid's wife Zubaida. 

2 This will be the place n. of Heri froM which Maulana Jalalu'd-din Puram 
(d. 862 AH. ) took his cognomen, as also Shaikh Jamalu'd-dm Abu-sa'id Puran (f. 206) 
who was visited there by SI. Husain Mirza, ill-treated by Shaibam (f. 206), left Her! 
for Qandahar, and there died, through the fall of a roof, in 921 AH. (H.S. iii, 345 ; . 
Khazlnat^f l-asfiya ii, 321). 

3 His tomb is dated 35 or 37 AH. (656 or 658 AD. ; Yate, p. 94). 

4 Malan was a name of the Heri-rud (Journal Asiatique xvi, 476, 511$ Mohan 
Lall, p. 279; Ferrier, p. 261; etc,}. 

s Yate, p. 94. 

6 The position of this building between the Khush and Qlbchaq Gates (de Meynard, 
I.e. p. 475) is the probable explanation of the variant, noted just below, of Kushk 
for Khush as the name of the Gate. The Tarikh-i-rashidi (p. 429), mentions this 
kiosk in its list of the noted ones of the world. 

i var. Kushk (de Meynard, Lc. p. 472). 

8 The reference here is, presumably, to Babur's own losses of Samarkand and Andijan. 

9 Aka or Aga is used of elder relations ; z.yinkn or ylnga is the wife of an uncle 
or elder brother ; here it represents the widow of Babur's uncle Ahmad Miran-shahi. 
From it is formed the word yinkaltk, levirate. 

912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 307 

(. Bdbur leaves Khurasan?) 

Very pressingly had Muh. Baranduq Beg and Zu'n-nun Arghun 
said, " Winter here ! " but they had given me no winter-quarters 
nor had they made any winter-arrangements for me. Winter 
came on ; snow fell on the mountains between us and Kabul ; 
anxiety grew about Kabul ; no winter-quarters were offered, no 
arrangements made ! As we could not speak out, of necessity 
we left Her! ! 

On the pretext of finding winter-quarters, we got out of the 
town on the 7th day of the month of Sha'ban (Dec. 24th 1 506 AD.), 
and went to near Badghis. Such were our slowness and our 
tarryings that the Ramzan-rnoon was seen a few marches only 
beyond the Langar of Mir Ghiyag. 1 Of our braves who were 
absent on various affairs, some joined us, some followed us into 
Kabul 20 days or a month later, some stayed in Her! and took 
service with the Mlrzas. One of these last was Sayyidlm 'All 
the gate-ward, who became Badl'u'z-zaman Mlrza's retainer. To 
no servant of Khusrau Shah had I shewn so much favour as to 
him ; he had been given Ghazm when Jahanglr Mirza abandoned 
it, and in it when he came away with the army, had left his 
younger brother Dost-i-anju (?) Shaikh. There were in truth Foi. 
no better men amongst Khusrau Shah's retainers than this man 
Sayyidlm 'All the gate-ward and Muhibb-i-'all the armourer. 
Sayyidim was of excellent nature and manners, a bold swordsman, 
a singularly competent and methodical man. His house was 
never without company and assembly ; he was greatly generous, 
had wit and charm, a variety of talk and story, and was a sweet- 
.natured, good-humoured, ingenious, fun-loving person. His 
fault was that he practised vice and pederasty. He may have 
swerved from the Faith ; may also have been a hypocrite in his 
dealings ; some of what seemed double-dealing people attributed 
to his jokes, but, still, there must have been a something ! 2 
When Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza had let Shaibaq Khari take Hen 
and had gone to Shah Beg (Arghun), he had Sayyidlm 'All 
thrown into the Harmand because of his double-dealing words 

1 The almshouse or convent was founded here in Timur's reign (de Meynard, 
I.e. p. 500). 

2 i.e. No smoke without fire. 

3o8 KABUL 

spoken between the Mlrza and Shah Beg. Muhibb-i-'all's story 
will come into the narrative of events hereafter to be written. 

(p. A perilous mountain-journey.} 

From the Langar of Mir Ghiyas we had ourselves guided past 
the border- villages of Gharjistan to Chach-charan. 1 From the 
almshouse to Gharjistan was an unbroken sheet of snow ; it was 
deeper further on ; near Chach-charan itself it was above the 
horses' knees. Chach-charan depended on Zu'n-nun Arghiln ; 
his retainer Mir Jan-alrdI was in it now ; from him we took, on 
payment, the whole of Zu'n-nun Beg's store of provisions. 
A march or two further on, the snow was very deep, being above 
Fol. 193. the stirrup, indeed in many places the horses' feet did not touch 
the ground. 

We had consulted at the Langar of Mir Ghiyas which road to 
take for return to Kabul ; most of us agreed in saying, " It is 
winter, the mountain-road is difficult and dangerous ; the 
Qandahar road, though a little longer, is safe and easy." Qasim 
Beg said, " That road is long ; you will go by this one." As he 
made much dispute, we took the mountain-road. 

Our guide was a Pashal named Fir Sultan (Old sultan?). 
Whether it was through old age, whether from want of heart, 
whether because of the deep snow, he lost the road and could 
not guide us. As we were on this route under the insistance of 
Qasim Beg, he and his sons, for his name's sake, dismounted, 
trampled the snow down, found the road again and took the 
lead. One day the snow was so deep and the way so uncertain 
that we could not go on ; there being no help for it, back we 
turned, dismounted where there was fuel, picked out 60 or 70 
good men and sent them down the valley in our tracks to fetch 
any one soever of the Hazara, wintering in the valley-bottom, 
who might shew us the road. That place could not be left till 
our men returned three or four days later. They brought no 
Fol. 193*5. guide ; once more we sent Sultan Pashat ahead and, putting our 

1 This name may be due to the splashing of water. A Langar which may be that 
of Mir Ghiyas, is shewn in maps in the Bam valley ; from it into the Heri-rud valley 
Babur's route may well have been the track from that Langar which, passing the 
villages on the southern border of Gharjistan, goes to Ahangaran. 

912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 309 

:rust in God, again took the road by which we had come back 
rom where it was lost. Much misery and hardship were 
;ndured in those few days, more than at any time of my life, 
in that stress I composed the following opening couplet : 

Is there one cruel turn of Fortune's wheel unseen of me ? 
Is there a pang, a grief my wounded heart has missed ? 

We went on for nearly a week, trampling down the snow and 
lot getting forward more than two or three miles a day. I was 
>ne of the snow-stampers, with 10 or 15 of my household, Qasim 
Beg, his sons Tmgri-birdl and Qambar-i-'all and two or three of 
lieir retainers. These mentioned used to go forward 'for 7 or 8 
/ards, stamping the snow down and at each step sinking to the 
vaist or the breast. After a few steps the leading man would 
itand still, exhausted by the labour, and another would go 
brward. By the time 10, 15, 20, men on foot had stamped the 
mow down, it became so that a horse might be led over it. 
\ horse would be led, would sink to the stirrups, could do no 
nore than 10 or 12 steps, and would be drawn aside to let another 
ro on. After we, 10, 15, 20, men had stamped down the snow 
md had led horses forward in this fashion, very serviceable Fol. 194. 
)raves and men of renowned name would enter the beaten track, 
langing their heads. It was not a time to urge or compel ! the 
nan with will and hardihood for such tasks does them by his 
>wn request! Stamping the snow down in this way, we got 
)ut of that afflicting place (a njukdn yir) in three or four days to 
i cave known as the Khawal-i-quti (Blessed-cave), below the 

That night the snow fell in such an amazing blizzard of cutting 
vind that every man feared for his life. The storm had become 
sxtremely violent by the time we reached the khawdl, as people 
n those parts call a mountain-cave (ghar) or hollow (khdwdk}. 
kVe dismounted at its mouth. Deep snow ! a one-man road ! 
md even on that stamped-down and trampled road, pitfalls for 
lorses ! the days at their shortest ! The first arrivals reached 
:he cave by daylight ; others kept coming in from the Evening 
Prayer till the Bed-time one ; later than that people dismounted 
wherever they happened to be ; dawn shot with many still in 
;he saddle. 

3io KABUL 

The cave seeming to be rather small, I took a shovel and 
shovelled out a place near its mouth, the size of a sitting-mat 

Fol. 194*. (takiya-namacT), digging it out breast-high but even then not 
reaching the ground. This made me a little shelter from the 
wind when I sat right down in it. I did not go into the cave 
though people kept saying, " Come inside," because this was in 
my mind, "Some of my men in snow and storm, I in the 
comfort of a warm house ! the whole horde (aulus) outside in 
misery and pain, I inside sleeping at ease ! That would be far 
from a man's act, quite another matter than comradeship ! 
Whatever hardship and wretchedness there is, I will face ; what 
strong men stand, I will stand ; for, as the Persian proverb says, 
to die with friends is a nuptial." Till the Bed-time Prayer 
I sat through that blizzard of snow and wind in the dug-out, 
the snow-fall being such that my head, back, and ears were 
overlaid four hands thick. The cold of that night affected my 
ears. At the Bed-time Prayer some-one, looking more carefully 
at the cave, shouted out, " It is a very roomy cave with place for 
every-body." On hearing this I shook off my roofing of snow 
and, asking the braves near to corne also, went inside. There 
was room for 50 or 60 ! People brought out their rations, cold 
meat, parched grain, whatever they had. From such cold and 
tumult to a place so warm, cosy and quiet ! J 

Next day the snow and wind having ceased, we made an 
early start and we got to the pass by again stamping down 

Fol. 195. a road in the snow. Tlh.e proper road seems to make a detour 
up the flank of the mountain and to go over higher up, by what 
is understood to be called the Zirrin-pass. Instead of taking 
that road, we went straight up the valley-bottom (gul}? It was 
night before we reached the further side of the (Bakkak-)pass ; 
we spent the night there in the mouth of the valley, a night of 

1 This escape ought to have been included in the list of Babur's transportations 
from risk to safety given in my note to f. 96. 

" The right and wrong roads are shewn by the Indian Survey and French Military 
maps. The right road turns off from the wrong one, at Daulat-yar, to the right, and 
mounts diagonally along the south rampart of the Heri-rud valley, to the Zirrin-pass, 
which lies above the Bakkak-pass and carries the regular road for Yaka-aulang, 
It must be said, however, that we are not told whether Yaka-aulang was Qasim Bog's 
objective ; the direct road for Kabuljrom the Heri-rud valley is not over the Zirrin- 
pass but goes from Daulat-yar by " Aq-zarat", and the southern flank of iCoh-i-baba 
(babar) to the Unai-pass (Holdich's Gates of India p. 262). 

912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 311 

mighty cold, got through with great distress and suffering. 
Many a man had his hands and feet frost-bitten ; that night's 
cold took both Klpa's feet, both 'Siunduk Turkman's hands, 
both Ahl's feet. Early next morning we moved down the 
valley ; putting our trust in God, we went straight down, by bad 
slopes and sudden falls, knowing and seeing it could not be the 
right way. It was the Evening Prayer when we got out of 
that valley. No long-memoried old man knew that any-one 
had been heard of as crossing that pass with the snow so deep, 
or indeed that it had ever entered the heart of man to cross it 
at that time of year. Though for a few days we had suffered 
greatly through the depth of the snow, yet its depth, in the end, 
enabled us to reach our destination. For why? How otherwise 
should we have traversed those pathless slopes and sudden falls? Fol. 195 

All ill, all good in the count, is gain if looked at aright ! 

The Yaka-aulang people at once heard of our arrival and our 
dismounting ; followed, warm houses, fat sheep, grass and horse- 
corn, water without stint, ample wood and dried dung for fires ! 
To escape from such snow and cold to such a village, to such 
warm dwellings, was comfort those will understand who have 
had our trials, relief known to those who have felt our hardships. 
We tarried one day in Yaka-aulang, happy-of-heart and easy- 
of-mind ; marched 2 ytghdch (io-i2m.) next day and dis- 
mounted. The day following was the Ramzan Feast r ; we 
went on through Barman, crossed by Shibr-tu and dismounted 
before reaching Janglik. 

(/. Second raid on the Turkman Hasdras.} 

The Turkman Hazaras with their wives and little children 
must have made their winter-quarters just upon our road 2 ; they 
had no word about us ; when we got in amongst their cattle- 
pens and tents (alachuq) two or three groups of these went to 
ruin and plunder, the people themselves drawing off with their 
little children and abandoning houses and goods. News was Fol. 196. 
brought from ahead that, at a place where there were narrows, 

1 circa Feb. I4th 1507, Babur's 24th birthday. 

* The Hazaras appear to have been wintering outside their own valley, on the 
Ghur-bund road, in wait for travellers [cf. T.R. p. 197]. They have been perennial 
highwaymen on the only pass to the north not closed entirely in winter. 

312 KABUL 

a body of Hazaras was shooting arrows, holding up part of the 
army, and letting no-one pass. We, hurrying on, arrived to 
find no narrows at all ; a few Hazaras were shooting from 
a naze, standing in a body on the hill x like very good soldiers. 2 

They saw the blackness of the foe ; 

Stood idle-handed and amazed ; 
I arriving, went swift that way, 

Pressed on with shout, " Move on ! move on !" 
I wanted to hurry my men on, 

To make them stand up to the foe. 
With a ' ' Hurry up ! " to my men, 

I went on to the front. 
Not a man gave ear to my words. 

I had no armour nor horse-mail nor arms, 
I had but my arrows and quiver. 

I went, the rest, maybe all of them, stood, 
Stood still as if slain by the foe ! 

Your servant you take that you may have use 
Of his arms, of his life, the whole time ; 

Not that the servant stand still 
While the beg makes advance to the front ; 

Not that the servant take rest 
While his beg is making the rounds. 

From no such a servant will come 
Speed, or use in your Gate, or zest for your food. 

At last I charged forward myself, 
Fol. 196$. Herding the foe up the hill ; 

Seeing me go, my men also moved, 
Leaving their terrors behind. 

With me they swift spread over the slope, 
Moving on without heed to the shaft ; 

Sometimes on foot, mounted sometimes, 
Boldly we ever moved on, 

Still from the hill poured the shafts. 
Our strength seen, the foe took to flight. 

We got out on the hill ; we drove the Hazaras, 
Drove them like deer by valley and ridge ; 

We shot those wretches like deer ; 
We shared out the booty in goods and in sheep ; 

The Turkman Hazaras' kinsfolk we took ; 
We made captive their people of sorts (qara} 

We laid hands on their men of renown ; 
Their wives and their children we took. 

1 The Gh.ii.r- bund valley is open in this part ; the Hazaras may have been posted 
on the naze near the narrows leading into the Janglik and their own side valleys. 

- Although the verses following here in the text are with the Turk! Codices, doubt 
cannot but be felt as to their authenticity. They do not fit verbally to the sentence 
they follow ; they are a unique departure from Babur's plain prose narrative and 
nothing in the small Hazara affair shews cause for such departure ; they differ from 
his usual topics in their bombast and comment on his men (cf. f. 194 for comment on 
shirking begs). They appear in the 2nd Persian translation (217 f. 134) in Turkl 
followed by a prose Persian rendering (khalasa). They are not with the 1st Pers. trs. 
(215 f. 159), the text of which runs on with a plain prose account suiting the size of 
the affair, as follows : " The braves, seeing their (the Hazaras) good soldiering, had 
stopped surprised ; wishing to hurry them I went swiftly past them, shouting ' Move on ! 

912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 313 

I myself collected a few of the Hazaras' sheep, gave them 
into Yarak Taghai's charge, and went to the front. By ridge 
and valley, driving horses and sheep before us, we went to 
Timur Beg's Langar and there dismounted. Fourteen or fifteen 
Hazard, thieves had fallen into our hands ; I had thought of 
having them put to death when we next dismounted, with 
various torture, as a warning to all highwaymen and robbers, 
but Qasim Beg came across them on the road and, with mis- Fol. 197. 
timed compassion, set them free. 

To do good to the bad is one and the same 

As the doing of ill to the good ; 
On brackish soil no spikenard grows, 

Waste no seed of toil upon it. x 

Out of compassion the rest of the prisoners were released also. 

(/. Disloyalty in Kabul.} 

News came while we were raiding the Turkman Hazaras, 
that Muhammad Husain Mirza Diighldt and SI. Sanjar Barlds 
had drawn over to themselves the Mughuls left in Kabul, 
declared Mirza Khan (Wais) supreme (pddshdti), laid siege to 
the fort and spread a report that Badl'u'z-zaman Mirza and 
Muzaffar Mirza had sent me, a prisoner, to Fort Ikhtiyaru'd-dln, 
now known as Ala-qurghan. 

In command of the Kabul-fort there had been left Mulla 
Baba of Pashaghar, Khalifa, Muhibb-i-'all the armourer, Ahmad- 
i-yusuf and Ahmad-i-qasim. They did well, made the fort fast, 
strengthened it, and kept watch. 

(k. Babuls advance to Kabul.} 

From Tlmur Beg's Langar we sent Qasim Beg's servant, Muh. 
of Andijan, a Tuqbdi, to the Kabul begs, with written details 
of our arrival and of the following arrangements : " When we 

move on !' They paid me no attention. When, in order to help, I myself attacked, 
dismounting and going up the hill, they shewed courage and emulation in following. 
Getting to the top of the pass, we drove that band off, killing many, capturing others, 
making their families prisoner and plundering their goods." This is followed by 
" I myself collected" etc. as in the TurkI text after the verse. It will be seen that 
the above extract is not a translation of the. verse; no translator or even summariser 
would be likely to omit so much of his original. It is just a suitably plain account of 
a trivial matter. 

1 Gulistan Cap. I. Story 4. 

3 i4 KABUL 

are out of the Ghur-bund narrows, 1 we will fall on them suddenly ; 
let our signal to you be the fire we will light directly we have 
passed Minar-hill ; do you in reply light one in the citadel, on 

Fol. 197*5. the old Kushk (kiosk),',' now the Treasury, " so that we may be 
sure you know of our coming. We will come up from our side ; 
you come out from yours ; neglect nothing your hands can find 
to do 1 " This having been put into writing, Muhammad 
Andijdnl was sent off. 

Riding next dawn from the Langar,wedismounted over against 
Ushtur-shahr. Early next morning we passed the Ghur-bund 
narrows, dismounted at Bridge-head, there watered and rested our 
horses, and at the Mid-day Prayer set forward again. Till we 
reached the tutqawal? there was no snow,, beyond that, the 
further we went the deeper the snow. The cold between Zamma- 
yakhshl and Minar was such as we had rarely felt in our lives. 

We sent on Ahmad the messenger (ydsawat) and Qara Ahmad 
yurunchz* to say to the begs, " Here we are at the time promised ; 
be ready 1 be bold ! " After crossing Minar-hill 4 and dismounting 
on its skirt, helpless with cold, we lit fires to warm ourselves. 
It was not time to light the signal-fire ; we just lit these because 
we were helpless in that mighty cold. Near shoot of dawn we 
rode on from Minar-hill ; between it and Kabul the snow was up 
to the horses' knees and had hardened, so off the road to move 
was difficult. Riding single-file the whole way, we got to Kabul 

Fol. 198. in good time undiscovered.-S Before we were at Blbi Mah-rul 
(Lady Moon-face), the blaze of fire on the citadel let us know 
that the begs were looking out. 

(/. Attack made on the rebels?} 

On reaching Sayyid Qasim's bridge, Sherlm Taghal and the 
men of the right were sent towards Mulla Baba's bridge, while 

1 Babur seems to have left the Ghur-bund valley, perhaps pursuing the Hazaras 
towards Janglik, and to have come "by ridge and valley" back into it for Ushtur- 
shahr. I have not located Timur Bag's Langar. As has been noted already 
(q.v. index) the Ghur-bund narrows are at the lower end of the valley ; they have 
been surmised to be the fissured rampart of an ancient lake. 

2 Here this may represent a guard- or toll-house (Index s.n.). 

3 As yurun is a patch, the bearer of the sobriquet might be Black Ahmad the 

* Second Afghan War, Map of Kabul and its environs. 

s I understand that the arrival undiscovered was a result of riding in single-file and 
thus shewing no black mass. 

912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 315 

ve of the left and centre took the Baba Lull road. Where Khalifa's 
garden now is, there was then a smallish garden made by Aulugh 
3eg Mirza for a Langar (almshouse) ; none of its trees or shrubs 
vere left but its enclosing wall was there. In this garden Mirza 
tChan was seated, Muh. Husain Mirza being in Aulugh Beg Mlrza's 
jreat Bagh-i-bihisht. I had gone as far along the lane of Mulla 
Baba's garden as the burial-ground when four men met us who 
had hurried forward into Mirza Khan's quarters, been beaten, 
ind forced to turn back. One of the four was Sayyid Qasim 
Lord of the Gate, another was Qasim Beg's son Qambar-i-'all, 
another was Sher-qull the scout, another was SI. Ahmad Mughul 
one of Sher-quli's band. These four, without a " God forbid ! " 
(tahdshi) had gone right into Mirza Khan's quarters ; thereupon 
he, hearing an uproar, had mounted and got away. Abu'l-hasan 
the armourer's younger brother even, Muh. Husain by name, 
had taken service with Mirza Khan ; he had slashed at Sher-qull, Fol. 198^ 
one of those four, thrown him down, and was just striking his 
head off, when Sher-qull freed himself. Those four, tasters of 
the sword, tasters of the arrow, wounded one and all, came 
pelting back on us to the place mentioned. 

Our horsemen, jammed in the narrow lane, were standing 
still, unable to move forward or back. Said I to the braves 
near, " Get off and force a road ". Off got Nasir's Dost, Khwaja 
Muhammad 'All the librarian, Baba Sher-zad (Tiger- whelp), 
Shah Mahmud and others, pushed forward and at once cleared 
the way. The enemy took to flight. 

We had looked for the begs to come out from the Fort but 
they could not come in time for the work ; they only dropped 
in, by ones and twos, after we had made the enemy scurry^off. 
Ahmad -i-yusuf had come from them before I went into the 
Char-bagh where Mirza Khan had been ; he went in with me, 
but we both turned back when we saw the Mirza had gone off. 
Coming in at the garden-gate was Dost of Sar-i-pul, a foot-soldier 
I had promoted for his boldness to be Kotwal and had left in 
Kabul ; he made straight for me, sword in hand. I had my 
cuirass on but had not fastened the ghartcha I nor had I put on Fol. 199- 

1 or gharbtcha, which Mr. Erskine explains to be the four plates of mail, made to 
cover the back, front and sides ; the/fte would thus be the wadded under-coat to which 
they are attached. 

3 i6 KABUL 

my helm. Whether he did not recognize me because of change 
wrought by cold and snow, or whether because of the flurry of 
the fight, though I shouted " Hal Dost ! hai Dost ! " and though 
Ahmad-i-yusuf also shouted, he, without a " God forbid ! " 
brought down his sword on my unprotected arm. Only by 
God's grace can it have been that not a hairbreadth of harm 
was done to me. 

If a sword shook the Earth from her place, 
Not a vein would it cut till God wills. 

It was through the virtue of a prayer I had repeated that the 
Great God averted this danger and turned this evil aside. That 
prayer was as follows : 

" O my God ! Thou art my Creator ; except Thee there is no God. On 
Thee do I repose my trust ; Thou art the Lord of the mighty throne. What 
God wills comes to pass ; and what he does not will comes not to pass j and 
there is no power or strength but through the high and exalted God ; and, of 
a truth, in all things God is almighty ; and verily He comprehends all things 
hy his knowledge, and has taken account of everything. O my Creator ! as 
I sincerely trust in Thee, do Thou seize by the forelock all evil proceeding 
from within myself, and all evil coming from without, and all evil proceeding 
from every man who can be the occasion of evil, and all such evil as can proceed 
from any living thing, and remove them far from me ; since, of a truth, Thou 
art the Lord of the exalted throne ! " * 

On leaving that garden we went to Muh. Husain Mlrza's 
quarters in the Bagh-i-bihisht, but he had fled and gone off to 
hide himself. Seven or eight men stood in a breach of the 
Pol. i99<5. garden-wall ; I spurred at them ; they could not stand ; they 
fled ; I got up with them and cut at one with my sword ; he 
rolled over in such a way that I fancied his head was off, passed 
on and went away ; it seems he was Mlrza Khan's foster-brother, 
Tulik Kukuldash and that my sword fell on his shoulder. 

At the gate of Muh. Husain Mlrza's quarters, a Mughul 
I recognized for one of my own servants, drew his bow and aimed 
at my face from a place on the roof as near me as a gate-ward 
stands to a Gate. People on all sides shouted, " Hai ! hai ! it is 
the Padshah." He changed his aim, shot off his arrow and ran 
away. The affair was beyond the shooting of arrows ! His 
Mlrza, his leaders, had run away or been taken ; why was he 
shooting ? 

1 This prayer is composed of extracts from the Qoran (Minis, i, 454 note) ; it is 
reproduced as it stands in Mr. Erskine's wording (p. 216). 

912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13xH 1507 AD. 317 

There they brought SI. Sanjar Barlds, led in by a rope round 
his neck ; he even, to whom I had given the Nlngnahar tumdn, 
had had his part in the mutiny ! Greatly agitated, he kept 
crying out, "Hai ! what fault is in me?" Said I, "Can there 
be one clearer than that you are higher than the purpose and 
counsels of this crew ? " x But as he was the sister's son of my 
Khan dddd's mother, Shah Begim, I gave the order, " Do not 
lead him with such dishonour ; it is not death." 

On leaving that place, I sent Ahmad-i-qasim Kohbur, one 
of the begs of the Fort, with a few braves, in pursuit of Fol. 200. 
Mlrza Khan. 

(m. Babur's dealings with, disloyal women.} 

When I left the Bagh-i-bihisht, I went to visit Shah Begim 
and (Mihr-nigar) Khanlm who had settled themselves in tents 
by the side of the garden. 

As townspeople and black-bludgeoners had raised a riot, and 
were putting hands out to pillage property and to catch persons 
in corners and outside places, T sent men, to beat the rabble off, 
and had it herded right away. 2 

Shah Begim and Khanlm were seated in one tent. I dis- 
mounted at the usual distance, approached with my former 
deference and courtesy, and had an interview with them. They 
were extremely agitated, upset, and ashamed ; could neither 
excuse themselves reasonably 3 nor make the enquiries of affection. 
I had not expected this (disloyalty) of them ; it was not as 
though that party, evil as was the position it had taken up, 
consisted of persons who would not give ear to the words of 
Shah Begim and Khanlm ; Mlrza Khan was the begim's grand- 
son, in her presence night and day ; if she had not fallen in with 
the affair, she could have kept him with her. 

1 Babur's reference may well be to Sanjar's birth as well as to his being the holder 
of Nlngnahar. Sanjar's father had been thought worthy to mate with one of the six 
BadakhshI begims whose line traced back to Alexander (T. R. p. 107) ; and his father 
was a Barlas, seemingly of high family. 

- It may be inferred that what was done was for the protection of the two women. 

3 Not a bad case could have been made out for now putting a Timurid in Babur's 
place in Kabul ; vis. that he was believed captive in Hen and that Mlrza Khan was 
an effective locum tenens against the Arghuns. Haidar sets down what in his eyes 
pleaded excuse for his father Muh. Husain (T.R. p. 198). 

318 KABUL 

Twice over when fickle Fortune and discordant Fate had parted 
Fol. 2oo. me from throne and country, retainer and following, I, and my 
mother with me, had taken refuge with them and had had no 
kindness soever from them. At that time my younger brother 
(i.e. cousin) Mlrza Khan and his mother Sultan-nigar Khanlm 
held valuable cultivated districts ; yet my mother and I, to 
leave all question of a district aside, were not made possessors 
of a single village or a few yoke of plough-oxen. 1 Was my 
mother not Yunas Khan's daughter ? was I not his grandson ? 

In my days of plenty I have given from my hand what matched 
the blood-relationship and the position of whatsoever member 
of that (Chaghatal) dynasty chanced down upon me. For 
example, when the honoured Shah Beglm came to me, I gave 
her Pamghan, one of the best places in Kabul, and failed in no 
sort of filial duty and service towards her. Again, when SI. Sa'Id 
Khan, Khan in Kashghar, came [914 AH.] with five or six naked 
followers on foot, I looked upon him as an honoured guest and 
gave him Mandrawar of the Lamghan tumans. Beyond this 
also, when Shah Ismail had killed Shaibaq Khan in Marv and 
I crossed over to Qunduz (916 AH. 1511 AD.), the Andijanls, 
some driving their (Auzbeg) daroghas out, some making their 
places fast, turned their eyes to me and sent me a man ; at that 
time I trusted those old family servants to that same SI. Sa'Id 
Khan, gave him a force, made him Khan and sped him forth. 
Again, down to the present time (circa 934 AH.) I have not 
looked upon any member of that family who has come to me, 
in any other light than as a blood-relation. For example, there 
Fol, 201. are now in my service Chln-timur Sultan ; Alsan-tlmur Sultan, 
Tukhta-bugha Sultan, and Baba Sultan ; 2 on one and all of 
these I have looked with more favour than on blood-relations 
of my own. 

I do not write this in order to make complaint ; I have 
written the plain truth. I do not set these matters down in 
order to make known my own deserts ; I have set down exactly 
what has. happened. In this History I have held firmly to it 
that the truth should be reached in every matter, and that every 

1 q&sh, not even a little plough-land being given' (chand qulba dihya, 215 f. 162). 
a They were sons of SI. Ahmad Khan Chaghatal. 

912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 319 

act should be recorded precisely as it occurred. From this it 
follows of necessity that I have set down of good and bad 
whatever is known, concerning father and elder brother, kinsman 
and stranger ; of them all I have set down carefully the known 
virtues and defects. Let the reader accept my excuse ; let the 
reader pass on from the place of severity ! 

(n. Letters of victory?) 

Rising from that place and going to the Char-bagh where 
Mlrza Khan had been, we sent letters of victory to all the 
countries, clans, and retainers. This done, I rode to the 

(p. Arrest of rebel leaders?) 

Muhammad Husain Mlrza in his terror having run away into 
Khanlm's bedding-room and got himself fastened up in a bundle 
of bedding, we appointed Mlrlm Dzwdn with other begs of the 
fort, to take control in those dwellings, capture, and bring him 
in. Mlrlm Diwdn said some plain rough words at Khanlm's Fol. 201*. 
gate, by some means or other found the Mlrza, and brought 
him before me in the citadel. I rose at once to receive the 
Mlrza with my usual deference, not even shewing too harsh 
a face. If I had had that Muh. Husain M. cut in pieces, there 
was the ground for it that he had had part in base and shameful 
action, started and spurred on mutiny and treason. Death he 
deserved with one after another of varied pain and torture, but 
because there had come to be various connexion between us, his 
very sons and daughters being by my own mother's sister Khub- 
nigar Khanim, I kept this just claim in mind, let him go free, 
and permitted him to set out towards Khurasan. The cowardly 
ingrate then forgot altogether the good I did him by the gift of 
his life ; he blamed and slandered me to Shaibaq Khan. Little 
time passed, however, before the Khan gave him his deserts by 

Leave thou to Fate the man who does thee wrong, 

For Fate is an avenging servitor. J 

1 f. 1 60. 

320 KABUL 

Ahmad-i-qasim Kohbtir&nd the party of braves sent in pursuit 
of Mlrza Khan, overtook him in the low hills of Qargha-yllaq, 
not able, even to run away, without heart or force to stir a finger ! 
They took him, and brought him to where I sat in the north- 
east porch of the old Court-house. Said I to him, " Come ! let's 
have a look at one another " (kurushdling)* but twice before he 
could bend the knee and come forward, he fell down through 
agitation. When we had looked at one another, I placed him 
by my side to give him heart, and I drank first of the sherbet 
brought in, in order to remove his fears. 1 

As those who had joined him, soldiers, peasants, Mughuls and 
Chaghatais, 2 were in suspense, we simply ordered him to remain 
for a few days in his elder sister's house ; but a few days later 
he was allowed to set out for Khurasan 3 because those mentioned 
above were somewhat uncertain and it did not seem well for 
him to stay in Kabul. 

(/. Excursion to Kofi-daman?) 

After letting those two go, \ve made an excursion to Baran, 
Chash-tupa, and the skirt of Gul-i-bahar. 4 More beautiful in 

1 Haidar' s opinion of Babur at this crisis is of the more account that his own father 
was one of the rebels let go to the mercy of the "avenging servitor". When he 
writes of Babur, as being, at a time so provoking, gay, generous, affectionate, simple 
and gentle, he sets before us insight and temper in tune with Kipling's " If . . ." 

2 Babur's distinction, made here and elsewhere, between Chaghatai and Mughul 
touches the old topic of the right or wrong of the term " Mughul dynasty". What 
he, as also Haidar, allows said is that if Babur were to describe his mother in tribal 
terms, he would say she was half-Chaghatal, half-Mughul ; and that if he so described 
himself, he would say he was half-TvmCirid-Turk, half-Chaghatal. He might have 
called the dynasty he founded in India Turk!, might have called it Tlmuriya ; he would 
never have called it Mughul, after his maternal grandmother. 

Haidar, with imperfect classification, divides Chlnglz Khan's " Mughul horde " 
into Mughfils and Chaghatais and of this Chaghatai offtake says that none remained 
in 953 AH. (1547 4.D.) except the rulers, i.e. sons of SI. Ahmad Khan (T.R. 148). 
Manifestly there was a body of Chaghatais with Babur and there appear to have been 
many near his day in the Hen region, 'All-sher Nawc^i the best known. 

Babur supplies directions for naming his dynasty when, as several times, he claims 
to rule in Hindustan where the " Turk '' had ruled (f. 233^, f. 224^, f. 225). To call 
his dynasty Mughul seems to blot out the centuries, something as we should do by 
calling the English Teutons. If there is to be such blotting-out, Abu'l-ghazI would 
allow us, by his tables of Turk descent, to go further, to the primal source of all the 
tribes concerned, to Turk, son of Japhet. This traditional descent is another argument 
against "Mughul dynasty." 

3 They went to Qandahar and there suffered great privation. 

4 Baran seems likely to be the Baian of some maps. Gul-i-bahar is higher up on 
the Panjhir road. Chash-tupa will have been near-by; 'its name might mean Hill of 
the heap of winnowed-corn. 

912 AH. MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD. 32 1 

ipring than any part even of Kabul are the open-lands of Baran, 
le plain of Chash-tupa, and the skirt of Gul-i-J^ahar. Many 
:>rts of tulip bloom there ; when I had them counted once, it 
ame out at 34 different kinds as [has been said]. 1 This couplet 
as been written in praise of these places, 

Kabul in Spring is an Eden of verdure and blossom ; 
Matchless in Kabul the Spring of Gul-i-bahar and Baran. 

)n this excursion I finished the ode, 

My heart, like the bud of the red, red rose, 

Lies fold within fold aflame ; Fol. 202^. 

Would the breath of even a myriad Springs 
" Blow my heart's bud to a rose ? 

n truth, few places are quite equal to these for spring-excursions, 
)r hawking (qiish sdlmdq] or bird-shooting (gush dtmdq\ as has 
een briefly mentioned in the praise and description of the 
[abul and Ghaznl country. 

y. Ndsir Mirsd expelled from Badakhshdn^) 

This year the begs of Badakhshan i.e. Muhammad the 
rmourer, Mubarak Shah, Zubair and Jahanglr, grew angry and 
mtinous because of the misconduct of Nasir Mlrza and some 
f those, he cherished. Coming to an agreement together, they 
rew out an army of horse and foot, arrayed it on the level lands 
y the Kukcha-water, and moved towards Yaftal and Ragh, to 
ear Khamchan, by way of the lower hills. The Mirza and his 
icxperienced begs, in their thoughtless and unobservant fashion, 
ame out to fight them just in those lower hills. The battle-field 
r as uneven ground ; the Badakhshls had a dense mass of men 
n foot who stood firm under repeated charges by the Mlrza's 
orse, and returned such attack that the horsemen fled, unable 
) keep their ground. Having beaten the Mlrza, the Badakhshls 
lundered his dependants and connexions. 

Beaten and stripped bare, he and his close circle took the road 
irough Ishklmlsh and Narln to Klla-gahl, from there followed 
le Qlzil-su up, got out on the Ab-dara road, crossed at Shibr-tu, 
md so came to Kabul, he with 70 or 80 followers, worn-out, 
aked and famished. 

' f. 136. 

322 . KABUL 

That was a marvellous sign of the Divine might ! Two or 
three years eajlier the Mirza had left the Kabul country like a 
Fol. 203. foe, driving tribes and hordes like sheep before him, reached 
Badakhshan and made fast its forts and valley-strongholds. 
With what fancy in his mind had he marched out ? I Now he 
was back, hanging the head of shame for those earlier misdeeds, 
humbled and distraught about that breach with me ! 

My face shewed him no sort of displeasure ; I made kind 
enquiry about himself, and brought him out of his confusion. 

r Answer ; Visions of his father's sway. 

3 AH. MAY 13TH 1507 TO MAY 2ND 1508 AD. 1 

Raid on the Ghiljl Afghans?} 

We had ridden out of Kabul with the intention of over- running 
; Ghilji ; 2 when we dismounted at Sar-i-dih news was brought 
it a mass of Mahmands (Afghans) was lying in Masht and 
i-kana on&yzgkdck (circa 5 m.) away from us. 3 Our begs and 
ives agreed in saying, " The Mahmands must be over-run ", 
t I said, " Would it be right to turn aside and raid our own 
isants instead of doing what we set out to do? It cannot be." 
Riding at night from Sar-i-dih, we crossed the plain of Kattawaz 

the dark, a quite black night, one level stretch of land, no 
mntain or rising-ground in sight, no known road or track, not 
nan able to lead us ! In the end I took the lead. I had been 

those parts several times before ; drawing inferences from 

>se times, I took the Pole-star on my right shoulder-blade 4 

i, with some anxiety, moved on. God brought it right ! We 

nt straight to the Qlaq-tu and the Aulaba-tu torrent, that is 

say, straight for Khwaja Isma'il Siriti where the Ghiljls were 

ng, the road to which crosses the torrent named. Dismounting 

ir the torrent, we let ourselves and our horses sleep a little, Foi. 203*. 

ik breath, and bestirred ourselves at shoot of dawn. The Sun 

s up before we got out of those' low hills and valley-bottoms 

the plain on which the Ghilji lay with a good yighdch $ of 

Elph. MS. f. 161 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 164 and 217 f. 139^; Mems. p. 220. 
The narrative indicates the location of the tribe, the modern Ghilza.1 or Ghilzi. 
Sih-kana lies s. e. of Shorkach, and near Kharbln. Sar-i-dih is about 25 or 30 
:s s. of Ghaznl (Erskine). A name suiting the pastoral wealth of the tribe -viz. 
ih-khail, Sheep-tribe, is shewn on maps somewhat s. from Kharbin. Cf. Steingass 

yaghrun, whence yaghrunchi, a diviner by help of the shoulder-blades of sheep. 
: defacer of the Elphinstone Codex has changed yaghrun to yan, side, thus making 
ur turn his side and not his half-back to the north, altering his direction, and 
;ing what looks like a jesting reference to his own divination of the road. The 
i Star was seen, presumably, before the night became quite black. 
From the subsequent details of distance done, this must have been one of those 
hyighach of perhaps 5-6 miles, that are estimated by the ease of travel on level 
Is (Index s.v, yighach}. 


324 KABUL 

road between them and us ; once out on the plain we could 
see their blackness, either their own or from the smoke of 
their fires. 

Whether bitten by their own whim, 11 or whether wanting to 
hurry, the whole army streamed off at the gallop (chdpqun 
quldildr) \ off galloped I after them and, by shooting an arrow 
now at a man, now at a 'horse, checked them after a kuroh or 
two (3 m. ?). It is very difficult indeed to check 5 or 6000 braves 
galloping loose-rein! God brought it right! They were checked! 
When we had gone about one shar'i (2 m.) further, always with 
the Afghan blackness in sight, the raid * was allowed. Masses 
of sheep fell to us, more than in any other raid. 

After we had dismounted and made the spoils turn back, 3 one 
body of Afghans after another came down into the plain, provoking 
a fight. Some of the begs and of the household went against 
one body and killed every man ; Nasir Mirza did the same with 
another, and a pillar of Afghan heads was set up. An arrow 
pierced the foot of that foot-soldier Dost the Kotwal who has 
been mentioned already ; 4 when we reached Kabul, he died. 

Marching from Khwaja Ismail, we dismounted once more at 

Aulaba-tu. Some of the begs and of my own household were 

ordered to go forward and carefully separate off the Fifth 

{Khinns} of the enemy's spoils. By way of favour, we did not 

Fol. 204. take the Fifth from Qasim Beg and some others. 5 From what 

1 I am uncertain about the form of the word translated by " whim". The Elph. 
and Hai. Codices read khud d:lma (altered in the first tojj>://;/r); Ilminsky (p. 257) 
reads khiid l\ma (de C. ii, 2 and note); Erskine has been misled by the Persian 
translation (215 f. 164^ and 217 f. I39<5). Whether khud-dilma should be read, with 
the sense of " out of their own hearts" (spontaneously), or whether kkud-yalwa, own 
pace (Turk!, yalina, pace) the contrast made by Babur appears to be between an 
unpremeditated gallop and one premeditated for haste. Persian dalnnia, tarantula, 
also suggests itself. 

- chafiqun, which is the word translated 1- ; :"" '' v ..' ' the previous passage. 
The Turk! verb chapmaq is one of those ;,...- , which it is difficult to 
find a single English equivalent. The verb qmmaq is another ; in its two occurrences 
here the first may be a metaphor from the pouring of molten metal ; the second 
expresses that permission to gallop oft' for the raid without which to raid was forbidden. 
The root-notion of qulmaq seems to be letting-go, that of chapmaq, rapid motion. 

3 i.e. on the raiders' own road for Kabul. * f. 198^. 

s The Fifth taken was manifestly at the ruler's disposition. In at least two places 
when dependants send gifts to Babur the word [tassadttq] used might be rendered 
as "gifts for the poor". Does this mean that the padshah in receiving this stands in 
the place of the Imam of the Qoran injunction which orders one-fifth of spoil to be 
given to the Imam for the poor, orphans, and travellers, four-fifths being reserved for 
the troops? (Qoran, Sale's ed. 1825, i, 212 and Hidayat, Book ix). 

913 AH. MAY 13TH 1507 TO MAY 2ND 1508 AD. 325 

was written down, 1 the Fifth came out at 16,000, that is to say, 
this 16,000 was the fifth of 80,000 sheep ; no question however 
but that with those lost and those not asked for, a.lak (100,000) 
of sheep had been taken. 

(b. A hunting-circle?} 

Next day when we had ridden from that camp, a hunting-circle 
was formed on the plain of Kattawaz where deer (kiyifc) 2 and 
wild-ass are always plentiful and always fat. Masses went into 
the ring ; masses were killed. During the hunt I galloped after 
a wild-ass, on getting near shot one arrow, shot another, but did 
not bring it down, it only running more slowly for the two 
wounds. Spurring forwards and getting into position 3 quite 
close to it, I chopped at the nape of its neck behind the ears, and 
cut through the wind-pipe ; it stopped, turned over and died. 
My sword cut well ! The wild-ass was surprisingly fat. Its 
rib may have been a little under one yard in length. Sherlm 
Taghal and other observers of kiylk in Mughulistan said with 
surprise, " Even in Mughulistan we have seen few kiyik so fat ! " 
I shot another wild-ass ; most of the wild-asses and deer brought 
down in that 'hunt were fat, but not one of them was so fat as 
the one I first killed. 

Turning back from that raid, we went to Kabul and there 

(<r. Shaibdq Khan moves against Khurasan?) 

Shaibaq Khan had got an army to horse at the end of last 
year, meaning to go from Samarkand against Khurasan, his Fol. 204^. 
march out being somewhat hastened by the coming to him of 
a servant of that vile traitor to his salt, Shah Mansur the Pay- 
master, then in Andikhud. When the Khan was approaching 
Andikhud, that vile wretch said, " I have sent a man to the 
Auzbeg," "relied on this, adorned himself, stuck up an aigrette on 
his head, and went out, bearing gift and tribute. On this the 
leaderless 4 Auzbegs poured down on him from all sides, and 

1 This may be the sum of the separate items of sheep entered in account-books by 
the commissaries. 

3 Here this comprehensive word will stand for deer, these being plentiful in the region. 

3 Three TurkI MSS. write sighinib, but the Elph. MS. has had this changed to 
yitfb, having reached. 

4 bash-sia, lit. without head, doubtless a pun on Aiiz-beg (own beg, leaderless). 
B.M. Or. 3714 shows an artist's conception of this tart-part. 

326 KA.BUL 

turned upside down (tart-part] the blockhead, his offering and 
his people of all sorts. 

(d. Irresolution of the Khurasan Mirzds^} 

Badl'u'z-zaman Mlrza, MuzafTar Mlrza, Muh. Baranduq Bar Ids 
and Zu'n-nun Arghun were all lying with their army in Baba 
Khaki, 1 not decided to fight, not settled to make (Hen) fort 
fast, there they sat, confounded, vague, uncertain what to do. 
Muhammad Baranduq Barlds was a knowledgeable man ; he 
kept saying, " You let MuzafTar Mlrza and me make the fort 
fast ; let Badl'u'z-zaman Mlrza and Zu'n-nun Beg go into the 
mountains near Her! and gather in SI. 'All Arghun from Slstan 
and Zamln-dawar, Shah Beg and Muqlm from Oandahar with 
all their armies, and let them collect also what there is of Nikdlrl 
and Hazara force ; this done, let them make a swift and telling 
move. The enemy would find it difficult to go into the 
mountains, and could not come against the (Heri) fort because 
he would be afraid of the army outside." He said well, his 
plan was practical. 

Brave though Zu'n-nun Arghun was, he was mean, a lover-of- 
goods, far from businesslike or judicious, rather shallow-pated, 
and a bit of a fool. As has been mentioned, 2 when that elder 
and that younger brother became joint-rulers in Hen, he had 
chief authority in Badl'u'z-zaman Mlrza" s presence. He was not 
willing now for Muh. Baranduq Beg to remain inside Heri town ; 
being the lover-of-goods he was, he wanted to be there himself. 
But he could not make this seem one and the same thing ! 3 Is 
there a better sign of his shallow-pate and craze than that he 
degraded himself and became contemptible by accepting the 
lies and flattery of rogues and sycophants? Here are the 
particulars 4 : While he was so dominant and trusted in Hen, 
certain Shaikhs and Mullas went to him and said, " The Spheres 
are holding commerce with us ; you are styled Hisabru 1 l-ldh 
(Lion of God); you will overcome the Auzbeg." Believing 

1 Baba Khaki is a fine valley, some 13 ylghach e. of Her! (f. 13) where the Hen 
sultans reside in the heats (J. Asiaiique xvi, 501, de Meynard's article ; H.S. iii, 356). 
- f. 1721$. 

3 aiikhskatft. alinadl. This is one of many passages which Ilminsky indicates he 
has made good by help of the Memoirs (p. 261; Mfmoires ii, 6). 

4 They are given also on f. 172. 

913 AH. MAY 13TH 1507 TO MAY 2ND 1508 AD. 327 

these words, he put his bathing-cloth round his neck and gave 
thanks. It was through this he did not accept Muhammad 
Baranduq Beg's sensible counsel, did not strengthen the works 
(aish} of the fort, get ready fighting equipment, set scout or 
rearward to warn of the foe's approach, or plan out such method 
of array that, should the foe appear, his men would fight with 
ready heart. 

(e. Shaibdq Khan takes Heri.} 

Shaibaq Khan passed through Murgh-ab to near Sir-kai r in Fol. 205*. 
the month of Muharram (913 AH. May-June 1507 AD.). When 
the Mlrzas heard of it, they were altogether upset, could not 
act, collect troops, array those they had. Dreamers, they 
moved through a dream! 2 Zu'n-nun ArgJiiin, made glorious 
by that flatter}', went out to Qara-rabat, with 100 to 150 men, 
to face 40,000 to 50,000 Auzbegs : a mass of these coming up, 
hustled his off, took him, killed him and cut off his head.3 

In Fort Ikhtiyaru'd-dln, it is known as Ala-qurghan,4 were 
the Mlrzas' mothers, elder and younger sisters, wives and 
treasure. The Mlrzas reached the town at night, let their 
horses rest till midnight, slept, and at dawn flung forth again. 
They could not think about strengthening the fort ; in the 
respite and crack of time there was, they just ran a way, 5 leaving 
mother, sister, wife and little child to Auzbeg captivity. 

What there was of SI. Husain Mlrza's haram, Payancla-sultan 
Beglm and Khadlja Beglm at the head of it, was inside 
Ala-qurghan ; there too were the harams of Badl'u'z-zaman 

1 This may be Sirakhs or Sirakhsh (Erskine). 

2 TusHKq tushdin yurcK blrurlar. At least two meanings can be given to these 
words. Circumstances seem to exclude the one in which the Memoirs (p. 222) and 
Mimoires (ii, 7) have taken them here, vis. "each man went off to shift for himself", 
and "chacun s'en alia de son c6te et s'enfuit comme il put", because Zu'n-nun did 
not go off, and the Mlrzas broke up after his defeat. I therefore suggest another 
reading, one prompted by the Mlrzas' vague fancies and dreams of what they might 
do, but did not. 

3 The encounter was between " Belaq-i-maral and Rabat-i- 'all-sher, near Badghls" 
(Raverty's Notes p. 580). For particulars of the taking of Her! see H.S. iii, 353. 

4 One may be the book-name, the second the name in common use, and due to the 
colour of the buildings. But Babur may be making an ironical jest, and nickname the 
fort by a word referring to the defilement (ala) of Auzbeg possession. (Cf. I;I. S. iii, 359. ) 

5 Mr. Erskine notes that Badl'uV-zaman took refuge with Shah Isma'll Safawi 
who gave him Tabriz. When the Turkish Emperor Salim took Tabriz in 920 AH. 
(1514 AD.), he was taken prisoner and carried to Constantinople, where he died in 

923 AH. (I.SI7 AD.). 

328 KABUL 

Mlrza 1 and Muzaffar Mlrza with their little children, treasure, and 
households (biyutdf}. What was desirable for making the fort 
fast had not been done ; even braves to reinforce it had not 
arrived. 'Ashiq-i-muhammad Arghun, the younger brother of 
Mazld Beg, had fled from the army on foot and gone into it ; 
Fol. 206. in it was also Amir 'Umar Beg's son 'All Khan {Turkman) ; 
Shaikh 'Abdu'1-lah the taster was there ; Mlrza Beg Kdi- 
khusraul was there ; and Mlrak Gur (or Kur) the Dlwan was there. 
When Shaibaq Khan arrived two or three days later ; the 
Shaikhu'l-islam and notables went out to him with the keys of 
the outer-fort. That same 'Ashiq-i-muhammad held Ala- 
qurghan for 16 or \J days ; then a mine, run from the horse- 
market outside, was fired and brought a tower down; the garrison 
lost heart, could hold out no longer, so let the fort be taken. 

(/. Shaibaq Khan in. Hen.} 

Shaibaq Khan, after taking Hen, 2 behaved badly not only to 
the wives and children of its rulers but to every person soever. 
For the sake of this five-days 1 fleeting world, he earned himself 
a bad name. His first improper act and deed in Hen was that, 
for the sake of this rotten world {chirk dunyd\ he caused 
Khadlja Begim various miseries, through letting the vile wretch 
Pay-master Shah Mansur get hold of her to loot. Then he let 
'Abdu'l-wahhab Mughtil tske to loot a person so saintty and so 
revered as Shaikh PQran, and each one of Shaikh Puran's children 
be taken by a separate person. He let the band of poets be 
seized by Mulla Bana'I, a matter about which this verse is well- 
known, in Khurasan : 

Except 'Abdu'1-lah the stupid fool (klr-khar), 

Not a poet to-day sees the colour of gold ; 
From the poets' band Bana'I would get gold, 

>cil. 2060 A11 he wil1 get is klr ' khar -* 

1 In the fort were his wife Kabull Begim, d. of Aulugh Beg M. Kabnll and 
lluqaiya Agha, known as the Nightingale. A young daughter of the Mirza, named 
the Rose-bud (Chuchak), had died just before the siege. After the surrender of the 
fort, Kabul! Begim was married l>y Mirza Kukftldash (perhaps 'Ashiq-i-muhammad 
Arffhwt) ; Ruqaiya by Tlmur SI. Aftsbeg (K.S. iii, 359). 

2 The Khutba was first read for Shaibaq Khan in Heri on Friday Muharram i$th 
913 AH. (May 27th 1507 AD.). 

3 There is a Persian phrase used when a man engages in an unprofitable undertaking 
Klr-i-kJiar gerift) i.e. Asini nervum depr'ehendet (Erskine). The H.S. does not 

913 AH. MAY 13TH 1507 TO MAY 2ND 1508 AD. 329 

Directly he had possession of Hen, Shaibaq Khan married and 
ook Muzaffar Mlrza's wife, Khan-zada Khanlm, without regard 
o the running-out of the legal term. 1 His own illiteracy not 
brbidding, he instructed in the exposition of the Qoran, QazI 
.khtiyar and Muhammad Mir Yusuf, two of the celebrated and 
lighly-skilled mullas of Herl ; he took a pen and corrected the 
land-writing of Mulla SI. 'All of Mashhad and the drawing of 
3ih-zad ; and every few days, when he had composed some 
:asteless couplet, he would have it read from the pulpit, hung in 
:he Char-su [Square], and for it accept the offerings of the 
:owns-people ! 2 Spite of his early-rising, his not neglecting 
:he Five Prayers, and his fair knowledge of the art of reciting the 
Qoran, there issued from him many an act and deed as absurd, 
is impudent, and as heathenish as those just named. 

(g. Death of two Mtrzds.~} 

Ten or fifteen days after he had possession of Hen, Shaibaq 
Khan came from Kahd-stan 3 to Pul-i-salar. From that place 
he sent Tlmur SI. and 'Ubaid SI. with the army there present, 
against Abu'l-muhsin Mlrza and Kupuk (Klpik) Mlrza then 
seated carelessly in Mashhad. The two Mirzas had thought at 
one time of making Qalat 4 fast ; at another, this after they had 
had news of the approach of the Auzbeg, they were for moving 
on Shaibaq Khan himself, by forced marches and along a different 

mention Bana'i as fleecing the poels bat has much to say about one Maulana 'Abdu'r- 
rahlm a Turkistanl favoured by Shaibani, whose victim Khwand-amlr was, amongst 
many others. Not infrequently where Babur and Khwand-amlr state the same fact, 
they accompany it by varied details, as here (H.S. iii, 358, 360). 

1 ( adat, Muhammadan Law fixes a term after widowhood or divorce within which 
re-marriage is unlawful. Light is thrown upon this re-marriage by H.S. iii, 359. 
The passage, a somewhat rhetorical one, gives the following details : "On coming 
into Herl on Muharram nth, Shaibani at once set about gathering in the property 
of the Timurids. He had the wives and daughters of the former rulers brought before 
him. The great lady Khan-zada Beglro (f. 163$) who was daughter of Ahmad Khan, 
niece of SI. Husain Mlrza, and wife of Mujsaffar Mirza, shewed herself pleased in his 
presence. Desiring to marry him, she said Muzaffar M. had divorced her two years 
before. Trustworthy persons gave evidence to the same effect, so she was united to 
Shaibani in accordance with the glorious Law. Mihr-angez Begim, Muzaffar M.'s 
daughter, was married to 'Ubaidu'llah SI. (Auzbeg) ; the rest of the chaste ladies 
having been sent back into the city, Shaibani resumed his search for property." 
Manifestly Babur did not believe in the divorce Khwand-amir thus records. 

2 A sarcasm this on the acceptance of literary honour from the illiterate. 

3 f. 191 and note ; Pul-i-salar may be an irrigation-dam. 

4 Qalat-i-nadiri, the birth-place of Nadir Shah, n. of Mashhad and standing on 
very strong ground (Erskine). 

330 KABUL 

road, 1 which might have turned out an amazingly good idea ! 
But while they sit still there in Mashhad with nothing decided, 
the Sultans arrive by forced marches. The Mirzas for their part 
Foi. 207. array and go out ; Abu'l-rnuhsin Mlrza is quickly overcome and 
routed ; Kupu'k Mlrza charges his brother's assailants with 
somewhat few men ; him too they carry off; both brothers are 
dismounted and seated in one place; after an embrace (guchusk\ 
they kiss farewell ; Abu'l-muhsin shews some want of courage ; 
in Kupuk Mirza it all makes no change at all. The heads of 
both are sent to Shaibaq Khan in Pul-i-salar. 

(Ji. Bdbitr marches for Qandahdr.} 

In those days Shah Beg and his younger brother Muhammad 
Muqlm, being afraid of Shaibaq Khan, sent one envoy after 
another to me with dutiful letters ^arz-ddsht\ giving sign of 
amity and good-wishes. Muqlm, in a letter of his own, explicitly 
invited me. For us to look on at the Auzbeg over-running the 1 
whole country, was not seemly ; and as by letters and envoys, 
Shah Beg and Muqlm had given me invitation, there remained 
little doubt they would wait upon me. 2 When all begs and 
counsellors had been consulted, the matter was left at this : We 
were to get an army to horse, join the Arghun begs and decide 
in accord and agreement with them, whether to move into 
Khurasan or elsewhere as might seem good. 

(i. In Ghaznl and 

Hablba-sultan Beglm, my aunt (ymka) as I used to call her, 

met us in Ghazm, having come from Hen, according to arrange- 

ment, in order to bring her daughter Mas'uma-sultan Beglm. 

Foi. 2074. With the honoured Begirn came Khusrau Kukuldash, SI. Qull 

Chundq (One-eared) and Gadal Balal who had returned to me 

1 This is likely to be the road passing through the Carfax of Rabat-i-sangbast, 
described by Daulat-shah (Browne, p. 176). 

2 This will mean that the Arghuns would acknowledge his suzerainty ; Haidar 
Mlrza however says that Shah Beg had higher views (T. R. p. 202). There had been 
earlier negociations between Zu'n-nun with Badi'u'z-zaman and Babur which may 
have led to the abandonment of Babur's expedition in 911 AD. (f. 158 ; H.S. iii, 323 ; 
Raverty's account (Notes p. 581-2) of Babur's dealings with the Arghun'chiefs needs 

913 AH. MAY 13TH 1507 TO MAY 2ND 1508 AD. 331 

after flight from Hen, first to Ibn-i-husain Mlrza then to Abu'l- 
muhsin Mirza, 1 with neither of whom they could remain. 

In Qalat the army came upon a mass of Hindustan traders, 
come there to traffic and, as it seemed, unable to go on. The 
general opinion about them was that people who, at a time of 
such hostilities, are corning into an enemy's country 2 must be 
plundered. With this however I did not agree ; said I, " What 
is the traders' offence ? If we, looking to God's pleasure, leave 
such scrapings of gain aside, the Most High God will apportion 
our reward. It is now just as it was a short time back when we 
rode out to raid the Ghilji ; many of you then were of one mind 
to raid the Mahmand Afghans, their sheep and goods, their 
wives and families, just because they were within five miles of 
you ! Then as now I did not agree with you. On the very 
next day the Most High God apportioned you more sheep 
belonging to Afghan enemies, than had ever before fallen to the 
share of the army." Something by way of peshkash (offering) 
was taken from each trader when we dismounted on the other 
side of Qalat. 

(/. Further march south.} 

Beyond Qalat two Mirzas joined us, fleeing from Qandahar. 
One was Mlrza Khan (Wais) who had been allowed to go into 
Khurasan after his defeat at Kabul. The other was 'Abdu'r- Fol. 208. 
razzaq Mirza who had stayed on in Khurasan when I left. 
With them came and waited on me the mother of Jahangir 
Mirza's son Pir-i-muhammad, a grandson of Pahar Mirza. 3 

(k. Behaviour of the Arghun chiefs?} 

When we sent persons and letters to Shah Beg and Muqlm, 
saying, " Here we are at your word ; a stranger-foe like the 

1 They will have gone first to Tun or Qaln, thence to Mashhad, and seem likely 
to have joined the Beglm after cross-cutting to avoid Herl. 

z y&ghi imilayati-ghs. klladurghS.n. There may have been an accumulation of 
caravans on their way to Herat, checked in Qalat by news of the Auzbeg conquest. 

3 Jahanglr's son, thus brought by his mother, will have been an infant ; his father 
had gone back last year with Babur by the mountain road and had been left, sick and 
travelling in a litter, with the baggage when Babur hurried on to Kabul at the news 
of the mutiny against him (f. 197) ; he must have died shortly afterwards, seemingly 
between the departure of the two rebels from Kabul (f. 201^-202) and the mar^h out 
for Qandahar. Doubtless his widow now brought her child to claim his uncle '& .-ir's 


332 KABUL 

Auzbeg has taken Khurasan ; come ! let -us settle, in concert 
and amity, what will be for the general good," they returned 
a rude and ill-mannered answer, going back from the dutiful 
letters they had written and from the invitations they had given. 
One of their incivilities was that Shah Beg stamped his letter to 
me in the middle of its reverse, where begs seal if writing to begs, 
where indeed a great beg seals if writing to one of the lower 
circle. 1 But for such ill-manners and his rude answers, his affair 
would never have gone so far as it did, for, as they say, 

A strife-stirring word will accomplish the downfall of an ancient line. 

By these their headstrong acts they gave to the winds house 
family, and the hoards of 30 to 40 years. 

One day while we were near Shahr-i-safa 2 a false alarm being 
given in the very heart of the camp, the whole army was made 
to arm and mount. At the time I was occupied with a bath 
and purification ; the begs were much flurried ; I mounted when 
I was ready ; as the alarm was false, it died away after a time. 

March by march we moved on to Guzar. 3 There we tried 
again to discuss with the Arghuns but, paying no attention to 
us, they maintained the same obstinate and perverse attitude. 
Certain well-wishers who knew the local land and water, repre- 
sented to me, that the head of the torrents (rudlar) which come 
down to Qandahar, being towards Baba Hasan Abdal and 
Khalishak, 4 a move ought to be made in that direction, in order 

1 Persians pay great attention in their correspondence not only to the style but to 
the kind of paper on which a letter is written 5 the place of signature, the place of the 
seal, and the situation of the address. Chardin gives some curious information on 
the subject (Ersldne). Babur marks the distinction of rank he drew between the 
Arghun chiefs and himself when he calls their letter to him, l arz-da$ht, his to them 
khatL His claim to suzerainty over those chiefs is shewn by Haidar Mirza to be 
based on his accession to Tlmurid headship through the downfall of the Bai-qaras, 
who had been the acknowledged suzerains of the Arghuns now repudiating Babur's 
claim. Cf. Erskine's Histoiy of India i, cap. 3. 

a on the main road, some 40 miles east of Qandahar. 

3 var. Kur or Kawar. If the word mean ford, this might well be the one across 
the Tarnak carrying the road to" Qara (maps). Here Babur seems to have left the 
main road along the Tarnak, by which the British approach was made in 1880 AD., 
for one crossing west into the valley of the Argand-ab. 

4 Baba Hasan Abdal is the Baba Wall of maps. The same saint has given his 
name here, and also to his shrine east of Atak where he is known as Baba Wall of 
Qandahar. The torrents mentioned are irrigation off-takes from the Argand-ab, 
which river flows between Baba Wall and Khalishak. Shah Beg's force was south, 
of the torrents (cf. Murgban-koh on S.A.W. map). 

913 AH. MAY 13TH 1507 TO MAY 2ND 1508 AD. 333 

cut off (ytqtnaq) all those torrents. 1 Leaving the matter 
;re, we next day made our men put on their mail, arrayed in 
;ht and left, and marched for Qandahar. 

Battle of Qandahar.^) 

Shah Beg and Muqlm had seated themselves under an awning 
lich was set in front of the naze of the Qandahar-hill where 

am now having a rock-residence cut out. 2 Muqim's men 
ished forward amongst the trees to rather near us. Tufan 
rgkun had fled to us when we were near Shahr-i-safa ; he now 
itook himself alone close up to the Arghun array to where 
le named 'Ashaqu'1-lah was advancing rather fast leading 7 or 
men. Alone, Tufan ArghUn faced him, slashed swords with him, 
ihorsed him, cut off his head and brought it to me as we were 
issing Sang-i-lakhshak;3 an omen we accepted! Not thinking 

well to fight where we were, amongst suburbs and trees, we 
ent on along, the skirt of the hill. Just as we had settled on 
ound for the camp, in a meadow on the Qandahar side of the Foi. 209. 
>rrent, 4 opposite Khalishak, and were dismounting, Sher Qull 
ic scout hurried up and represented that the enemy was 
rrayed to fight and on the move towards us. 

As on our march from Qalat the army had suffered much 
om hunger and thirst, most of the soldiers on getting near 
Lhalishak scattered up and down for sheep and cattle, grain 

1 The narrative and plans of Second Afghan War (Murray 1908) illustrate Babur's 
ovements and show most of the places he names. The end of the 280 mile march, 
om Kabul to within sight of Qandahar, will have stirred in the General of 1507 
hat it stirred in the General of 1880. Lord Roberts speaking in May 1913 in 
lasgow on the rapid progress of the movement for National Service thus spoke : 
A memory comes over me which turns misgiving into hope and apprehension into 
mfidence. It is the memory of the morning when, accompanied by two of Scotland's 
iost famous regiments, the Seaforths and the Gordons, at the end of a long and 
duous march, / saw in the distance the walls and minarets of Qandahar, and knew 
tat the end of a great resolve and a great task -was near" 

3 mm tash 'imarat qazdurghan, tumskughi-ning alida; 215 f. 1683, 'imarati kah 
z sang yak para farmfida budim ; 217 f. 143^, jay kah man 'imarati sakhtam ; 
lems. p. 226, where I have built a palace ; Mems, ii, 15, Vendroit mhne oitj'ai bdti 
n palais. All the above translations lose the sense of g&zdurghan, am causing to 
ig out, to quarry stone. Perhaps for coolness' sake the dwelling was cut out in the 
ving rock. That the place is south-west of the main arigs, near Murghan-koh or on 
, Babur's narrative allows. Cf. Appendix J. 

3 sic, Hai. MS. There are two Lakhshas, Little Lakhsha, a mile west of Qandahar, 
nd Great Lakhsha, about a mile s.w. of Old Qandahar, 5 or 6 m. from the modern 
ne (Erskine). 
* This will be the main irrigation channel taken off from the Argand-ab (Maps). 

334 KABUL 

and eatables. Without looking to collect them, we galloped 
off. Our force may have been 2000 in all, but perhaps not 
over 1000 were in the battle because those mentioned as scat- 
tering up and down could not rejoin in time to fight. 

Though our men were few I had them organized and posted 
on a first-rate plan and method ; I had never arrayed them 
before by such a good one. For my immediate command 
(khasa tabin) I had selected braves from -whose hands comes 
work I and had inscribed them by tens and fifties, each ten and 
each fifty under a leader who knew the post in the right or left 
of the centre for his ten or his fifty, knew the work of each in 
the battle, and was there on the observant watch ; so that, after 
mounting, the right and left, right and left hands, right and 
left sides, charged right and left without the trouble of arraying 
them or the need of a tawdchz? 

(Author's note on his terminology.} Although baranghar, aung qul, aiing 
yan and aiing (right wing, right hand, right side and right) all have the same 
meaning, I have applied them in different senses in order to vary terms and 
mark distinctions. As, in the battle-array, the (Ar. ) maimana and ma.isa.ra 
i.e. what people call (Turk!) baranghar and jatvanghar (r. and 1. wings) are 
not included in the (Ar. ) qalb, i.e. what people call (T. ) ghul (centre), so it is 
in arraying the centre itself. Taking the array of the centre only, its ( Ar. ) 
yamin andyasar (r. and 1.) are called (by me) aung qiil and sul qul (r, and 1. 
hands). Again, the (Ar. ) khasa tabin (royal troop) in the centre has its 
yamin and yasar which are called (by me) aung yan and sul yan (r. and 1. 
sides, T. yan}. Again, in the khasa tabtn there is the (T. ) but (ntng) tlklni 
(close circle) ; its yamin and yasar are called sung and sul. In the Turk! 
tongue they call one single thing a bui^ but that is not the but meant here ; 
what is meant here is close (yaqin}. 

The right wing (baranghar} was Mlrza Khan (Wais), Sherim 
Taghal, Yarak Taghai with his elder and younger brethren, 
Chilma Mughul, Ayub Beg, Muhammad Beg, Ibrahim Beg, 
'All Sayyid Mughul with his Mughuls, SI. Quli chuhra, 
Khuda-bakhsh and Abu'l-hasan with his elder and younger 

The left (jawanghdr) was 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mlrza, Qasim Beg, 
Tmgri-blrdi, Qambar-i-'all, Ahmad Atlchl-bugha, Ghuri Barlds, 
Sayyid Husain Akbar, and Mir Shah Quchin. 

1 tamam ailikidin aish-kllur yikHlar, an idiomatic phrase used of 'All-dost 
(f. 14^ and n. ), not easy to express by a single English adjective. 

a The tawachi was a sort of adjutant who attended to the order of the troops and 
carried orders from the general (Erskine). The difficult passage following gives the 
Turk! terms Babur selected to represent Arabic military ones. 

3 Ar. ahad (Aytn-i-akbari> Blochmann, index s.n. ). The word bui recurs in the 
text on f. 210. 

913 AH.MAY 13TH 1507 TO MAY 2ND 1508 AD. 335 

The advance (alrdwat) was Nasir Mlrza, Sayyid Qasim Lord 
of the Gate, Muhibb-i-'ali the armourer, Papa Aughull (Papa's 
son ?), Allah-wairan Turkman^ Sher Quli Mughul the scout 
with his elder and younger brethren, and Muhammad 'All. 

In the centre (ghul\ on my right hand, were Qasim Kukuldash, 
Khusrau Kukuldash, SI. Muhammad Dulddz, Shah Mahmud 
the secretary, Qul-i-bayazld the taster, and Kamal the sherbet- Fol. 210. 
server ; on my left were Khwaja Muhammad 'All, Nasir's Dost, 
Nasir's Mlrlm, Baba Sher-zad, Khan-qull, Wall the treasurer, 
Qutluq-qadam the scout, Maqsud the' water-bearer (su-chf), and 
Baba Shaikh. Those in the centre were all of my household ; 
there were no great begs ; not one of those enumerated had 
reached the rank of beg. Those inscribed in this bul T were 
Sher Beg, Hatim the Armoury-master, Kupuk, Quli Baba, 
Abu'l-hasan the armourer ; of the Mughuls, Aurus (Russian) 
'All Sayyid, 2 Darwish-i-'all Sayyid, Khush-kildl, Chilma, Dost- 
kildi, Chilma Taghchi, Damachi, Mindi ; of the Turkmans, 
Mansur, Rustam-i-'all with his elder and younger brother, and 
Shah Nazir and Slunduk. 

The enemy was in two divisions, one under Shah Shuja' 
Arghun> known as Shah Beg and hereafter to be written of 
simply as Shah Beg, the other under his younger brother 

Some estimated the dark mass of Arghuns 3 at 6 or 7000 
men ; no question whatever but that Shah Beg's own men in 
mail were 4 or 5000. He faced our right, Muqim with a force 
smaller may-be than his brother's, faced our left. Muqim made 
a mightily strong attack on our left, that is on Qasim Beg from 
whom two or three persons came before fighting began, to ask 
for reinforcement ; we however could not detach a man because 
in front of us also the enemy was very strong. We made our 
onset without any delay ; the enemy fell suddenly on our van, Fol. 2105. 
turned it back and rammed it on our centre. When we, after 
a discharge of arrows, advanced, they, who also had been 

1 i.e. the but tiklnl of f. 2ogb, the khasa tabin, close circle. 

2 As Mughfils seem unlikely to be descendants of Muhammad, perhaps the title 
Sayyid in some Mughul names here, may be a translation of a Mughul one meaning 

3 Arghun-ning yarasT, a frequent phrase. 

336 KABUL 

shooting for a time, seemed likely to make a stand (tukhtaghan- 
diti}. Some-one, shouting to his men, came forward towards 
me, dismounted and was for adjusting his arrow, but he could do 
nothing because we moved on without stay. He remounted 
and rode off ; it may have been Shah Beg himself. During the 
fight Plrl Beg Turkman and 4 or 5 of his brethren turned their 
faces from the foe and, turban in hand, 1 came over to us. 

(Author's note on Pin Beg. ) This Plrl Beg was one of those Turkmans 
who came [into Hen] with the Turkman Begs led by 'Abdu'1-baql Mirza and 
Murad Beg, after Shah Isma'll vanquished the Bayandar sultans and seized 
the 'Iraq countries. 2 

Our right was the first to overcome the foe ; it made him 
hurry off. Its extreme point had gone pricking (sanjtliV) 3 as 
far as where I have now laid out a garden. Our left extended 
as far as the great tree-tangled 4 irrigation-channels, a good way 
below Baba Hasan Abdal. Muqlm was opposite it, its numbers 
very small compared with his. God brought it right ! Between it 
and Muqlm were three or four of the tree-tangled water-channels 
going on to Qandahar ; 5 it held the crossing-place and allowed 
no passage ; small body though it was, it made splendid stand 
Fol. 211. and kept its ground. Halwachl Tarkhan 6 slashed away in the 
water with Tingrl-blrdi and Qambar-i- c all. Qambar-i-'all was 
wounded ; an arrow stuck in Qasirn Beg's forehead ; another 
struck Ghuri Barlas above the eyebrow and came out above his 
cheek. 7 

We meantime, after putting our adversary to flight, had 
crossed those same channels towards the naze of Murghan-koh 
(Birds'-hill). Some-one on a grey tipuchaq was going back- 
wards and forwards irresolutely along the hill-skirt, while we 

1 in sign of submission. 

a f. 176. It was in 908 AH. [1502 AD.]. 

3 This word seems to be from sanjmaq, to prick or stab ; and here to have the 
military sense of prick, viz. riding forth. The Second Pers. trs. (217 f. 144^) translates 
it by ghaiita khurda raft, went tasting a plunge under water (215 f. 170; Muh. 
Shirazi's lith. ed. p. 133). Erskine (p. 228), as his Persian source dictates, makes 
the men sink into the soft ground ; de Courteille varies much (ii, 21). 

4 Ar. akhmail, so translated under the known presence of trees ; it may also imply 
soft ground (Lane p. 813 col. b) but soft ground does not suit the purpose of arlqs 
(channels), the carrying on of water to the town. 

s The S.A.W. map is useful here. 

6 That he had a following may be inferred. 

7 Hai. M.S.- gachar ; Ilminsky, p. 268; and both Pers. trss. rukhsar or rukhsfira 
(f. 25 and note to qachar}. 

913 AH. MAY 13TH 1507 TO MAY 2ND 1508 AD. 337 

were getting across ; I likened him to Shah Beg ; seemingly it 
was he. 

Our men having beaten their opponents, all went off to 
pursue and unhorse them. Remained with me eleven to count, 
'Abdu'1-lah the librarian being one. Muqim was still keeping 
his ground and fighting. Without a glance at the fewness of 
our men, we had the nagarets sounded and, putting our trust in 
God, moved with face set for Muqim. 

(Turk!) For few or for many God is full strength ; 

No man has might in His Court. 
(Arabic) How often, God willing it, a small force has vanquished a large one ! 

Learning from the nagarets that we were approaching, Muqim 
forgot his fixed plan and took the road of flight. God brought 
it right ! 

After putting our foe to flight, we moved for Qandahar and 
dismounted in Farrukh-zad Beg's Char-bagh, of which at this 
time not a trace remains ! 

(in. Bdbur enters Qandahar?) Fol. 2ii/>. 

Shah Beg and Muqim could not get into Qandahar when 
they took to flight ; Shah Beg went towards Shal and Mastung 
(Quetta), Muqim towards Zamln-dawar. They left no-one able 
to make the fort fast. Ahmad 'All Tarkhan was in it together 
with other elder and younger brethren of Qull Beg Arghun 
whose attachment and good-feeling for me were known. After 
parley they asked protection for the families of their elder and 
younger brethren ; their request was granted and all mentioned 
were encompassed with favour. They then opened the Mashur- 
gate of the town ; with leaderless men in rnind, no other was 
opened. At that gate were posted Sherlm Taghai and Yarim Beg. 
I went in with a few of the household, charged the leaderless 
men and had two or three put to- death by way of example. 1 

(n. The spoils of Qandahar?) 

I got to Muqim's treasury first, that being in -the outer-fort ; 
'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza must have been quicker than I, for he was 

1 So in the Turk! MSS. and the first Pers. trs. (215 f. 170*$). The second Pers. 
trs. (217 f. I45<5) has a gloss of atqu u tika ; this consequently Erskine follows (p. 229) 
and adds a note explaining the punishment. Ilminsky has the gloss also (p. 269), 
thus indicating Persian and English influence. 

338 KABUL 

just dismounting there when I arrived ; I gave him a few things 
from it, I put Dost-i-nasir Beg, Qul-i-bayazld the taster and, 
of pay-masters, Muhammad bakhshi in charge of it, then passed 
on into the citadel and posted Khwaja Muhammad 'All, Shah 
Mahmud and, of the pay-masters, TaghaT Shah bakhsht in 
charge of Shah Beg's treasury. 

Nasir's Mlrlm and Maqsud the sherbet-server were sent to 
keep the house of Zu'n-nun's Diwdn Mir Jan for Nasir Mirza ; 
for Mirza Khan was kept Shaikh Abu-sa'id Tarkhdni's ; for 

'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza 's. 1 

Foi. 212. Such masses of white money had never been seen in those 
countries ; no-one indeed was to be heard of who had seen so 
much. That night, when we ourselves stayed in the citadel, 
Shah Beg's slave Sambhal was captured and brought in. 
Though he was then Shah Beg's intimate, he had not yet 
received his later favour. 2 I had him given into some-one's 
charge but as good watch was not kept, he was allowed to 
escape. Next day I went back to my camp in Farrukh-zad 
Beg's Char-bagh. 

I gave the Qandahar country to Nasir Mirza. After the 
treasure had been got into order, loaded up and started off, he 
took the loads of white tonkas off a string of camels (i.e. 7 beasts) 
at the citadel-treasury, and kept them. I did not demand them 
back ; I just gave them to him. 

On leaving Qandahar, we dismounted in the Qush-khana 
meadow. After setting the army forward, I had gone for an 
excursion, so I got into camp rather late. It was another camp! 
not to be recognized ! Excellent tipuchaqs, strings and strings 
of he-camels, she-camels, and mules, bearing saddle-bags (khur- 
sin} of silken stuffs and cloth, tents of scarlet (cloth) and 
velvet, all sorts of awnings, every kind of work-shop, ass-load 
after ass-load of chests ! The goods of the elder and younger 
(Arghun) brethren had been kept in separate treasuries ; out of 
each had come chest upon chest, bale upon bale of stuffs and 

1 No MS. gives the missing name. 

* T A h 5 Jater favour mentioned was due to Sambhal's laborious release of his master 

from ^ Z rf 5 /T mty J 1 ?*?- 7 AH> i 1511 AD>) of which Erskine ( 3 uotes a ful1 accoun t 
from the rarikh-i-sind (History of India i, 345) 

913 AH. MAY 13TH 1507 TO MAY 2ND 1508 AD. 339 

lothes-in-wear (artmdq artmaq}, sack upon sack of white tankas. 
n autdgh and chddar (lattice-tent and pole-tent) was much 
poil for every man soever ; many sheep also had been taken 
ut sheep were less cared about ! 

I made over to Qasim Beg Muqim's retainers in Qalat, under Fol. 
)uj Argkun and Taju'd-dln Mahmud, with their goods and 
ffects. Qasim Beg was a knowing person ; he saw it unad- 
isable for us to stay long near Qandahar, so, by talking and 
liking, worrying and worrying, he got us to march off. As has 
een said, I had bestowed Qandahar on Nasir Mlrza ; he was 
iven leave to go there ; we started for Kabul. 

There had been no chance of portioning out the spoils while 
re were near 1 Qandahar ; it was done at Qara-bagh where we 
clayed two or three days. To count the coins being difficult, 
hey were apportioned by weighing them in scales. Begs of all 
anks, retainers and household (tdbin) loaded up ass-load after 
ss-load of sacks full of white tankas, and took them away for 
heir own subsistence and the pay of their soldiers. 

We went back to Kabul with masses of goods and treasure, 
;reat honour and reputation. 

). Babuls marriage with Mdsiima- sultan?) 

After this return to Kabul I concluded alliance (^agdqildtm) 
dth SI. Ahmad Mirza's daughter Ma'suma-sultan Beglm whom 

had asked in marriage at Khurasan, and had had brought 
rom there. 

p. Shaibdq Khan before Qandakdr.}- 

A few days later a servant of Nasir Mlrza brought the news 
hat Shaibaq Khan had come and laid siege to Qandahar. 
"hat Muqirn had fled to Zamln-dawar has been said already ; 
om there he went on and saw Shaibaq Khan. From Shah 
5eg also one person after another had gone to Shaibaq Khan. 
U the instigation and petition of these two, the Khan came Fol. 213. 
vviftly down on Qandahar 'by the mountain road, 1 thinking to 
nd me there. This was the very thing that experienced person 

1 Presumably he went by Sabzar, Daulatabacl, and Washlr. 

340 KABUL 

Qasim Beg had in his min'd when he worried us into marching 
off from near Qandahar. 

(Persian) What a mirror shews to the young man, 
A baked brick shews to the old one ! 

Shaibaq Khan arriving, besieged Nasir Mirza in Qandahar. 

(g. Alarm in 

When this news came, the begs were summoned for counsel. 
The matters for discussion were these : Strangers and ancient 
foes, such as are Shaibaq Khan and the Auzbegs, are in posses- 
sion of all the countries once held by Tlmur Beg's descendants ; 
even where Turks and Chaghatais J survive in corners and 
border-lands, they have all joined the Auzbeg, willingly or with 
aversion ; one remains, I myself, in Kabul, the foe mightily 
strong, I very weak, with no means of making terms, no strength 
to oppose ; that, in the presence of such power and potency, we 
had to think of some place for ourselves and, at this crisis and 
in the crack of time there was, to put a wider space between us 
and the strong foeman ; that choice lay between Badakhshan 
and Hindustan and that decision must now be made. 

Qasim Beg and Sherlm Taghal were agreed for Badakhshan ; 

{Author's note on Badakhshan.} Those holding their heads up in 
Badakhshan at this crisis were, of Badakhshis, Mubarak Shah and Zubair, 
Jahangir Turkman and Muhammad the armourer. They had driven Nasir 
Mirza out but had not joined the Auzbeg. 

Fol. 2134. I and several household-begs preferred going towards Hindustan 
and were for making a start to Lamghan. 12 

( r. Movements of some Mtrzds,} 

After taking Qandahar, I had bestowed Qalat and the Turnuk 
(Tarnak) country on 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza and had left him in 
Qalat, but with the Auzbeg besieging Qandahar, he could not 
stay in Qalat, so left it and came to Kabul. He arriving just 
as we were marching out, was there left in charge. 3 

There being in Badakhshan no ruler or ruler's son, Mirza Khan 
inclined to go in that direction, both because of his relationship 

1 f. 202 and note to Chaghatal. 

a This will be for the Ningnahar tiiman of Lamghan. 

3 He was thus dangerously raised in his father's place of rule. 

913 AH. MAY 13TH 1507 TO MAY 2ND 1508 AD. 341 

to Shah Beglm 1 and with her approval. He was allowed to go and 
the honoured Beglm herself started off with him. My honoured 
maternal-aunt Mihr-nigar Khanlm also wished to go to Badakh- 
shan, notwithstanding that it was more seemly for her to be with 
me, a blood-relation ; but whatever objection was made, she was 
not to be dissuaded ; she also betook 2 herself to Badakhshan. 

(s. Bdbur's second start for Hindustani) 

Under our plan of going to Hindustan, we marched out of 
Kabul in the month of the first Jurnada (September 1507 AD.), 
taking the road through Little Kabul and going down by 
Surkh-rabat to Quruq-sai. 

The Afghans belonging between Kabul and Lamghan (Ning- 
nahar) are thieves and abettors of thieves even in quiet times ; 
for just such a happening as this they had prayed in vain. 
Said they, " He has abandoned Kabul ", and multiplied their 
misdeeds by ten, changing their very merits for faults. To such Foi. 214. 
lengths did things go that on the morning we marched from 
Jagdallk, the Afghans, located between it and Lamghan, such as 
the Khizr-khail, Shimu-khail, KhirilchI and KhuglanI, thought 
of blocking the pass, arrayed on the mountain to the north, and 
advancing with sound of tambour and flourish of sword, began 
to shew themselves off. On our mounting I ordered our men 
to move along the mountain-side, each man from where he had 
dismounted ; 3 off they set at the gallop up every ridge and 
every valley of the saddle. 4 The Afghans stood awhile, but 
could not let even one arrow fly, 5 and betook themselves to 
flight. While I was on the mountain during the pursuit, I shot 
one in the hand as he was running back below me. That 
arrow-stricken man and a few others were brought in ; some 
were put to death by impalement, as an example. 

1 ff. io/5, lib. Haidar M. writes, "Shah Beglm laid claim to Badakhshan, saying, 
"It has been our hereditary kingdom for 3000 years; though I, being a woman, 
cannot myself attain sovereignty, yet my grandson Mirza Khan can hold it" (T.R. 
p. 203). 

2 tlbradUar. The agitation of mind connoted, with movement, by this verb may 
well have been, here, doubt of Babur's power to protect. 

3 tushluq tushdin taghgha yurukailar, Cf. 205*$ for the same phrase, with 
supposedly different meaning. 

4 gangskar lit. ridge of the nose. 

s bir auq ham qma-almadilar (f. 203^ note to chapqun}. 

342 KABUL 

We dismounted over against the Adlnapur-fort in the Nmg- 
nahar tumdn. 

(t. A raid for winter stores,} 

Up till then we had taken no thought where to camp, where 
to go, where to stay ; we had just marched up and down, 
camping in fresh places, while waiting for news. 1 It was late 
in the autumn ; most lowlanders had carried in their rice. 
People knowing the local land and water represented that 
the Mil Kafirs up the water of the 'Allshang tumdn grow great 
quantities of rice, so that we might be able to collect winter 
supplies from them for the army. Accordingly we rode out of 
the Nlngnahar dale (julga\ crossed (the Baran-water) at Sal- 
kal, and went swiftly as far as the Pur-amm (easeful) valley. 
There the soldiers took a mass of rice. The rice-fields were all 
at the Bottom of the hills. The people fled but some Kafirs 
went to their death. A few- of our braves had been sent to 
a look-out (sar-kuft] 2 on a naze of the Pur-amm valley ; when 
they were returning to us, the Kafirs rushed from the hill above, 
shooting at them. They overtook Qasim Beg's son-in-law 
Puran, chopped at him with an axe, and were just taking him 
when some of the braves went back, brought strength to bear, 
drove them off and got Puran away. After one night spent in 
the Kafirs' rice-fields, we returned to camp with a mass of pro- 
visions collected. 

(u. Marriage of Muquris daughter?) 

While we were near Mandrawar in those days, an alliance 
was concluded between Muqlm's daughter Mah-chuchuk, now 
married to Shah Hasan Argkiin, and Qasim Kukuldash. 3 

1 This will have been news both of Shaibaq Khan and of Mirza Khan. The Pers. 
trss. vary here (215 f. 173 and 217 f. 148). 

2 Index s,n. 

3 Mah-chuchuk can hardly have been married against her will to Qasim. Her 
mother regarded the alliance as a family indignity ; appealed to Shah Beg and com- 
passed a rescue from Kabul while Babur and Qasim were north of the Oxus [circa 
916 AH.]. Mah-chuchuk quitted Kabul after much hesitation, due partly to reluctance 
to leave her husband and her infant of 18 months, [Nahid Beglm,] partly to dread 
less family honour might require her death (Erskine's History, i, 348 and Gul-badan's 

913 AH. MAY 13TH 1507 To MAY 2ND 1508 AD. 343 

(v. Abandonment of the Hindustan project.} 

As it was not found desirable to go on into Hindustan, I sent 
Mulla Baba of Pashaghar back to Kabul with a few braves. 
Meantime I marched from near Mandrawar to Atar and Shlwa 
and lay there for a few days. From Atar I visited Kunar and 
Nur-gal ; from Kunar I went back to camp on a raft ; it was 
the first time I had sat on one ; it pleased me much, and the 
raft came into common use thereafter. 

(w. Shaibdq Khan retires from Qandahdr.} 

In those same days Mulla Baba of Farkat came from Nasir 
Mirza with news in detail that Shaibaq Khan, after taking the 
outer-fort of Qandahar, had not been able to take the citadel 
but had retired ; also that the Mirza, on various accounts, had 
left Qandahar and gone to GhaznI. 

Shaibaq Khan's arrival before Qandahar, within a few days I''ol. 215. 
of our own departure, had taken the garrison by surprise, and 
they had not been able to make fast the outer-fort. He ran 
mines several times round about the citadel and made several 
assaults. The place was about to be lost. At that anxious 
time Khwaja Muh. Arnln, Khwaja Dost Khawand, Muh. 'All, 
a foot-soldier, and ShamI (Syrian ?) let themselves down from the 
walls and got away. Just as those in the citadel were about to 
surrender in despair, Shaibaq Khan interposed words of peace 
and uprose from before the place. Why he rose was this : 
It appears that before he went there, he had sent his haram to 
Nlrah-tu, 1 and that in Nlrah-tu some-one lifted up his head and 
got command in the fort ; the Khan therefore made a sort of 
peace and retired from Qandahar. 

(x. Bdbur returns to Kabul.} 

Mid- winter though it was we werit back to Kabul by the 
Bad-i-plch road. I ordered the date of that transit and that 
crossing of the pass to be cut on a stone above Bad-i-plch ; 2 
Hafiz Mlrak wrote the inscription, Ustad Shah Muhammad did 
the cutting, not well though, through haste. 

1 Erskine gives the fort the alternative name "Kaliun", locates it in the Badghls 
district east of Herl, and quotes from Abu'l-ghazi in describing its strong position 
(History i, 282). U.S. Tirah-tu. 

2 f. 133 and note. Abu'l-fa:jl mentions that the inscription was to be seen in his time. 

344 KABUL 

I bestowed Ghaznl on Nasir Mirza and gave "Abdu'r-razzaq 
Mirza the Nlngnahar tumdn with Mandrawar, Nur-valley, Kunar 
and Nur-gal. 1 

(y. Babur styles himself Padshah?) 

Up to that date people had styled Tlmur Beg's descendants 
Mtrzd> even when they were ruling ; now I ordered that people 
should style me Padshah. 2 

(2. Birth of 'Babur's first son.} 

At the end of this year, on Tuesday the 4th day of the month 
of Zu'1-qa'da (March 6th 1506 AD.), the Sun being in Pisces 
(Hut\ Humayun was born in the citadel of Kabul. The date 
of his birth was found by the poet' Maulana Masnadl in the 
words Sultan Humayun Khan? and a minor poet of Kabul 
found it in Shah-i-ftruz-qadr (Shah of victorious might). A few 
days later he received the name Humayun ; when he was five 
or six days old, I went out to the Char-bagh where was had 
the feast of his nativity. All the begs, small and great, brought 
gifts ; such a mass of white tankas was heaped up as had never 
been seen before. It was a first-rate feast ! 

1 This fief ranks' in value next to the Kabul tuman. 

2 Various gleanings suggest motives for Babur's assertion of supremacy at this 
particular time. He was the only Timurid ruler and man of achievement ; he filled 
Husain Bai-qar&s, place of Timurid headship ; his actions through a long period 
show that he aimed at filling Tlmur Beg's. There were those who did not admit his 
suzerainty, Timurids who had rebelled, Mughuls who had helped them, and who 
would also have helped Sa'ld Khan Chaghatai, if he had not refused to be treacherous 
to a benefactor ; there were also the Arghuns, Chlnglz-khanids of high pretensions. 
In old times the Mughul Khaqans were padshah (supreme) ; Padshah is recorded 
in history as the style of at least Satuq-bughra Khan Padshah Ghazi ; no Timurid 
had been lifted by his style above all Mlrzas. When however Timurids had the 
upper hand, Babur's Timurid grandfather Abu-sa'id asserted his de facto supremacy 
over Babur's Chaghatai grandfather Yunas (T.R. p. 83). For Babur to re-assert that 
supremacy by assuming the Khaqan's style was highly opportune at this moment. 
To be Babur Supreme was to declare over-lordship above Chaghatai and Mughul, as 
well as over all Mlrzas. It was done when his sky had cleared ; Mirza Khan's 
rebellion was scotched ; the Arghuns were defeated ; he was the stronger for their 
lost possessions ; his Auzbeg foe had removed to a less ominous distance ; and Kabul 
was once more his own. 

Gul-badan writes as if the birth of his first-born son Humayun were a part of the 
uplift in her father's style, but his narrative does not support her in this, since the 
order of events forbids. 

3 The ' ' Khan " in Humayun's title may be drawn from his mother's family, since 
it does not come from Babur, To whose family Mahim belonged we have not been 
able to discover. It is one of the remarkable omissions of Babur, Gul-badan and 
Abu'1-fazl that they do not give her father's name. The topic of her family is 
discussed in my Biographical Appendix to Gul-badan's Humayun-nama and will be 
taken up again, here, in a final Appendix on Babur's family. 

.4 AH. MAY 2ND 1508 TO APKIL 21sT 1509 AD. 1 

This spring a body of Mahmand Afghans was over-run near 
uqur. 2 

A Mughul rebellion?) 

A few days after our return from that raid, Quj Beg, Faqir- 
ill, Karim-dad and Baba chuhra were thinking about 
serting, but their design becoming known, people were sent 

10 took them below Astarghach. As good-for-nothing words 
theirs had been reported to me, even during Jahanglr M.'s 

2-time, 3 I ordered that they should be put to death at the top 

the bazar. They had been taken to the place ; the ropes had 

en fixed ; and they were about to be hanged when Qasim 

:g sent Khalifa to me with an urgent entreaty that I would 

rdon their offences. To please him I gave them their lives, 

t I ordered them kept in custody. 

What there was of Khusrau Shah's retainers from Hisar and 

Induz, together with the head-men of the Mughuls, Chilma, Fol. 216. 

11 Sayyid, 4 Sakma (?), Sher-quli and Alku-salam (?), and also 
lusrau Shah's favourite Chaghatal retainers under SI. 'All 
'ihra and Khudabakhsh, with also 2 or 3000 serviceable 
irkman braves led by Smnduk and Shah Nazar,s the whole of 
2se, after consultation, took up a bad position towards me. 
ley were all seated in front of Khwaja Riwaj, from the Sung- 
rghan meadow to the Chalak ; 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza, come 
from Nmg-nahar, being in Dih-i-afghan. 6 

Elph. MS. f. 172(5 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 1745 and 217 f. 148^ ; Mems. p. 234. 

on the head-waters of the Tarnak (R.'s Notes App. p. 34). 

Babur has made no direct mention of his half-brother's death (f. 208 and n. to 

This may be Darwesh-i- 'all of f. 210 ; the Sayyid in his title may merely mean 
f, since he was a Mughul. 

Several of these mutineers had fought for Babur at Qandahar. 

It may be useful to recapitulate this Mirza's position : In the previous year he 
I been left in charge of Kabul when Babur went eastward in dread of Shaibanl, 
I, so left, occupied his hereditary place. He cannot have hoped to hold Kabul 

346 KABUL 

Earlier on Muhibb-i-'ali the armourer had' told Khalifa and 
Mulla Baba once or twice of their assemblies, and both had 
given me a hint, but the thing seeming incredible, it had had no 
attention. One night, towards the Bed-time Prayer, when I was 
sitting in the Audience-hall of the Char-bagh, Musa Khwaja, 
coming swiftly up with another man, said in my ear, "The 
Mughuls are really rebelling ! We do not know for certain 
whether they have got 'Abdu'r-razzaq M. to join them. They 
have not settled to rise to-night." I. feigned disregaid and a 
little later went towards the harams which at the time were in 
the Yurunchqa-garden * and the Bagh-i-khilwat, but after page, 
servitor and messenger (yasdwal} had turned back on getting 
Fol. 2i6. near them, I went with the chief-slave towards the town, and 
on along the ditch. I had gone as far as the Iron-gate when 
Khwaja Muh. 'AH 2 met me, he coming by the bazar road from 

the opposite direction. He joined me of the porch 

of the Hot-bath (Jiammdni] 3 

if the Auzbeg attacked it ; for its safety and his own he may have relied, and Babur 
also in appointing him, upon influence his Arghun connections could use. For these, 
one was Muqim his brother-in-law, had accepted Shaibanl's suzerainty after being 
defeated in Qandahar by Babur. It suited them better no doubt to have the youngeV 
Mirza rather than Babur in Kabul ; the latter's return thither will have disappointed 
them and the Mirza ; they, as will be instanced later, stood ready to invade his lands 
when he moved East ; they seem likely to have promoted the present Mughul uprising. 
In the battle which put this down, the Mirza was captured ; Babur pardoned him ; 
but he having rebelled again, was then put to death. 

1 Bagh-i-yurunchqa may be an equivalent of Bagh-i-safar, and the place be one 
of waiting " up to " (fmchqa] the journey (yur], Yurunchqii also means clover 
(De Courteille). 

a He seems to have been a brother or uncle of Humayun's mother Mahlm (Index ; 
A.N. trs. i, 492 and note). 

3 In all MSS. the text breaks off abruptly here, as it does on f. Ii8 as though 
through loss of pages, and a blank of narrative follows. Before the later gap of f. 25 1 
however the last sentence is complete. 

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE ON 914 TO 925 AH. 1508 TO 1519 AD. 

From several references made in the Bdbur-ndma and from 
a passage in Gul-badan's Humayun-nama (f. 15), it is inferrible 
that Babur was composing the annals of 914 AH. not long 
before his last illness and death. 1 

Before the diary of 925 AH. (1519 AD.) takes up the broken 
thread of his autobiography, there is a lacuna of narrative 
extending over nearly eleven years. The break was not 
intended, several references in the Babur - nama shewing 
Babur's purpose to describe events of the unchronicled years. 2 
Mr. Erskine, in the Leyden and Erskine Memoirs, carried 
Babur's biography through the major lacuna, but without first- 
hand help from the best sources, the Habibds-siyar and Tdrikh- 
i-rashidi. He had not the help of the first even in his History 
of India. M. de Courteille working as a translator only, made 
no attempt to fill the gaps. 

Babur's biography has yet to be completed ; much time is 
demanded by the task, not only in order to exhaust known 
sources and seek others further afield, but to weigh and balance 
the contradictory statements of writers deep-sundered in 
sympathy and outlook. To strike such a balance is essential 
when dealing with the events of 914 to 920 AH. because in those 
years Babur had part in an embittered conflict between Sunn! 
and Shi'a. What I offer below, as a stop-gap, is a mere 
summary of events, mainly based on material not used by 
Mr. Erskine, with a few comments prompted by acquaintance 
with Baburiana. 


Compared with what Babur could have told of this most 
interesting period of his life, the yield of the sources is scant, 

Index s. n. Babur-nama, date of composition and gaps. 




a natural sequel from the fact that no one of them had his 
biography for its main theme, still less had his own action in 
crises of enforced ambiguity. 

Of all known sources the best are Khwand-amir's Habibu's- 
siyar and Haidar Mlrza Dughlafs Tarikh-i-rashidl. The first 
was finished nominally in 930 AH. (1524-5 AD.), seven years 
therefore before Babur's death, but it received much addition of 
matter concerning Babur after its author went to Hindustan in 
934 AH. (f. 339)